^{page 235 note *} Gibson's Camden, p. 706. 724.

^{page 235 note †} Verstegan's Antiquities, p. 211. 215. 313.

^{page 238 note *} It is not to be wondered at, that the first Saxons should adopt such imperfect ideas of the strength of the Roman arch, if it be considered, that in the latter times, Roman architecture, in this country, was in so imperfect a state, that in Newport Gate, at Lincoln, there actually, was no regular key stone at all, to the arch; and three thin stones, seem to have been inserted, on one side, by way of wedging the whole together.

^{page 243 note *} From the idols dug up near Strelitz in Mecklenburg towards the close of the last century, and described in a work published in German at Berlin in 1771, entitled “Runic Antiquities;” from those dug up at the Devises in Wiltshire, in 1714, and represented in a curious plate published by Mr. William Musgrave in 1717; and from those which were shewn to the society of Antiquaries by the President, the year before last, having been dug up at Exeter, of which an account is given at the beginning of this volume; it fully appears, that, whilst the detestable abomination of idolatry were practised, the images made use of by the Saxons, and other Northern nations, and even sometimes by the Romans (except those placed in public Temples) were in general very small.

^{page 245 note *} See Milton's History of England to the Norman Conquest, B. III. p. 31. Sammes's Britannia, p. 472.

^{page 248 note *} Gibson's Camden, p. 495.

^{page 254 note *} Camden says (p. 154.) Guilford, or Guildeford, or Gegldford, was formerly a village of the English Saxon Kings, and given by will to Athelwald, by his uncle King Alfred. And he adds, there is now a house of the king's, though gone to decay; and not far from the river the ruinous walls of an old castle.

^{page 255 note *} An account of this castle is given in my former paper in the Archaeologia, vol. IV. p. 409.

^{page 255 note †} Bentham's Hist. of Ely, p. 27. Floren. Wigorn. ad An. 871 and 887. Ingulphus, Hist. p. 27.

^{page 256 note *} It is very remarkable that Canute, in this instance, laid aside the Danish mode of building fortresses, and adopted Alfred's plan, though he preserved the use of the mount; Norwich Castle being erected on an exceeding large one. And it is no less remarkable, that when William the Conqueror, and his Normans, in consequence of their Danish descent, afterwards revived Danish architecture; yet they also very soon adopted and improved upon the same plan of Alfred's; even sometimes laying aside the Danish mount entirely. Inveterate prejudices, however, amongst them were still hard to root out; and during the space of several years, many castles were built by Norman chiefs, some on the one plan, and some on the other; as will be shewn in the further pursuit of these observations.

^{page 256 note †} See Archaeologia, Vol. IV. p. 406.

^{page 257 note *} Stow's Annals, p. 109.

^{page 258 note *} Gibson's Camden, p. 717. 734.

^{page 258 note †} Drake intimates, that it was blown up by design; the citizens of York being not at all unwilling to get rid of so troublesome a neighbour, and such an inconvenient badge of distinction as this, which they called their old Mincepye. Drake's Antiquities, p. 289.

^{page 260 note *} Drake's Antiquities, p. 289.

^{page 261 note *} Stow's Annals, p. 109.

^{page 261 note †} Gibson's Camden, p. 468.

^{page 262 note *} Vol. I. p. 231.

^{page 266 note *} Leland's Itinerary V. I. p. 34.

^{page 266 note †} I cannot but here remark a great inaccuracy in the editor of Camden's Britannia, who speaks of the town being fortified by an old castle: as if the castle was built for the protection of such an inconsiderable town, instead of the town being built (as was really the case with all such towns) as an appendage to, and in consequence of the erection of, the castle.

^{page 267 note *} Gibson's Camden, p. 707.

^{page 267 note †} In this singular circumstance the Norman castles, built on the top of artificial mounts, erected by their chieftains, differ from such of the prior Saxon castles as were built (like that at Norwich) on great mounts, or ancient barrows of still earlier date; for the castle at Norwich (for instance), though so much larger than any of these, covers but a very small part of the hill on which it is built, and has a great plain area, left on the top of the mount, adjoining to it, and surrounding it; whereas the true Norman castles cover nearly the whole area of the summit of the respective hills on which they are situated.

