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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 April 2016
Historians of British architecture have long suggested that a fundamental characteristic of the ‘neo’-classical style of the later eighteenth century was the developing relationship between architectural design and the practice of archaeology. John Summerson, for example, opened his account of British neo-classicism by defining it in terms of a ‘concept of art through archaeology, that is, of the enrichment of the present by persistent inquiry into the nature of the past’. More recently, Robin Middleton and David Watkin found that James Stuart and Nicholas Revett’s ‘Proposals’ for The Antiquities of Athens represented a ‘clear statement of a neoclassical aesthetic in 1748 [which] emphasizes the close connection between the study of archaeology and the practice of architecture’, whilst Damie Stillman has suggested that later eighteenth-century classicism ‘combined the imaginative use of the past with a new scientific and archaeological approach’. Such definitions of the interrelation of the creative and the academic, placed as all are in the context of chapters discussing the travels of British architects in the Mediterranean, may be taken to imply that fundamental aspects of late eighteenth-century British design resulted from archaeological research undertaken by the architects themselves. It has perhaps been too readily assumed, however, that British architects who travelled in the Mediterranean in the period between about 1740 and the Napoleonic Wars really did engage personally in a kind of study which can legitimately be called ‘archaeology’. Moreover, although residence at Rome was unquestionably their principal objective in travelling, the activities of British architects there have tended to become conflated with the degree to which ancient Greek architecture was coevally being explored.
1 Summerson, J., Architecture in Britain 1530-1830 (Harmondsworth, 1953), p. 247 Google Scholar.
2 Middleton, R. and Watkin, D., Neoclassical and Nineteenth-Century Architecture (Milan, 1980)Google Scholar, English translation 2 vols (London, 1987), 1, p. 85; Stillman, D., English Neo-classical Architecture, 2 vols (London, 1988), I, p. 28 Google Scholar.
3 The distinction between an architect and an antiquarian is not an easy one to draw in the 1740-1800 period, but if as a guide the architect is defined as someone meriting an entry in Colvin, H., A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects, 1600-1840 (London, 1978)Google Scholar, then of the thirty-four travelling to Italy only five (Stuart, Revett, Matthew Brettingham jun., Stephen Riou, and Willey Reveley) are known to have continued further east and, with the exception of Reveley’s, these journeys were all completed by 1755.
4 See especially Wiebenson, D., Sources of Greek Revival Architecture (London, 1969)Google Scholar; Crook, J. Mordaunt, The Greek Revival: Neo-classical Attitudes in British Architecture 1760-1870 (London, 1972), pp. 1–62 Google Scholar; and Serra, J., ed., Paestum and the Doric Revival 1750-1830 (Florence, 1986)Google Scholar.
5 Honour, H., Neo-classicism (Harmondsworth, 1968), p. 123 Google Scholar.
6 Stillman, , Neo-classical Architecture, I, p. 29 Google Scholar. The phrase echoes Robert Rosenblum’s in Transformations in Late Eighteenth Century Art (Princeton, 1969), p. 108: ‘the archaeological zeal of the period produced in its new publications a vast panorama of Greco-Roman architecture’.
7 See Smith, A., ‘Gavin Hamilton’s Letters to Townley’, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 21 (1901), 306-21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ashby, T., ‘Thomas Jenkins in Rome’, Papers of the British School at Rome, 6 (1913), 487–511 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pietrangeli, C., Scavi e scoperte di antichità sotto il pontificato di Pio VI, 2nd edn (Rome, 1958)Google Scholar; Irwin, D., ‘Gavin Hamilton: Archaeologist, Painter, and Art Dealer’, Art Bulletin, 44 (1962), 87–102 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pierce, S. Rowland, ‘Thomas Jenkins in Rome in the Light of Letters, Records and Drawings at the Society of Antiquaries of London’, Antiquaries Journal, 40 (1965), 200–29 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ford, B., ‘Thomas Jenkins: Banker, Dealer and Unofficial English Agent’, Apollo, n.s. 99 (1974), 416-25Google Scholar; Haskell, F. and Penny, N., Taste and the Antique (New Haven and London, 1981), pp. 66–68 Google Scholar; Gross, H., Rome in the Age of Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 319-20Google Scholar.
