^{page 1 note 1} Monasticon Anglicanum, vi, 818; Eyton, , Itinerary of Henry II, p. 170Google Scholar.

^{page 1 note 2} A house of Austin Canons founded in the reign of Henry I.

^{page 1 note 3} Cal. Pat. Rolls, , Edward I, i, 370Google Scholar. Breuse died in 1287.

^{page 1 note 4} Augmentation Office, Miscellaneous Books, 41, No. 105. Letters of Attorney by Stapledon authorizing William de Coderugge, prior of St. Sepulchre, to receive seisin in his behalf from Cantelupe. Dated 5th April 1323.

^{page 1 note 5} Chancery Inq. ad quod damnum, 167/4, P. R. O.; Cal. Pat. Rolls, , Edward II, iv, 390Google Scholar; cf. Register of Bishop Grandison, 1539.

^{page 2 note 1} Harley Roll, I, 2, at the British Museum: ‘Iohannes quondam prior de Warr. fuit seisitus de quattuor messuagiis, vna carucata terre, nouem solidis et decem denariis redditus cum pertinenciis in parochia Sancti Clementis Dacorum extra barram noui Templi London et Harringay, et aduocacione ecclesie Sancti Clementis Dacorum extra barram predictam et de reuersione unius messuagii cum pertinenciis quod Willelmus de Bereford adtunc tenuit ad terminum vite sue ex dimissione predicti tune prioris in parochia predicta.’ This statement was made in an Exchequer suit brought in 1524 in consequence of a claim that the prior of St. Sepulchre was liable to contribute to a 14th granted in 1512, for his possessions in the archdeaconry of London. The reference in the Monasticon, vi, 602, is incorrect; the carucate of land was clearly in Hornsey and not in St. Clement Danes. The rent is given as 10s. 10d. in the Inq. ad q. d.; it was in the Liberty of the abbey of Westminster.

^{page 2 note 2} After July. He was a Warwickshire landowner, and may have been resident at the Canons' Hostel in 1318. Cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls, , Edward II, iii, 146Google Scholar.

^{page 2 note 3} Their rights were not fully recognized till 1338.

^{page 2 note 4} Master Worsley's Book (ed. Ingpen, A. R.), pp. 14, 15, 222–3Google Scholar. For the dispute between the Hospital and Thomas of Lancaster see also Reg. Hamonis Hethe, p. 91 (Canterbury and York Soc).

^{page 3 note 1} Now Warwick Lane. Probably this was Stapledou's own hostel. The see of Exeter does not seem to have had a permanent London Inn before this time. At the close of the twelfth century Henry Marshall, bishop of Exeter, obtained the consent of the abbot and convent of Westminster to build a chapel on their estate, on land which he had bought for the use of the church of Exeter and all future bishops, in Langedich, now Prince's Street (Westminster Abbey Muniments, 17312; information supplied by the Rev. H. F. Westlake, F.S.A.). This inn had presumably been given up before Stapledon's time.

^{page 3 note 2} French Chronicle of London, p. 52 (ed. by Aungier, G. J. for the Camden Society)Google Scholar; Annales Paulini, p. 317 ap. Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II (Rolls Series); Padington had licence in 1308 to enclose and build on a piece of waste land adjoining the churchyard of St. Clement Danes (Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. II, i, 56); this was immediately after Stapledon became bishop, and may possibly have been the first step towards the provision of the inn.

^{page note 3} This may have marked the boundary between the lands of the Canons of Warwick and those of the Temple, and probably extended to the Thames. It is, perhaps, the ditch near Milford, in respect of which the prior of the Hospital of St. John at Clerkenwell was indicted in 1382 (Flower, Public Works in Medieval Laiv, ii, 59, Selden Society). The Essex Street sewer seems to have represented a stream running from St. Giles in the Fields to the Thames (see Survey of London, St. Giles in the Fields, i, in ‘Description of Plan’ after p. 135). This stream is probably to be identified with the dike.