^{page 269 note *} There is a curious print, from an old drawing, of the ancient appearance of Tickhill castle, with its keep standing, amongst those published by the Society of Antiquaries; but though it serves to convey a tolerable idea of what must have been its general form, yet it is manifestly devoid of all true proportion; representing the mount small in comparison of the tower itself; whereas it is in truth a very high hill: and it must have been inaccurate also in other respects; shewing the tower of entrance to have been of a different shape from what it ever could have been, and placing two large windows in it, on the outside, where there neither are, nor ever were, or could be any.

^{page 270 note *} Gibson's Camden, p. 191.

^{page 271 note *} Villare Cantianum 343.

^{page 271 note †} In his Perambulation, p. 425.

^{page 271 note ‡} P. 442.

^{page 274 note *} I took the inward diameters myself, with as much accuracy as possible; but the area being now planted with fir trees, it as very difficult to hit precisely upon the longest and shortest diameters, and there may therefore possibly be some error in the dimensions; as I suspect there is, because the walls are, in some places, not above five or seven feet in thickness, leaving out the buttresses; but the error cannot be considerable.

^{page 277 note *} I have myself gone quite down, from the summit of the mount, to the bottom of this passage, at Nottingham; from whence it is well known there was moreover a subterraneous sally port; but whether there was any such here at Tunbridge I cannot pretend to say positively; I rather suspect, however, that there was; because, at some distance without the walls, at (o), have been discovered remains of a stair-case underground, to which it might possibly lead.

The account given, by Stow, of the manner of surprizing and seizing Mortimer Earl of March, in the beginning of the Reign of Edward III. by means of the subterraneous passage which I refer to at Nottingham, is curious enough to deserve being inserted on this occasion, as a further illustration of the nature of these devices.

“Upon a certain night, the King lying without the castle, both he and his “friends were brought, by torch-light, through a secret way underground, beginning “far off from the said castle, till they came even to the Queen's chamber; “which they by chance found open: they, therefore, being armed with naked “swords in their, hands, went forwards, leaving the King also armed without the “door of the chamber, least that his mother should espy him: They which entered “in, slew Hugh Turpinton, knight, who resisted them; matter John Nevell “of Horne, by giving him his deadly wound. From thence they went toward “the Queen-mother, whom they found with the Earl of March, ready to have “gone to bed.” Stow's Annals, fol. 229.

^{page 279 note *} Of this Mr. Hooker informed me there are many unquestionable and authentic proofs.

^{page 284 note *} It must be in the remembrance of every one, who has had an opportunity to peruse the very curious old houshold book of the Northumberland family, that whenever the earl removed from Alnwick castle, to London, not only the arras was taken down, in all the rooms, but the glass was also carefully taken out of the windows.

^{page 288 note *} See the Plate, p. 286.

^{page 290 note *} Some years ago the very quarry was discovered, at only a few miles distance, from whence the stone was taken with which this tower was built.

^{page 290 note †} I should be sorry to indulge myself in carrying conjectures, relating to high antiquity, too far; but, when I consider with what care and pains a magnificent state room has been formed, in every one of these kind of towers of entrance, I cannot but reflect upon what we so often read, with regard to the earliest ages of the world, of King's sitting in the gates of cities; and of judgement being administred in the gate.

^{page 291 note *} Borlase's Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 355.

^{page 291 note †} p. 356.

^{page 291 note ‡} p. 358.

^{page 292 note *} See the Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 358. and the accurate engraving annexed to Dr. Borlase's description.

^{page 292 note †} Herodotus, Book 1st.

^{page 293 note *} When I read (in the 9th chapter of the 2d book of Kings) that on Jehu's being anointed King over Israel, at Ramoth-gilead, the captains of the host, who were then sitting in council, as soon as they heard thereof, took every man his garment, and put it under him, on the top of the stairs; and blew with trumpets, proclaiming, Jehu is king; and when I consider the account given by Herodotus, of the ancient Ecbatana, which was at no great distance from Syria, and in a country much connected with it; and reflect also upon the appearance of the top of the staircases, both at Lanceston, and Connisborough; when, I say, I consider all these circumstances, I am very apt to conclude, that at either of the two latter places is still to be beheld, nearly the same kind of scenery, as to building, which was exhibited to the world, on the remarkable occasion of inaugurating Jehu at Ramoth-gilead: but I dare not to determine precisely on a matter of such very high antiquity; and leave every one to form his own conclusions, from what has been here laid before him, as to the affinity of these kinds of buildings; and the derivation of their original plan from the east.