8 The material in this article forms part of a chapter on the study of Roman antiquity in my forthcoming ‘British Architects in Italy, 1750-1836’ (doctoral thesis, University of Cambridge).
9 Wood, Robert, The Ruins of Palmyra, otherwise Tedmor in the Desart (London, 1753)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wood, R., The Ruins of Balhec, otherwise Heliopolis in Coelosyria (London, 1757)Google Scholar; Adam, Robert, Ruins of the Palace of the Emperor Diocletian at Spalatro (London, 1764)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cameron, C., The Baths of the Romans Explained and Illustrated with the Restorations of Palladio Corrected and Improved/Description des Bains des Romaines, enrichie des plans de Palladio corrigés et perfectionées (London, 1772)Google Scholar. James Stuart’s De Obelisco Caesaris Augustus/Dell’Obelisco di Cesare Augusto (Rome, 1750) should also be mentioned here, though Stuart’s role was that of draughtsman and commentator; he was not involved in the excavation of the obelisk.
10 Summerson only mentioned Cameron in a footnote in the seventh edition of Architecture in Britain (Harmonds worth, 1983), p. 576; Honour, Neo-classicism, and Middleton, and Watkin, , Neoclassical, I, pp. 65–103 Google Scholar (a chapter entitled ‘Archaeology and the Influence of the Antique’) did not mention him at all; Stillman, , Neo-classical Architecture, II, p. 531 Google Scholar, merely noted his presence in Italy.
11 For example by Lukomski, G., ‘Charles Cameron: Architect to Catherine the Great’, Connoisseur, 95 (1935), 190–96 Google Scholar (pp. 190-92); T. Talbot Rice, ‘Charles Cameron: Architect to the Imperial Russian Court’, in Charles Cameron c. 1740-1812: Architectural Drawings and Photographs from the Hermitage Collection, Leningrad, and Architectural Museum, Moscow (Arts Council, 1967), pp. 7-24 (p. 12); Rae, I., Charles Cameron: Architect to the Court of Russia (London, 1971), pp. 23 Google Scholar, 83-85; J. Wilton-Ely, in The Age of Neo-Classicism (Arts Council, 1972), pp. 966-67 (p. 967); Harris, E., British Architectural Books and Writers, 1556-1785 (Cambridge, 1990), p. 137 Google Scholar; Robinson, J. Martin, ‘A Dazzling Adventurer: Charles Cameron — the Lost Early Years’, Apollo, n.s. 135 (1992), 31–35 Google Scholar (pp. 31-32).
12 Lanciani, R., ‘Le picturae antiquae cryptarum romanarum’, Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale, 4th ser. 23 (1895), 165-92Google Scholar (pp. 174-81). Lanciani’s plan ofthe three buildings on the Esquiline Hill is in the Vatican (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS. Vat. Lat. 13032, fol. 132) and was first published in The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome (London, 1897), fig. 138 (here Fig. 1). The traditional identification ofthe so-called ‘Esquiline Rooms’ with the Baths of Titus was, however, under question earlier in the nineteenth century, with one school of thought already believing them to relate to the Domus Aurea: de’ Romanis, A., Le antiche camere Esquilme dette comunemente delle Terme di Tito (Rome, 1822), pp. 4–5 Google Scholar. Even in 1776 the rooms were called part of the Baths of Titus only ‘because of their position’: Carletti, G. and Mirri, L., Le antiche camere delle Terme di Tito e le loro pitture (Rome, 1776), p. vii Google Scholar.
13 Cameron, Baths, overlay to plate 7. Cameron’s plan has, however, been mentioned on two occasions by archaeologists working on the Domus Aurea. See Weege, F., Das goldene Haus des Nero (Berlin, 1913), pp. 13 Google Scholar and 32; and Fabbrini, L., ‘Domus Aurea: una nuova lettera planimetrica del Palazzo sul colle Oppio’, Analecta Romana Instituti Daniel, Supplementum 10, Città e architettura nella Roma imperiale (1983), 169-85Google Scholar (p. 183, n. 28).