^{page 3 note 4} Cal. Pat. Rolls, , Edward III, iv, 127Google Scholar. The lease was confirmed by the dean and chapter of Exeter on 15th May, and ratified by Letters Patent on 6th September 1338.

^{page 4 note 1} Stow, , Survey, ii, 92Google Scholar.

^{page 4 note 2} Nichols, , Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, vol. ii. The Queen's Palaces, p. 42Google Scholar.

^{page 4 note 3} P. C. C, 21, Logge.

^{page 4 note 4} As shown in the Agas Map, and by Ogilby in 1677.

^{page 4 note 5} Cal. Close Rolls, , Edward III, iv, 145, 617Google Scholar.

^{page 4 note 6} Ibid., xi, 387.

^{page 5 note 1} Register of T. Brantyngham, i, 559-60.

^{page 5 note 2} The duke of York was living at Baynard's Castle before 1405.

^{page 5 note 3} Escheators File, 1013. P. R. O.

^{page 5 note 4} Cal. Close Rolls, , Edward III, xiv, 444Google Scholar.

^{page 5 note 5} P. C. C, 2 and 7 Rous.

^{page 5 note 6} Stow, , Survey, ii, 92Google Scholar; Leland, , Itinerary, v, 3 (ed. Smith, Toulmin)Google Scholar.

^{page 5 note 7} Ministers' Accounts, 917/21, P. R. O.

^{page 5 note 8} Newcourt, , Repertorium, i, 591Google Scholar.

^{page 5 note 9} Oliver, , Monasticon Exoniense, p. 240Google Scholar.

^{page 6 note 1} Chancery Proceedings, Series II, 52/74, P. R. O. ‘Exeter Rents’, of course, refers to tenements in the Strand.

^{page 6 note 2} Wriothesley, , Chronicle, i, 105Google Scholar.

^{page 6 note 3} Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, xvi, 1304Google Scholar; xvii, 730, 997.

^{page 6 note 4} The advowson was granted to the Protector Somerset, and on his attainder lapsed to the Crown. Later, Queen Elizabeth gave it to William Cecil.

^{page 6 note 5} Pat, Roll, 2 Edward VI, part 2, III. 2.

^{page 7 note 1} See plan on p. 20.

^{page 7 note 2} Survey, ii, 92.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 1} Hoefnagel gives a ruder representation of the house and differs from Agas for the garden. These maps depend in part at least on material older than 1561. The instance of Paget Place indicates that the Agas Map was not derived solely from Hoefnagel. The use of the name ‘Paget Place’ points to an original earlier than 1570.

^{page 8 note 2} There should be a licence to alienate; but I have not been able to trace it.

^{page 8 note 3} From 1556 to 1569 the Lord Paget appears as paying 5s. towards the clerk's wages. In the accounts for 1569-70 Lord Paget's name was first entered, but afterwards struck out, and the earl of Leicester substituted. The accounts are made up to the Thursday before Palm Sunday.

^{page 8 note 4} See pp. 23 and 34 below.

^{page 8 note 5} MSS. of Lord De L'Isle and Dudley, i, 256Google Scholar (Royal Commission on Hist. MSS.).

^{page 8 note 6} Leicester's Commonwealth, ed. 1641, p. 27Google Scholar.

^{page 8 note 7} Gabriel Harvey's Marginalia, pp. 27–30, ed. Smith, G. C. MooreGoogle Scholar; Spenser, , Works, ix, 267–71, ed. Grosart, Google Scholar.

^{page 9 note 1} Indenture recited in Patent Roll, 30 Elizabeth, part 13, mm. 20, 21. The consequent alienation having been made without licence (Leicester House being held in chief) pardon had to be obtained, which was granted on 25th October 1588, after Leicester's death. Sir Francis Knollys (or Knowles) was father of the countess of Leicester, and William Knollys was her brother.

^{page 9 note 2} Printed in Collins, , Sidney Papers, vol. i, Memoirs, p. 73Google Scholar.