^{page 293 note †} Cordiner's Antiquities of Scotland, p. 81.

^{page 293 note ‡} P. 127.

^{page 294 note *} Of these Duns we have now many very curious descriptions. Particularly of Dun Agglesag, (by Mr. Anderson, in the Archaeologia, vol. V. p. 254. and by Mr. Cordiner in his Antiquities of Scotland, p. 118.) in which Dun appears just such a sort of staircase as that as Connisborough.

Of the Dun of Dornadilla, by Mr. Pope, in like manner in the Archaeologia, vol. V. p. 216. and also by Mr. Cordiner in his Antiquities of Scotland, p. 105.

Of the Dun in Glen-elg by Mr. Permant, in his curious voyage to the Hebbrides, p. 338.

Of the Dun, at Achir na Kyle, by Mr. Cordiner (in his Antiquities of Scotland, p. 74) who adds (p. 75) that wherever good pasture is found near the less rugged forests, there one meets with the remains of a circular tower. All of which structures have been originally built on the same plan, and appear to have been the residence of the chief families of a hardy race, in a very early age.

In the same curious work (p. 80) we have also an account of the remarkable castle at Oldwick, just one remove, in point of the improvement in Architecture, from these Duns: and perhaps one of the first attempts after the introduction of the use of Iron tools.

Mr. Cordiner moreover, describing Kildrumy castle in Scotland, says, all the vaults, in one of the towers, are left open in the middle; through these passed a massy chain, suspended at the top, reaching down to the ground, for the more commodiously raising water for the use of the upper apartments. Some old men, who remember when the chain was taken away, say, that there was a deep well underneath (Cordiner's Antiquities of Scotland, p. 16.)

^{page 294 note †} Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 366. Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 426.

^{page 295 note *} Stow's Annals, p. 117. See also Stow's Survey of London, p. 78. where it is added, with the usual minute accuracy of that curious Antiquary, from unquestionable authority, that, during Gundulph's residence in London to superintend the work, he lodged with one Edmere a burgess in the neighbourhood.

^{page 296 note *} I cannot help mentioning, as an instance of the singular ideas of defence and security which this extraordinary man conceived, his treasury, built very near the church at Rochester; which is an high, strong, insulated, square tower; as lofty as the top of the church; but having neither door nor window, nor any other means of entrance, than by an arched bridge, from the top of church to the top of the tower, easily broken down on any emergency. This tower still remains, on the North side of the church.

^{page 297 note *} Holinshed, vol. III. p. 60.

^{page 297 note †} Gibson's Camden, p. 205.

^{page 298 note *} Gibson's Camden, p. 513.

^{page 298 note †} Maundrell's journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 54. This curious and faithful traveller says, that in the castle of Damascus he also actually saw an old Roman Balista, p. 126. And it is not a little remarkable, that we read of the invention of these kind of engines, so early as in the days of Uzziah king of Judah. See 2 Chronicles, c. xxvi, v. 15.

^{page 299 note *} Gibson's Camden, p. 199.

^{page 299 note †} Somner's Antiquities of Canterbury, p. 19.

^{page 299 note ‡} Archaeologia, Vol. IV. p. 406.

^{page 299 note §} p. 597.

^{page 306 note *} Antiquities of Canterbury, p. 18.

^{page 307 note *} The reverend Mr. Duncombe, of Canterbury.

^{page 307 note †} Antiquities of Canterbury, p. 18.

^{page 307 note ‡} In the Crown Rolls, anno 15 Edw. II.

^{page 308 note *} Antiquities of Canterbury, p. 19.

^{page 308 note †} One cannot but recollect, on this occasion, what is said of the manner of St. Peter's confinement at Jerusalem; in the Acts, c. xii. v. 6. and of St. Paul's at Rome, c. xxviii. v. 16.

^{page 308 note ‡} The Barbican was generally some small round tower, for the station of an advanced guard, placed just before the outward gate of the castle yard, or ballium.

^{page 309 note *} Holinshed, vol. III. fol. 188.