14 See Harris, Architectural Books, p. 466, n. 5, for a recent suggestion that William Newton may have visited Italy specifically to acquire information for his translation of Vitruvius. Like Cameron, Newton’s time in Italy (1766-67) was unusually short when compared to the average three-and-a-half years for a later eighteenth-century travelling British architect.
15 See Talbot Rice, ‘Cameron’, pp. 9-13; Rae, Cameron, pp. 20-22; and Harris, Architectural Books, pp. 136-37, 350-51.
16 Fabbriche antiche disegnate da Andrea Palladio Vicentino e date in luce da Riccardo Conte di Burlington (London, 1730, actually after 1736). Harris (Architectural Books, pp. 136-37) suggests that the new publication was planned for 1764, when Cameron was Ware’s pupil, and possibly represented a response to Robert Adam’s Spalatro published in that year. This scenario is plausible, although the Seven Years’ War of 1756-63 would hardly have been an obstacle to a Roman visit by Ware or Cameron before 1764, as Harris argues: Robert Adam himself, Robert and William Mylne, George Dance the Younger, Jafnes Adam, George Richardson, John Baxter, and James Wyatt all travelled relatively unimpeded in Italy during the war. Nine sepia drawings of orders by Ware are at Chats worth (Boy. Coll. [15] 1-9), not in the Royal Institute of British Architects Drawings Collection as stated by Harris (p. 351, n. 13). They relate to plates 10-16 in Burlington’s book and, since Ware’s name appears in the book as draughtsman on plates 12 and 13, there is no reason to doubt that they are contemporary with the existing first edition rather than with the proposed second edition.
17 Facsimiles of the advertisement are printed by Talbot Rice in ‘Cameron’, p. 11, and by Rae, Cameron, p. 81.
18 Archivio di Stato, Roma, Camerale II, Antichità e Belle Arti, Busta 3, Fasciolo 133 (Scavi: Roma 1756-68).
19 Stainton, L., ‘Hayward’s List: British Visitors to Rome 1753-1775’, Walpole Society, 49 (1983), 3–36 Google Scholar (p. 13). Cameron’s name does not appear at this time as a resident in any of the three parishes in the vicinity of the Piazza di Spagna commonly inhabited by British visitors, unless he is Mr ‘Lacumien’ sharing an apartment with the Scottish painters James Nevay and David Allan at No. 77 in a street then called Strada Felice in the parish of S. Andrea delle Fratte in 1768 and 1769 (records from the Stati delle Anime annual Eastertide census, Archivio Vicariato, Roma, among the Brinsley Ford Papers at the Paul Mellon Centre, London).
20 Soane Museum, Drawer 44, Set 7, 1-8. Drawings 6 and 7 were items 9 and 10 in the 1967 Arts Council Cameron exhibition (Talbot Rice, ‘Cameron’, pp. 31-32). Details from 6 and 7 (verso) were published by Rae, Cameron, plates 4 and 25 respectively.
21 Martin Robinson, ‘Dazzling Adventurer’, pp. 32-33 and fig. 2. The doubts about the authorship of these drawings expressed by Margaret Richardson in the Museum’s manuscript catalogue did not form part of Martin Robinson’s discussion.
22 Cameron, Baths, p. iv.
23 Drawing 5 has a very distinctive C & I Honig fleur-de-lis watermark, almost identical to one produced in Berne c. 1779: see Heawood, E., Watermarks (London, 1950)Google Scholar, no. 1854. Drawing 2 has a watermark close to Heawood nos. 1855 and 1856, produced in London in the 1780s. However, it is also close to Heawood no. 1849, which was in use in 1768. Drawings 6 to 8, discussed below and certainly by Cameron himself, are on a different type of paper altogether. The watermark in drawings 6 and 7 is close to Heawood nos. 1637 and 1638, a type common in Rome from the early eighteenth century onward.