^{page 9 note 3} In Harley Roll, D. 35, f. 71, the total amount of Leicester's indebtedness to the queen is given as 35,087l. 25. 3d. See p. 48 below.

^{page 9 note 4} See p. 52 below.

^{page 9 note 5} It is, however, called ‘Lestar House’ as late as February 1592-3, when Robert Sidney was staying there.

^{page 10 note 1} See pp. 34, 35, below.

^{page 10 note 2} Hist. MSS. Comm., 7th Report, p. 523. See also Cal. State Papers, Addenda 1580-1625, p. 379. For the friendly relations of Essex and Perez see Salisbury MSS., v, 398; vi, 87; vii, 509-10.

^{page 10 note 3} Rowland Whyte to Sir R. Sidney.

^{page 10 note 4} Collins, , Sidney Papers, li, 5Google Scholar.

^{page 10 note 5} R. Whyte to Sir R. Sidney on 27th September 1595: ‘Mr Antony Bacon hath your Lordship's promised lodgings in Essex House, where my lord doth oft come unto him.’

^{page 10 note 6} Wotton, , Reliquiae (4th ed.), p. 169Google Scholar; Spedding, , Francis Bacon, i, 369Google Scholar; Cal. State Papers, 1598–1601, p. 222Google Scholar.

^{page 11 note 1} Collins, , Sidney Papers, ii, 91Google Scholar.

^{page 11 note 2} Lady Southampton was first cousin to Essex.

^{page 11 note 3} Dorothy, sister of the earl of Essex.

^{page 11 note 4} Collins, , Sidney Papers, ii, 130, 132, 177, 179, 181, 187, 191, 193, 205, 213, 216Google Scholar.

^{page 11 note 5} Sir Thomas Egerton; Sir William Knollys was one of the others.

^{page 12 note 1} The earl of Nottingham. Another account makes Essex parley with Sir Robert Sidney, who had captured the garden. Stopes, Life of Earl of Southampton.

^{page 12 note 2} Contemporary narrative ap. Bell, , Fleet Street in Seven Centuries, p. 239Google Scholar.

^{page 12 note 3} Cal. State Papers, 1598-1601, pp. 547-8, 550, 585, and 1601-3, pp. n, 13.

^{page 12 note 4} I am indebted to Mr. A. H. Thomas, the Records Clerk at the Guildhall, for a copy of the interesting letter which Lady Essex wrote on this occasion:

‘After my verie heartie Commendations to your Lordship and the rest. Whereas imediatlie after the death of my late unfortunate Lord certeine pipes of leade whereby water was conveyed into this house were cutt off by order from the then Lord Mayor and the rest of his brethren, and not longe after by like order and Consente one smale pipe was allowed againe by the request of the Lo. Admirall, whoe for the time had some interest in the house, but to pleasure me was content to deliver into my hands both the house and the right which by all your Consente he had in that Conveyance of water with Condicion that I woulde discharge the Plumbers worke, which accordinglie I performed. For as muche as the Chamberlaine of London, as likewise the plumbers have signified unto my mother and mee that they have received a newe Commandement from you to abridge us of that litle allowance of water by Cuttinge againe the said pipe, which being but a verie small one doth yet afford good helpe to the necessarie service of this house and being taken awaye (as is uncurteouslie threatened by your Chamberlaine, notwithstandinge the charges I have beene at) will leave this poore familie utterlie unfurnished of so necessarie a provision: I most ernestlie intreate your Lopp and the rest to shewe my mother and mee this Christian and worthie respecte that seing yt ys but one smale Pipe alreadie allowed to an honble person and lefte unto us by him, which neverthelesse hath been somewhat chargeable to me, you wilbe pleased to give order that yt maie be continued in such sorte as yt was meante to my Lo. Admirall when he desired yt. Whereby you shall doe an acte of Justice and Curtesie and make two poore Widdowes verie muche behouldinge unto yow. And soe not doubtinge of your favorable resolucions herein, I Committ your Lopp and the rest to the best proteccion of thalmightie. From Essex house the 21th of Nov. 1601. Your Lopps assured poore Freind Fra: Essex.’