^{page 309 note †} Lambarde's Perambulation, p. 296.

^{page 309 note ‡} As I have been informed by my worthy friend the reverend Mr. Duncombe, of Canterbury.

^{page 310 note *} Camden, p. 856. Holinshed, vol. III. fol. 12.

^{page 310 note †} Camden, p. 762.

^{page 311 note *} Camden, p. 716.

^{page 311 note †} See his Itinerary, fol. 43.

^{page 313 note *} Sallustii Bellum Catilinarium, ed. Delph. p. 50.

^{page 314 note *} Stow, fol. 325.

^{page 314 note †} Hume's History, vol. II. p. 274.

^{page 314 note ‡} Holinshed, vol. III. fol. 517.

^{page 314 note §} Froissart, Pt. 2. Ch. 249.

^{page 314 note ∥} There is a curious representation of this chariot, in the fine illuminated Froissart, in the British Museum; from whence it appears, that the carriage was drawn by the two horses placed one before another, just as the five horses were afterwards placed in the funeral car of Henry the Seventh, as described by Hall (v. III. p. 800) and represented in a drawing in the Herald's office. In the same most valuable and beautiful manuscript of Froissart, is also a wonderful fine drawing of the seizing and apprehending of Thomas de Wodestoke first duke of Gloucester, at Stratford; when Richard the Second, going suddenly to the duke's seat at Pleshy in Essex, had caused the latter to accompany him on his way to London. The pourtrait of the king bears a remarkable resemblance to that which was formerly put up in the choir of Westminster Abbey; only with this additional circumstance, that a certain degree of unfeeling hauteur, manifested by him on that occasion, is characterized in a most wonderful manner.

In the same valuable manuscript also, is a curious representation of the form of cannon, constructed with rings and iron bars; and of the manner in which they were originally mounted at sieges, on their first introduction into this country, in the time of Edward the third; a sketch of one of which I have added, in a small vignette, at the end of these observations.

^{page 316 note *} A copper gilded crown, that had been placed on the head, remained still in the sepulchre; so also did another skull, that of his Queen; but there were no marks on the latter, to authorize any such story as that of Sir Piers Exton, even supposing a mistake to have been made with regard to these two poor remains, as to the ascertaining which was which.

^{page 316 note †} Gibson's Camden, p. 484.

^{page 317 note *} Holinshed, vol. III. fol. 50.

^{page 322 note *} It is rather remarkable, and ought not to be passed by quite unnoticed, how cautiously and regularly the entrances of many of the ancient keeps were turned towards the south.

^{page 325 note *} There is indeed also another modern, forced entrance; but I avoid taking any notice of it, to prevent confusion in the plan.

^{page 326 note *} Leland's Itinerary, fol. 102.

^{page 327 note *} Stow's Annals, p. 264. The account given of this matter, by the Bishop of London, is so exceedingly curious, and contains such an illustration of the manners of the times, that I cannot forbear to insert the heads of it. The 30th of October, 1356, Wykeham was made surveyor of the King's works, at the castle, and in the park of Windsor. By this patent he had powers given him to press all sorts of artificers, and to provide stone, timber, and all other materials, and carriages. He had one shilling a day while he staid at Windsor, two Shillings when he went elsewhere on his employment; and three shillings a week for his clerk. It was by the advice and persuasion of Wykeham, that the King was induced to pull down great part of the castle of Windsor, and to rebuild it in the magnificent manner in which, upon the whole, it now appears. In 1359 Wykeham was appointed chief warden of Windsor, and other castles named in the appointment: and in 1360, workmen were impressed out of several counties, by writs directed to the sheriffs, for carrying on the work at Windsor; who were to take security of the said workmen, that they should not leave Windsor without licence from Wykeham. This great, ingenious, and I may add, most truly (considering the disadvantages of the times he lived in) this good man, was not made Bishop of Winchester till 1366.—Lowth's Life of William of Wykeham, p. 19. 21. 24. 39.

^{page 328 note *} Stow's Annals, p. 239.

^{page 328 note †} Gibson's Camden, p. 145.

^{page 329 note *} Camden, p. 714.

^{page 329 note †} See Pl. XLIII. p. 326.

^{page 331 note *} I had this information from a man who was employed in clearing it out.

