¹ I mention only the relevant publications and papers by Zestermann, K. Lange, F. Witting, Le Roux, Bréhier and R. Schultze.

² E. Dyggve—F. Poulsen—K. Rhomaios, Das Heroon von Kalydon. Kopenhagen 1934.

³ E. Boehringer—F. Krauss, Das Temenos fuer den Herrscherkult. Altertuemer von Pergamon 9 (1937).

⁴ G. Welter, Troizen und Kalaureia, Berlin 1941, 51 and plate 44.

⁵ Forschungen in Salona III. Wien 1939. E. Dyggve and R. Egger, Der altchristliche Friedhof Marusinac. Dyggve’s views with regard to the Basilica Discoperta are elaborated in Atti del IV Congresso Internazionale di Archeologia Cristiana I. Roma 1940, 391 ff. and in Zeitschrift fuer Kirchengeschichte 59, 1940, 103 ff.

⁶ Vom Heroon zur Maertyrerbasilika. Bonn 1942. Kriegsvortraege der Rhein. Friedrich-Wilhelm Universitaet Bonn a.Rh. Heft 62.

⁷ Ecclesia—Churchbuilding in Tertullian and Cyprian cf. H. Janssen, Kultur und Sprache 1938 (Latinitas christianorum primaeva 8) pp. 24 ff.

^7a The celebration of mass in the open air even today requires the special permission of the bishop.

⁸ cf. Justinus Martyr, Apologia 1, 65-7.

⁹ The Didascalia Apostolorum of the middle of the 3rd century states in this connexion cap. 12 (ed. P. de Lagarde, Goettingen 1911, 56) : ‘There shall be a separate space for the priests on the east side of the house and the throne of the bishop shall be put up between them ; the priests shall sit with him. And on another side of the eastern part shall sit the men of the laity. For it is appropriate that the priests sit with the bishop in the eastern part of the house, then the men of the laity and then the women, so that when you stand to pray, the rulers may stand first’.

¹⁰ According to the Didascalia ‘one of the deacons should always be present at the Prosphora of the eucharist’. This rule only makes sense if he had to regulate the offerings of the believers because he did not need to keep watch on the korban (offering). For Africa this offering is vouched for by Tertullian, Apologia 39 ; Cyprian, Epist. 28 ; de opere et eleemosynis 15. The relevant quotations in the Sacramentarium Leonianum have been collected by Klauser : Roem. Quartalschrift 43, 184 ff.

¹¹ C. Hopkins, Christian Church at Doura-Europos, Preliminary Report of fifth season of work of the Excavations at Doura-Europos. New Haven 1934, plate 39.

¹² cf. A. Gnirs, Oesterreich. Jahreshefte 19/20, 1919, Beiblatt 194, fig. 88.

¹³ M. Carcopino, La Basilique Pythagoricienne de la Porte Majeure, Paris 1927.

¹⁴ Milet, 1, 7 : H. Knackfuss, Der Suedmarkt. Berlin 1924, 180.

¹⁵ cf. P. Mickley, Die Konstantinkirchen im hl. Lande (Das Land der Bibel IV, 3) Leipzig 1923, 30 ff.

¹⁶ First mentioned as far as I know in an inscription in Oropos in A.D. 73 ; Dittenberger. Sylloge Inscr.Graec³. Nr. 747.

¹⁷ Groundplan Hesperia VI, 1937 ; plate 11.

¹⁸ P. Geyer, Itinera Hierosolymitana C.S.E.L. 39, 1898, 179 and 209 ; the attribution of this report to Antoninus cannot be maintained ; cf. Grisar, Zeitschr. f. kathol. Theologie 26, 1902, 760 f.

¹⁹ Geyer, l.c. 110.

²⁰ Geyer, l.c. 209.

²¹ H. Vincent—E. Mackay—F. Abel, Hébron, Le Haram el-Khalil, Paris 1923.

²² cf. Zarb, De Iudaeorum Angelicum 5, 1928, 91 ff.

²³ Handwoerterbuch des Islam, Leiden 1941, 549 ; I saw such places of prayer at Brussa, Iznik (near the Lefke-gate) and in Constantinople, but they are rare or have been built over in later times.

²⁴ cf. Miss Bell in : M. van Berchem—J. Strzygowski, Amida. Heidelberg 1910, 243, fig. 174 and 175 (Kefr Zeh) ; 249 fig. 184 (Amas) ; 255 fig. 195 (Hah, Mar Sovo) ; cf. also Monneret de Villard, Chiese della Mesopotamia, Roma 1940. Orientalia christ. Analecta 128, 48. The bët selôtā of Hashtarak was built before 772, the others are younger, but apparently reconstructed as the church of Kefr Zeh belongs to the early 7th century.