Lady Walsingham wrote to the same effect, asking for the favour for the sake of her late husband ‘Mr. Walsingham’. Cf. Index to Remembrancia, p. 554. ii, 184.

^{page 13 note 1} Ibid., ii, 321.

^{page 13 note 2} Cal. State Papers, 1603-10, pp. 247, 308.

^{page 13 note 3} Ibid., 1611-18, p. 153; he had removed before 4th November, when Chamberlain wrote: ‘The Count Palatine continues in favour at Court, where he is now lodged in the late lord Treasurer's lodgings.’

^{page 13 note 4} Later, it gave name to Palsgrave Head Court, which was on part of the site of the Outer Temple. It does not seem to have belonged to Essex House. See p. 19 n. 1 below.

^{page 13 note 5} Cal. State Papers, 1619-23, pp. 111, 113, and 1623-5, p. 216.

^{page 13 note 6} The book of their household expenses at Essex House is preserved at Penshurst; it gives the names of guests entertained at dinner.

^{page 14 note 1} Cal. State Papers, 1628-9, pp. 318, 392, 395.

^{page 14 note 2} Lives of the Devereux, ii, 306Google Scholar. Lady Essex may have left Essex House when a moiety was leased to the earl and countess of Hertford in 1639.

^{page 14 note 3} See pp. 21-3 and 52-4 below.

^{page 14 note 4} Whitelock, , Memorials, p. 74Google Scholar.

^{page 14 note 5} Cal. State Papers, 1644, pp. 17, 114, and 1644-5, pp. 128, 134, 145.

^{page 14 note 6} Diary, viii, 210.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 7} P. C. C., 185, Twisse. Charles Shirley died at Essex House on 7th June 1642, and Robert Shirley died in 1656.

^{page 14 note 8} Lives of the Devereux, ii, 470-4; Shirley, E. P., Stemmata Shirleiana (2nd ed.), p. 143Google Scholar.

^{page 14 note 9} Cal. State Papers, 1650, pp. 269, 346.

^{page 15 note 1} Cal. State Papers, 1651-2, p. 468, with an Epithalamium composed for the occasion.

^{page 15 note 2} Ibid., 1660-1, pp. 35, 41, 374; London Past and Present, ii, 17.Google Scholar

^{page 15 note 3} Bell, W. G., The Great Fire of London, p. 215Google Scholar.

^{page 15 note 4} Cal. State Papers, 1667-8, p. 429. Numerous State Papers are dated from Essex House in this and the following years. Cf. Evelyn, , Memoirs, i, p 459Google Scholar.

^{page 15 note 5} Diary, viii, 209-10. IGoogle Scholar

^{page 15 note 6} In the rate-books of the churchwardens of St. Clement Danes Bridgeman's name appears next that of the marquess of Hertford from 1651 onwards. At first he paid 10s. 10d., Hertford paying 2l.; in later years he paid 1l. 10s., and the Duchess paid 2l. Bridgeman's name appears for the last time in 1674.

^{page 15 note 7} P. C. C. 133, Hale. Proved 18th July 1677. The chess-board appears to be identical with one which belonged to Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester (MSS. of Lord De L'Isle and Dudley, i, 292Google Scholar).

^{page 15 note 8} Daughter of the earl of Winchilsea; her husband was ancestor of the marquess of Bath.

^{page 15 note 9} He had no connexion with the Devereux earls.

^{page 16 note 1} Thinne and his wife were the principal legatees.

^{page 16 note 2} Probably a son of Praisegod Barebones. He was a physician.

^{page 16 note 3} Essex Papers, pp. 226, 299, 309-13, 322-3 (Camden, 2nd series).Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 16 note 4} ‘Dr. Barbone’ appears in the Rate-book for 1675.