^{page 333 note *} It may deserve consideration, whether this coat of Baliol may not have been so often repeated, in the ornaments of this building, in consequence of some former remarkable attachment of the Aldburghs to the interests of that illustrious house: but I know of no facts at present sufficient to elucidate this matter.

^{page 334 note *} There is a very curious tomb of the Redmans, in the church at Harewood: In the same church also is a fine tomb of the famous Sir William Gascoigne, chief justice in the reigns of Henry the IVth and Vth, so greatly celebrated by Shakespear, for having dared to commit the latter to prison whilst Prince of Wales. Upon this tomb is a figure exceedingly well wrought in alabaster, and supposed to be a good likeness: his family was nearly related, by intermarriage, to that of the lords of Harewood.

^{page 335 note *} The three half moons were the arms of the Rythers; and the three cushions the arms of the Redmans.

^{page 336 note *} He had a summons to parliament in the 44th year of Edward III. and in federal succeeding years of that king, and of Richard II. see Dugdale's Summons.

^{page 338 note *} On having occasion to mention these ancient coats of arms, and these peculiar circumstances relating to them, I cannot forbear observing, that although a common opinion has prevailed, concerning the first introduction of armorial bearings, that it was an invention adopted during the first crusade, to distinguish chieftains and their followers in battle; yet there is much reason to doubt the truth of this idea: for one can hardly conceive, why such distinctions should be thought of, or deemed more important in that war, rather than in the preceding wars during the greatness of the Roman Empire; when full as many different nations were often embattled on one plain: and, besides, there are two remarkable passages in Tacitus, which seem to me to imply, that such armorial bearings were in use amongst the Germans long before. They are these following, which I submit to the consideration of the judicious reader.—

Scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus distinguunt.—

Scutum reliquisse, præcipuum flagitium: nec aut sacris adesse, aut concilium inire, ignominioso sas: multique superstites Bellorum, infamiam laqueo finierunt.

TACITUS, De Moribus Germanonum, Sec. VI.

I must only beg leave to add, that as there are no more than seven colours, and so very few different shades formed by the composition of them, the shields of the numerous families of the Germans, could not well be distinguished by colours alone without the addition of various forms and figures; which addition constitutes the very essence of armorial bearings, in the strictest sense of the words. Probably, therefore, our coats of arms, as well as our laws, and the foundation of our liberties, were brought from the forests of the North.

^{page 339 note *} See Coke Littleton, fol. 100. b. 101 and 103, and 74, b.

^{page 339 note †} Doomsday Book, in Terra Witti de Percy. “In maner. de Plontone “ħƀ Gamelbar II. car. re ad gɫđ et 1. car. pot. ibi ée'. N Eldred “(de Plompton) ten. de Wiɫɫo. Ibi sunt VIII vill. et x bord. cũ III “car. et II ac. ti. T. R. E. val. x fol. modo simili.”

It is worthy of observation, that the manor of Haselwood in this neighbourhood which was also held of William de Percy, by the family of Vavasour, when Doomsday-Book was made, has to this day continued regularly in the male line of that ancient house, except for a short time, in the reign of Henry III. when it was in pawn to Aaron a Jew at York, for the sum of 3301; who made a conveyance of this security to Queen Eleanor, in discharge of a debt due to her (or assigned by the crown), from whom John de Vavasour received it again, on payment of the money, by a very curious deed of conveyance, remarkable for its brevity.

I am indebted for this anecdote to my curious, learned; and respectable friend John Charles Brooke, Esq; Somerset herald, to whom I desire here to make my acknowledgements, for his kind assistance in enabling me to search the records of the Office of Arms; and for the great information he has given me, with regard to the matters contained therein.

^{page 347 note *} Camden, p. 494.

^{page 354 note *} I call it the organ; but most probably it was rather originally here, as at Knowle, what should properly be called a pair of Rigols, or Regals.

^{page 355 note *} The rite of adminstering baptism, was esteemed so sacred by the ancient Ritual, that it was, together with that of burial, the distinctive mark, in general, of a Church fully consecrated: insomuch that lord Coke informs us (2 Inst. 363) that when the question at law was, whether such a sacred building were a church, or a chapel belonging to the mother church; the issue to be tried was, merely whether it had a font, and burying place; for if it had the administration of sacraments, and sepulture, it was judged in law a church.