24 By the house of the Praetorian Guards Cameron may have meant the Castra Praetoria, barracks built A.D. 21-23 by Tiberius in north-east Rome, a site now largely covered by the Policlinico. Although the laconicum is described as being ‘At Naples’ on the drawing, in the published version (Baths of the Romans, p. iv) Cameron called it a ‘Laconicum at Pompeii’. In fact the room depicted is probably a frigidarium, possibly that of the Stabian or of the Forum baths at Pompeii. The chamber itself shown by Cameron is similar to both, but the adjacent changing room is unlike either. For a suggestion that the Stabian Baths frigidarium was originally built as a laconicum see Eschebach, H., ‘Untersuchungen in den Stabianer Thermen zu Pompeji’, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts — Römisches Abteilung, 80 (1973), 235-42Google Scholar.
25 The essays on Cameron’s book by Rae (Cameron, pp. 27-30, 83-85) and, on a smaller scale, by Harris (Architectural Books, pp. 136-39) do not identify his multifarious sources. Rae (p. 30) thought Cameron was ‘delighted to reproduce the painting he had discovered in the Baths of Titus of the method employed to heat the water’, when the painting (on p. 37 of Cameron’s English edition) was actually a well-known item in the Maffei collection, twice previously published: see de Montfaucon, B., L’Antiquité expliquée, 15 vols (Paris, 1719-24), III, 2 (1719)Google Scholar, plate 122 (also the source for the plan of the Baths at Vallogneon p. 23 of Cameron’s French edition); and Galiani, B., L’Architettura di M. Vitruvio Politone colla traduzione italiana e comento (Naples, 1758), p. 214 Google Scholar. Rae also believed (p. 84) that Cameron’s engravings of ceilings at the ‘Baths of Titus’ (his plates 59 to 65) were his own discoveries, although plates 59 and 61 were based on engravings by Pietro Santi Bartoli: see Dacos, N., La Découverte de la Domus Aurea et la formation des grotesques à la Renaissance, Warburg Institute Studies, 31 (London, 1969), pp. 17 Google Scholar, 22. Another major source on which Cameron based his illustrations (plates 36-40, 43-44, and possibly 47) was Turnbull, G., A Curious Collection of Ancient Paintings, Accurately Engraved from Excellent Drawings, Lately done after the Originals, by one of the Best Hands at Rome (London, 1741)Google Scholar, plates 23, 24, 20, 17, 38, 37, 33, and 31 respectively.
26 Cameron, Baths, on pp. iv, 1, 23, 55, and on p. 58 of the French edition.
27 Ibid., p. 30, footnote. In Vitruvius’ description of a laconicum (v, 10, 5) it is an aperture in the centre of the domed ceiling, not the floor, which is covered by a bronze disk lowered or raised by chains to control the temperature. Cameron argued, borrowing extensively from Galiani (L’Architettura di M. Vitruvio, p. 207), that disks, jointly operated by chains, covered both the aperture in the dome and the opening from the hypocaust in the floor.
28 Cameron, Baths, p. 36, footnote.
29 Galiani, L’Architettura di M. Vitruvio, pp. 202-07; ‘Delle disposizioni, e parti de’ Bagni’.
30 Talbot Rice, ‘Cameron’, p. 11, and Rae, Cameron, p. 81.
31 See, for example, the study of 130 documented excavations between 1775 and 1780 made in Pietrangeli, Scavie scoperte. In addition to the archive where the document cited at note 18 above was found, the following source was checked for Cameron’s application: Archivio di Stato, Roma, Presidenza delle Strade, Lettere Patenti, vols 66 (1762-68) and 67 (1768-77). Volume 67 contains no fewer than nineteen such applications from Gavin Hamilton (for whom see note 7 above).