^{page 16 note 5} Reynolds, , Wells Cathedral, Preface, p. lxvii. Of Barbon's buildings, no. 29 Essex Street and the adjoining houses still survived in 1923Google Scholar.

^{page 16 note 6} This is the Banqueting House at the south-east corner of Essex House Garden. See p. 23 below.

^{page 17 note 1} Master Worsley's Book, pp. 76-7,245-6Google Scholar; Middle Temple Records: Minutes of Parliament, iii, 1291, 1294-1302Google Scholar, Calendar, pp. 121-2Google ScholarPubMed. Barbon concluded his agreement with the Middle Temple on 30th June 1675, to which formal effect was given by the conveyance in the following year. The Middle Temple has in recent years acquired a further part of the site of Essex House Garden, comprising the buildings i n Fountain Court and houses in Essex Street.

^{page 17 note 2} Strype, , Survey, book iv, p. 117Google Scholar; London Past and Present, i, 496Google Scholar; ii, 16.

^{page 17 note 3} As to this part of the house, see further on pp. 27, 28, below.

^{page 17 note 4} Report of the Committee of the House of Commons ap. Additional MS. 24932, p. 4, at the British Museum.

^{page 17 note 5} This view was probably not completed till after 1656 (London Topographical Record, ii, 109), but may incorporate older material. A very similar representation appears in Hollar's ‘Exact Surveigh’ of 1669. The ‘Long View of 1647’ shows the house as seen from farther east and partly hidden by trees. ‘The Prospect of London and Westminster from Lambeth’ (date about 1674) is from a quite different point of view, giving the best representation of the west part of the front; but the original i s very small, being hardly 1 in. square.

^{page 17 note 6} This explains how on 8th February 1601 Thomas Jonson, from a window which looked into Essex House, was able to see Sir Gilly Merick in the outer court or foreyard. Cal. State Papers, 1601-1603, p. 11Google ScholarPubMed.

^{page 18 note 1} Neither explanation seems entirely to solve the difficulty. There is a similar discrepancy between the View and the Map in the case of Arundel House (see Archaeologia, lxxii, 259). There the shading in the Map on the south side of the Hall may probably represent a pavement.

^{page 18 note 2} The Probate Inventory gives 52; the Commissioners give 47.

^{page 19 note 1} On 7th July 1524 the Prior of St. John leased to Patrick Michelson, citizen and draper, a tenement in St. Clement Danes, bounded on the west by the Inn of the bishop of Exeter, on the south by the Garden of the Middle Temple, and on the east by another tenement of the Prior's (Cotton. MS., Claudius, E., vi, f. 244Google Scholar). Between Exeter Inn and Temple Bar there were in the early sixteenth century nineteen tenements (some were possibly back-houses) all belonging to the Knights of St. John and running back to the wall of the Garden of the Middle Temple ibid., ff. 241, 244, and Ministers' Accounts, , Henry VIII, 2402Google Scholar, P. R. O.; I have to thank Miss H. Hadley for these references). The numbers between the present entry of Devereux Court and Temple Bar run from 215 to 235. Anciently, no doubt, there were twenty-one tenements here, though some again may have been back-houses. But it seems clear that Exeter Inn cannot have extended much farther than the original entry of Devereux Court-a little farther east than the present entry. It is therefore unlikely that it included the site of Palsgrave Head Court.

^{page 19 note 2} See p. 5 above.

^{page 19 note 3} See p. 51.

^{page 19 note 4} They correspond roughly with those which now exist between New Court and Fountain Court, and between Fountain Court and Garden Court in the Temple.

^{page 19 note 5} See p. 16 above. It appears in Hollar's View and in Morden and Lea's View of 1682 at the south-western boundary of the Middle Temple.

^{page 19 note 6} See p. 23.

^{page 20 note 1} Rutland MSS., iv, 416 (Hist. MSS. Commission). The Tennis-Court may possibly have been included in the large block on the west side of the house, which, however, was certainly in part occupied by the stables.