²⁵ H. Pognon, Inscriptions semitiques des la Syrie, de la Mésopotamie et de la Région de Mossoul. Paris 1907, 93, Nr. 51 (Kefr Zeh).

²⁶ Amida l.c. 245. It is to be noted, however, that the Nestorians did not celebrate any liturgy in the early days during the ferial days, but kept only to the hourly prayers (teshmeshta) : R. H. Conolly, Anonymi auctoris Expositio officiorum ecclesiae 2, 4 and 3, 4 : Corp. Script, orient. Script. Syri, Series 11, 91 ; Versio, pag. 107, 175.

²⁷ With this would correspond the fact that the Talmud knows summer and winter synagogues : b. baba bathra fol. 3b (Goldschmidt 925) and that in Constantinople there exist also summer and winter mosques. The mosque of Mimar Sinan in the valley of Lycus, for instance, shows two buildings side by side ; today only their foundation walls are preserved.

²⁸ cf. Pognon l.c. 43.

^28a This would fit well with the fact that in Salah (Mar Yakub), though there is no bēt selôtā, the memorial inscriptions are existing in the entrance hall (dated from 908 to 1370 ; Pognon l.c. 62 Nr. 22-33), where also the daily officium took place during the summer.

²⁹ Salona III, 114.

³⁰ cf. the Commentary on Job, Migne P.G. 17, 517: Celebramus nimirum religiosos cum sacerdotibus convocantes . . . invitantes adhuc egenos et pauperes, pupillos et viduas saturantes, ut fiat festivitas nostra in memoriam requiei defunctis animabus, quorum memoriam celebramus.

³¹ G. Bell, Revue archéologique 1906, 11, 8, fig. 1 ; 28, fig. 20 ; Olbia 34, fig. 26.

³² Fig. from K. Liesenberg, Der Einfluss der Liturgie auf die fruehchristliche Basilika. Neustadt 1928, 149, fig. 58. Kirche VII.

³³ Perhaps the building at Marusinac can be connected with the curious twin buildings at Salona and Aquileia. Besides the basilica with which I have dealt above stands a second one, but without altar—is this second basilica possibly a room for the cult of the dead ? Or a room for agape ? It is possible that the custom of the meal in honour of the dead was also known in Mesopotamia. In the Vita of Mar Daniel Asya (Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum 3,505) we find the description of a Nestorian church with ‘three spacious courts and inner cells for schools and Vigil celebrations’. The word shahra can mean Vigil as well as cena funeraticia.

³⁴ A. Boethius, Festkrift tillägnad J. Arvid Hedwall 1948, 71 f. follows up Dyggve’s thesis and quotes as further examples the basilica of S. Sebastiano in Rome as well as the structure in front of Sta. Costanza. But I cannot see how he can prove the case for S. Sebastiano. Sta. Costanza has to be left out too, as the outer wall shows many big windows which would be quite unnecessary if it had been a court basilica. I am also very sceptical when Dyggve thinks that the hypaetral basilica can be identified in palaces of late classical time (Ravennatum Palatium sacrum. Kopenhagen 1941, 30 ; 48 ; 53 Kgl. Danske Videnskab. Selskab. Arch.-kunsthist. Meddelelser III, 2). I find it difficult to believe that the area outside the entrance to the palace at Spalato can be regarded as a ceremonial hall. Diocletian built and occupied the palace as privatus when he gave no more receptions in his quality as emperor. I see in the arcades no more than relics of the colonnades along a street which lack the accompanying wall. This wall had to be omitted because, if it had existed, it would not have been possible to see the temple and the mausoleum. The Chalke in Constantinople may have been copied by Theodoric, but we have no witnesses that ceremonial receptions took place there ; neither does it seem necessary to reconstruct the building at Ravenna as done by Dyggve on plate XII. I see no reason not to assume that the façade as represented in the mosaic of San Apollinare Nuovo stood with a straight line colonnade. Such straight frontal colonnades from which projects the propylon are known ; I mention only the façade of the pre-Justinian church of Sta. Sophia at Constantinople which I excavated and the central hall of the camp of Diocletian at Palmyra (Wiegand, Palmyra 1932, Textband 94, fig. 106). In Ravenna we would have correspondingly the front of the palace precinct. I have to add that the arcaded street leading to the palace in Constantinople was two-storied : Cod. Theod, 15, 1, 45.