^{page 358 note *} There was another great bowling green, far above house, at a distance in the park; and a third still more modern one, has been formed, higher up the hill, supported by walls, built round it, like a sort of hanging garden, and having a large summer-house adjoining: but neither of these are worth giving any particular account of. The prospect from thence is indeed fine: but they have nothing to recommend them as objects of attention to the curious, in any other respect. The great park that belonged to this house has been destroyed, and the land has been ploughed up, within these twelve years.

^{page 360 note *} The improvements and additions made by Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorset, in the time of James the First, are carefully to be distinguished from the old building.

^{page 363 note *} Boetius, lib. X. p. 213.

^{page 363 note †} Holinshed, vol. I. part II. p. 162.

^{page 363 note ‡} Holinshed, vol. III. fol. 282.

^{page 363 note §} Stow, p. 471.

^{page 364 note *} Holinshed, vol. III. fol. 500. Froissart, part II. chap. 241—Stow, 322. See also a very curious account of this matter in Pennant's Tour in Wales, p. 460

^{page 364 note †} According to the account given us of this transaction in Drake's Antiquities of York.

^{page 364 note ‡} Pennant's Tour in Wales, p. 305.

^{page 364 note §} Part II. plate 20.

^{page 364 note ∥} The Louthiana, part II. p. 6.

^{page 365 note *} There is some reason to conclude, that in order to render the dwelling in the Round Norman Keeps more convenient; when their dimensions were made very large (as at York, Lincoln, and Tunbridge) that there was substituted, in lieu of the mere open well, in the centre, a sort of small open Court, with walls and windows all round: and this may be concluded the rather, because, at York, the mouth of the well, for water, is not in the middle of the area, so as to have been directly in the centre of the well, or area, for air and light, but on one side as if it were originally in some one of the small apartments into which the lower floor might be divided: and the appearance of the remains of the mouth of that at Tickhill is in the same situation.

^{page 365 note †} It appears evidently, even from the words of Magna Charta, 9 H. III. c. 11. that the Court of Common Pleas was by no means then first established; but that it only was used, before that time, to follow the King's court, where-ever he was resident, as a part of his train.

See also the preface to Lord Coke's 8th Report; and also 8th Report, p. 145.

A very curious account of the manner in which the respective distinctions between the courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas took place; and in which their respective jurisdictions became established; together with a fair deduction of the obvious means whereby legal business was gradually drawn from the County courts, and transferred to these high courts, residing near the King's person, may be seen in Lord Chief Justice Hale's History of the Common Law, p. 140. 142. 150. 152. 159.

^{page 366 note *} Hasted's History of Kent, vol. I. p. 51. Selden on Parliaments, p. 23. Cott. Rec. p. 123. and Rym. Foed. vol. IV. p. 422. 423.

^{page 366 note †} See further Mr. Hasted's History of Kent, vol. I. p. 51. (where many curious facts relating to this palace are collected), and the passages there referred to, in Kilburne, Philipott, &c. &c.

^{page 367 note *} There is an exceeding curious plan of some remains of the offices of this palace, as they appeared in 1509, in Mr. Hasted's History of Kent.

^{page 370 note *} Lives of Leland, Hearne, and Wood, p. 222.

^{page 370 note †} Published in the Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. III. p. 150.

^{page 370 note ‡} How far these ideas were carried, even into private life, appears from a clause in the Will of the famous Bernard Gilpin; for there we find that good man giving to his successor in the rectory of Houghton, in the time of Queen Elizabeth—in the parlour, one long table upon a joined frame, with the form; likewise in the hall, three tables standing fast, at which he used to entertain his parish.—See Gilpin's Life of Gilpin, p. 231.

^{page 371 note *} Shakespear's Henry VIII. Act V. Scene II.

^{page 373 note *} Josephus's Antiquities. B. xviii. c. 4. § 3. B. xiii. c. 11. § 2. B. xv. c. 8. § 5. c. 11. § 4. War, B. i. c. 3. § 4. c. 5. § 4. c. 21. § 1. B. ii. c. 15. § 6. c. 16. § 5. B. v. c. 4. § 2. c. 5. § 8.

^{page 374 note *} B. II. c. 17. § 7.