^{page 20 note 2} See Hollar's View (pi. 11).

^{page 21 note 1} Called the Great Gallery in 1588, and the High Gallery by the Queen's Commissioners in 1590.

^{page 21 note 2} There were also leads over the Galleries.

^{page 21 note 3} The description of these rooms as ‘lying upon the eastward side of the square-paved court’ can hardly be precisely accurate, since they were under the Great Gallery, the windows of which appear to have faced east.

^{page 22 note 1} Called the Low Gallery in 1588-90.

^{page 22 note 2} If the broad entry was at the north side of the Chapel, it would also have given access to the three chambers under the Long Gallery. The Chapel itself may possibly have occupied more than one floor; see p. 53 below.

^{page 22 note 3} The above description can at the best be only generally correct. There are some points which it is not easy to determine. One or two small rooms are not included here; see pp. 52, 53, below.

^{page 22 note 4} Its exact position is not specified, but it was probably on the west side, where Hollar's View seems to indicate a division of the foreyard, which does not appear on Ogilby's Map. It is impossible t o determine the exact arrangement in this quarter.

^{page 23 note 1} I do not lay much stress on the similarity of the number of rooms.

^{page 23 note 2} See pis. 11 and iv. It also appears on Ogilby's Map.

^{page 24 note 1} See p. 51.

^{page 24 note 2} In all this part there were apparently two upper floors.

^{page 24 note 3} In all there were seventeen, besides the High Gallery.

^{page 24 note 4} These five make up the number to twenty-two for the east part.

^{page 24 note 5} The Probate Inventory values the goods at Leicester House, Wanstead, and Kenilworth at about 8,000/. The Earl's goods at Benington in Hertfordshire were valued at 117l. 3s. 4d. (Exchequer (K. R) Memoranda Roll, 398, m. ccclix). The house at Benington contained twenty rooms.

^{page 25 note 1} In the Commissioners' Inventory it is described as ‘a rounde table of sweet-wood underpropped with beares’; the table alone is there valued at 205. At Wanstead also there was a dining-table of sweet-wood, and at Benington a little table of sweet-wood. See also pp. 34, 39, 44, 49.

^{page 25 note 2} See p. 41.

^{page 25 note 3} See pp. 32, 33, and 35. The two first are valued by the Commissioners at 20l. and 26l. 13s. 4d. respectively.

^{page 25 note 4} See pp. 29, 35, 36, 46, below.

^{page 26 note 1} Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., ii, 225, where it is described as ‘a devise made by Hubbard on clothe.’ In the same list appears ‘The Countesse Leycester whole proportion in clothe and my yong lord standing by hir, made by Hubbert 1584.’ In the Lumley Inventory, 1590, there appear ‘My La. ye second wife daughter to the Lo. John Darcy of Chiche, drawn by Hubbart’: ‘Thomas the 3rd Lo. Darcy of Chiche done by Hubbart’: ‘Sr. John Hawkins, Treasurer of the Admiralty by Hubbart’: and ‘Mr. Edward Dyer of the Court’. In an Account Roll of the earl of Northumberland in 1584-5 appears ‘To Mr Hubbard in full payment of his Lordships picture of Madame Dundragoe, 12l.’ Nothing more seems to be known of Hubbard. I am indebted to Mrs. R. L. Poole for these references.

^{page 26 note 2} See pp. 29, 30, 32, 35, 41. below.

^{page 26 note 3} See pp. 49, 50, below.

^{page 26 note 4} Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., ii, 201 (the pictures at Kenilworth, numbering forty-one and twenty-three maps), 224-6 (the pictures at Leicester House numbering ninety, and at Wanstead numbering fifty-nine). The Probate Inventory gives forty-four pictures at Kenilworth, eighty-one at Leicester House (with 36 maps), and fifty-four at Wanstead. See pp. 46 and 47, below. In the Inventory of Kenilworth made in 1583 a list of forty-four pictures, with names, is given (MSS. of Lord De L'Isle and Dudley, i, 290-1, Hist. MSS. Commission). In the valuation of the Earl's goods at Benington six backed chairs and eight pictures in the Gallery were priced at 3l.; there were four small pictures in another room. Exchequer (K. R.) Memoranda Roll, 398.