32 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Diario Ordinario, No. 8484 (19 June 1773), pp. 12-13. For this episode see Pirotta, L., ‘Thomas Harrison architetto inglese, accademico di San Luca per sovrano motu proprio’, Strenna dei Romanisti, 21 (1960), 257-63Google Scholar. Cameron’s book was later referred to, however, in the Diario di Roma of 19 August 1780 (see Pietrangeli, Scavi e scoperte, p. 51).
33 Cameron, Baths, p. 54, footnote.
34 Piranesi, G. B., Le antichità romane (Rome, 1756)Google Scholar, I, plate 28 (i).
35 Cameron, Baths, p. 54, footnote.
36 Ibid.
37 Dacos, La Découverte, pp. 13–14. Dacos’s plan (her plate 1) shows that the following rooms (as numbered on Fig. 8 here) were discovered during the Renaissance: 29, 30, 32, 34, 36, 72, 75, 79, 80 (the celebrated ‘Volta Dorata’), 84, 85, 86, 92 (the long eastern cryptoporticus), 129 (the ‘Volta degli Stucchi’), and 131. On page 112, however, Dacos speculated (erroneously, if my analysis of the plans is correct) that the ‘now lost’ room described by Cameron might have been a source for musical motifs in the work of Giovanni da Udine.
38 See Weege, Das goldene Haus, pp. 13, 32.
39 Carletti and Mirri, Le antiche camere, p. xvi, n. 4, and p. xix, n. I : ‘Egli però non potendo penetrare nelle nostre Camere, ha dovuto lasciare il disegno di questo Piano con qualche imperfezione.’ Cameron’s work nevertheless remained an important source of reference, as we learn from Ponce, N., Description des Bains de Titus (Paris, 1786), p. i Google Scholar: ‘M. Charles Cameron, célèbre Architecte anglais, obtint la permission d’y faire des fouilles, et quelques années après, il publia son ouvrage des Bains Romains, qui quoique très-imparfait relativement à ceux de Titus, mérita les suffrages de tous les Antiquaires’.
40 Guattani, G., Monumenti antiche inediti per l’anno 1789 (Rome, 1789), July–August, pp. 61–62 Google Scholar and March, plate 3: ‘Dal Cameron che segui le traćcie Palladiane, è stata da noi ricavata la qui annessa tavola’ (p. 61).
41 Uggeri, A., Iconographie des édifices de Rome ancienne [Vol. 2 of Uggeri’s Journées pittoresques] (Rome, 1801)Google Scholar, preface: ‘Les dénominations, et les usages des parties qui composent ces édifices, ont été pris en partie de l’excellent ouvrage de M. Cameron … je dis en partie parceque je n’ai pu me rendre au sentiment de cet habile Architecte et Antiquaire sur le nom et la destinations de plusieurs sites qui sont en opposition entre eux dans son ouvrage’.
42 See C. Pietrangeli, ‘Archaeological Excavations in Italy 1750-1850’, in The Age of Neo-Classicism (note 11 above), pp. xlvi–lii; Ridley, R. T., The Eagle and the Spade: The Archaeology of Rome during the Napoleonic Era 1809-1814 (Cambridge, 1992)Google Scholar, especially pp. 126-31 for the excavation of the Domus Aurea.
43 De’Romanis, Le antiche camere.
44 Weege, Das goldene Haus, pp. 55–56. This misidentification was repeated by Dacos, La Découverte, p. 11, n. 3, and p. 15, n. 2.
45 See Lugli, G., ‘Domus Aurea’, in’Notiziario’, Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale, 61 (1933), 243 Google Scholar; Montani, C., ‘La Domus Aurea di Nerone’, Capitolium, 9 (1933), 94–104 Google Scholar (pp. 99, 102-03); Wirth, F., Römische Wandmalerei (Berlin, 1934), pp. 40–43 Google Scholar; Terenzio, A., ‘Domus Aurea’, in ‘Notiziario’, Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale, 66 (1938), 244 Google Scholar; A. Colini, ‘Domus Aurea’, in ibid., 67 (1939), 191-92.
46 Lugli, G., La zona archeologica di Roma (Rome, 1924), p. 139 Google Scholar.
47 Lugli, G., The Classical Monuments of Rome and its Vicinity (Rome, 1929), p. 191 Google Scholar.
48 Montani, ‘Domus Aurea’, p. 101; Zander, G., ‘La Domus Aurea: nuovi problemi architettonici’, Bollettino del Centro di Studi per la Storia dell’Architettura, no. 12 (1958), 47–64 Google Scholar (p. 47, n. 2).
49 See Dacos, La Découverte, plate I, her rooms 46 and 47. Weege (Dasgoldene Haus, p. 13) also thought that rooms 23 and 24 were ones seen by Cameron. According to Dacos (p. 143), graffitti in the adjacent room 22 (her 48) provide a date of 1795. However, it is possible that it is the west side of the rectangular court which appears in Mariette, P.-J., Recueil de peintures antiques, imitées fidelement pour les couleurs & pour le trait, d’après tes desseins coloriés faits par Piètre-Sainte Bartoli (Paris, 1757)Google Scholar, plates 1, 2-6, 12-16.
50 Cameron, Baths, p. 54, footnote.
51 Ibid. It should be noted, however, that such figures on a green architrave can be seen today in room 42 on Fig. 8 A, a room which only appeared in plan in 1983 (Fabbrini, ‘Domus Aurea: una nuova lettera’, piate 2). Weege, Das goldene Haus, p. 13, identified rooms 18 and 19 on his plan (probably 48 and 55 on Fig. 8A) as those entered by Cameron.
52 Zander, ‘La Domus Aurea’, pp. 54-64.
53 Fabbrini, ‘Domus Aurea: una nuova lettera’, p. 183, n. 28.
54 Cameron, Baths, p. 54, footnote. Knowledge of only one staircase existing in the Domus Aurea (in room 141 on Fig. 8B) led MacDonald, W. (The Architecture of the Roman Empire, 2 vols (New Haven, 1965-86), 1, p. 35 Google Scholar) to conclude that the villa had been a single-storey structure, but it is now known that at least the east wing had an upper storey. See Fabbrini, L., ‘Domus Aurea: il piano superiore del quartiere orientale’, Memorie della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, 2nd ser., 14 (1982), 5–24 Google Scholar.
55 See note 37 above.
56 Cameron, Baths, p. 54, footnote.
57 See Hinks, R. P., Catalogue of Greek, Etruscan and Roman Paintings and Mosaics in the British Museum (London, 1937). pp. 31–35 Google Scholar, fragment 55d, and figure 37. Hinks followedWeege in identifying the fragments as coming from the eastern cryptoporticus (room 92 on Fig. 8B). Dacos (La Découverte, p. 15) correctly associated two of the fragments with room 119 (her 85), but failed to connect this discovery with Cameron’s exploration.
58 See Harris, Architectural Books, p. 137, for a discussion of these financial questions.
59 Stroud, D., Henry Holland: his Life and Architecture (London, 1966), p. 136 Google Scholar.
60 Fleming, J., Robert Adam and his Circle (London, 1962), pp. 170 Google Scholar, 217.
61 British Architectural Library, MyR/1/1: Piranesi to Robert Mylne, 11 November 1760.
62 For Dance see BAL DaFam/1/3 /Letters 1, 12, and 16. Some of the drawings are in Soane’s Museum, Slider D3/1/1-6, 15 and 16. For Soane and Hardwick see du Prey, P. de la Ruffinière, ‘Soane and Hardwick in Rome: a Neo-classical Partnership’, Architectural History, 15 (1972), 51–67 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; du Prey, , ‘John Soane’s Architectural Education, 1753-80’ (doctoral thesis, Princeton University, 1972), pp. 108-27Google Scholar and figs 85-129. For Tatham see Victoria and Albert Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, D.1479.18.
63 I discuss these questions further in my forthcoming article ‘Storming the Campo Vaccino: British Architects and the Antique Buildings of Rome after Waterloo’, which will complement the present essay.