^{page 26 note 5} It has been alleged (Gent. Mag. Libr., xviii, 31) that Leicester's books formed the foundation of the Lambeth Palace Library. Mr. Jenkins informs me that this story seems to rest on the fact that there are at Lambeth a few Greek books which once belonged to Leicester. Two similar books seem to have been borrowed by James I, and never having been returned, passed with the Royal Library to the British Museum.

^{page 27 note 1} See p. 43 below. The armour at Kenilworth was valued at 328l. 4s., besides ordnance valued at 150l. (Harley Roll, D. 35, ff. 54 and 66). See p. 47 below, and MSS. of Lord De L'Isle and Dudley, i, 296.

^{page 28 note 1} Morden and Lea's View, which was printed at the foot of the Map of 1682, shows what is apparently intended for an Elizabethan building (with characteristic chimneys) at the north end of the line of roofs running up from the archway.

^{page 29 note 1} Elsewhere, called ‘A devise made by Hubbard on clothe of a butcher and a maide buying meate’. Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., ii, 325Google Scholar.

^{page 29 note 2} Sic in original; probably an error for ‘felt’.

^{page 30 note 1} Elsewhere, called ‘A picture of a naked Lady sleeping and Cupid menaicing hir with his darte’. Notes and Queries, 3rd ser, ii, 335Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 2} Woollen stuff in imitation of velvet.

^{page 30 note 3} Perhaps ‘plush’; see under ‘pelluce’ in N.E.D.

^{page 30 note 4} A portable or trestle bedstead.

^{page 31 note 1} A traverse or curtain to draw across the room.

^{page 31 note 2} Cotgrave's Dictionary under ‘Baguette’ gives as one sense of the French word ‘also the sleight cloth Pennibtone’; pennistone was a coarse woollen fabric.

^{page 31 note 3} Fine worsted.

^{page 31 note 4} Small ‘dogs’ to place between the andirons.

^{page 31 note 5} Green.

^{page 31 note 6} Tapestry ornamented with representation of trees, &c.

^{page 32 note 1} Some fabric of unknown character; no doubt the same as ‘brankhige’ on p. 37, below; in both instances it is used for a coverlet or counterpoint. Counterpoints of ‘plaine branckage’ appear in the Kenilworth Inventory (MSS. of Lord De L'Isle and Dudley, i, 297Google Scholar).

^{page 32 note 2} i. e. slight or thin.

^{page 32 note 3} Elsewhere, called ‘An old man looking on his booke and a Ladye by him entysing him from it, in a frame of wood’. Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., ii, 224Google Scholar.

^{page 32 note 4} ‘Diana bathyng herselfe with hir Nymphes.’ Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., ii, 225.

^{page 33 note 1} Variegated.

^{page 33 note 2} Ornamented with heraldic ‘billets’.

^{page 34 note 1} Sir Francis Knowles or Knollys was father of the Countess of Leicester.

^{page 34 note 2} Dorothy, widow of the 2nd Lord Chandos (d. 1573), who had married William Knowles, second son of Sir Francis Knowles.

^{page 34 note 3} Fine worsted.

^{page 34 note 4} See p. 25 above.

^{page 35 note 1} A bed with a canopy.

^{page 35 note 2} Compare the description on p. 49.

^{page 35 note 3} Sir Edward Osborne, lord mayor in 1583.

^{page 35 note 4} A keyed musical instrument, similar to a spinet, but set in a case without legs. See ‘harpe virginalls’ and ‘organ virginal’ on pp. 36, 46.

^{page 36 note 1} A fine serge.