64 Stuart and Revett, Athens, I, p. i.
65 Pietrangeli, Scavi e scoperte; Haskell and Penny, Taste and the Antique, pp. 62-78; Gross, Rome in the Age of Enlightenment, pp. 310-30.
66 Tatham, C. H., Etchings Representing the Best Examples of Ancient Ornamental Architecture; Drawn from the Originals in Rome and Other Parts of Italy, during the Years 1794, 1795, and 1796 (London, 1799)Google Scholar; Etchings Representing Fragments of Antique Grecian and Roman Architectural Ornament; Chiefly Collected in Italy, Before the Late Revolutions in that Country, and Drawn from the Originals (London, 1806), especially p. 1: ‘The greater number of the following etchings have been … made from some fragments in marble that were found in various excavations among the ruins at Rome, and which I collected there for a valuable friend [probably Henry Holland]’.
67 Haskell and Penny, Taste and the Antique, p. 75, and Irwin, D., English Neoclassical Art (London, 1966), p. 26 Google Scholar. See also Honour, Neo-classicism, pp. 43-46, and Middleton, and Watkin, , Neoclassical, 1, pp. 69–70 Google Scholar, for the limited impact of Herculaneum and Pompeii on architects.
68 du Prey, ‘Soane’s Architectural Education’, figs 164, 165, 169-84.
69 Fleming, Adam, pp. 155-56. William Chambers did, however, make a plan of a Herculaneum street (Victoria and Albert Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, 7076.1).
70 Adam, Spalatro, p. 16.
71 Fleming, Adam, p. 239.
72 Brown, I. G., Monumental Reputation: Robert Adam and the Emperor’s Palace (Edinburgh, 1992), pp. 30–31 Google Scholar.
73 Wood, Palmyra, p. 6 recto: ‘we had provided ourselves with tools for digging, and sometimes employed the peasants in that way, for several days, to good purpose’. Stuart and Revett carried out excavations in Athens which appear to have been more systematic: see Athens, 1, p. vii: ‘We have carefully examined as low as to the Foundation of every Building that we have copied, tho’ to perform this, it was generally necessary to get a great quantity of earth and rubbish removed’.
74 Kaufman, E., ‘Architecture and Travel in the Age of British Eclecticism’, in Architecture and its Image, ed. Blau, E. and Kaufman, E. (Montreal, 1989), pp. 59–85 Google Scholar; Harris, Architectural Books, pp. 49-54; Brown, Monumental Reputation.
75 Wood, Palmyra, p. (a) recto and p. 35. Stuart also claimed to have stated the grounds on which he based any imaginative restorations he found necessary: Stuart and Revett, Athens, 1, p. vii.
76 Scottish Record Office, GD18/4843, 1 November 1757.
77 See Harris, Architectural Books, pp. 72-81; Brown, Monumental Reputation, pp. 32-45.
78 See Scottish Record Office, GD18/4833, 30 March 1757, for Adam’s plan to visit ‘Domitian’s palace at Spalatra’ and to return to Britain ‘laden with laurel’.
79 Kaufman, ‘Architecture and Travel’, p. 74.
80 BAL, Gandy Family/1/Letter 31.
81 The uses of Palmyra and Balbec are listed in Harris, Architectural Books, p. 494. The use of Split is discussed by Stillman, D., The Decorative Work of Robert Adam (London, 1966), p. 34 Google Scholar.
82 Wood, Balbec, p. 1; Stuart, and Revett, , Athens, 1, p. 1 Google Scholar.
83 Rice, T. Talbot, ‘Charles Cameron: Catherine the Great’s British Architect’, Connoisseur, 165 (1967), 240-45Google Scholar (p. 244), suggests that the Cold Baths and Agate Pavilion at Tsarkoe Selo might recall the ‘Baths of Titus’ because of their situation ‘on the declivity of a hill’. Certainly the Empress linked Cameron’s book and her new buildings together when writing in 1799: ‘je me suis emparée de mister Cameron … connu par un livre sur les bains anciens; nous façonnons avec lui en [sic] terrace avec bains dessous …’ (Talbot Rice, ‘Cameron’, p. 8).