^{page 36 note 2} A counting-board.

^{page 37 note 1} Some fabric of unknown character; no doubt the same as ‘branckettes’ on p. 32 above.

^{page 37 note 2} Small pots.

^{page 37 note 3} Or ‘peels’, long-handled shovels for taking bread, &c, out of the oven.

^{page 38 note 1} Raised platform.

^{page 39 note 1} See p. 25 above.

^{page 40 note 1} Fine worsted.

^{page 40 note 2} Ornamented with heraldic ‘billets’.

^{page 40 note 3} Pale blue.

^{page 41 note 1} A polished steel mirror.

^{page 41 note 2} Facings.

^{page 41 note 3} Or lucern, lynx-fur.

^{page 42 note 1} Rabbit skin.

^{page 42 note 2} Or ‘tuft taffeta’, i. e. taffeta with a pile or nap in tufts.

^{page 42 note 3} Coarse woollen.

^{page 42 note 4} No value eiven.

^{page 43 note 1} No value given.

^{page 43 note 2} Apparently 51. was allowed for the unpriced items.

^{page 43 note 3} For the front of the arm.

^{page 43 note 4} Sic in original; there are obvious errors of copying in this section.

^{page 43 note 5} Cuirasses; a commonly used form 1560-1650.

^{page 43 note 6} Shoulder-plates.

^{page 43 note 7} Burgonets, or light steel casques.

^{page 43 note 8} Perhaps ‘muffled’; but the meaning is obscure.

^{page 43 note 9} Light muskets, the lightest portable fire-arms.

^{page 43 note 10} Horse-pistols.

^{page 44 note 1} See p. 35 above.

^{page 44 note 2} The meaning is obscure; there may be some error of the copyist.

^{page 44 note 3} This and the next three heads are summarized.

^{page 44 note 4} Perhaps pads or some sort of appliances worn under armour.

^{page 45 note 1} For sprinkling perfume.

^{page 45 note 2} The total weight is entered as 413½ oz., the priced articles being excluded.

^{page 45 note 3} The weights are given also in Roman numerals in a separate column, where the weight of the second bason and ewer appears as 69 oz.

^{page 45 note 4} Lapis lazuli.

^{page 46 note 1} Salad.

^{page 46 note 2} John Casimir, the Count Palatine.

^{page 46 note 3} All these were apparently in the Great Gallery.

^{page 47 note 1} Cannons, very long in proportion to their bore.

^{page 47 note 2} Small cannon.

^{page 47 note 3} Light pieces of ordnance.

^{page 47 note 4} Richard Martin the goldsmith.

^{page 48 note 1} The Duke of Alva.

^{page 48 note 2} See p. 53 n. below.

^{page 48 note 3} This Writ was issued on 12 February 1590.

^{page 49 note 1} These are probably the ‘whole proportion’ portraits given in the list in Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., ii, 225.

^{page 49 note 2} John Casimir, the Count Palatine.

^{page 49 note 3} Eldest son of Sir F. Knollys.

^{page 49 note 4} Leicester's son.

^{page 49 note 5} ‘A picture of a froe selling fruitage.’ Notes and Queries, ut supra.

^{page 49 note 6} This may be the bed in the Closet; see p. 35 above.

^{page 50 note 1} See ‘the Stayrehead Chamber’ on p. 53.

^{page 50 note 2} ‘A naked boye with a ded mans skull in his hand and an houre glass under his arme.’ Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., ii, 325.

^{page 51 note 1} This is all the armour given here; but see the other Inventory on pp. 43, 44.

^{page 52 note 1} For lease of messuage and wharf at the end of Milford Lane granted by Sir C. Blount and the Countess of Leicester to Francis Pitman see Chancery Proceedings (Series II), James I, C. 17/9.

^{page 53 note 1} See p. 50.

^{page 53 note 2} This does not seem clear, unless the Chapel occupied more than one floor; since the entry to the Chapel was apparently on the floor below the four chambers.