¹ Richelieu to Châteauneuf, 28 August 1629. Avenel, torn. 3, p. 423.

² Châteauneuf to Richelieu, 7 October 1629. PRO 31/3, no. 66, f. 55v.

³ ‘A Question of Jurisdiction’, RH, October 1982, pp. 111-45.

⁴ loc. cit. (note 3 above).

⁵ Reported by Gregorio Panzani in his Relazione of 1637. There is a contemporary copy of the Relazione at AAW A29 no. 35 (pp. 81-140). The statement occurs on p. 95.

⁶ An English translation of the whole letter is printed in Hughes, pp. 380-85.

⁷ Leyburn to Smith, 7 September 1631. Printed in CRS vol. 22, pp. 175-77.

⁸ Bichi to Barberini, 27 September 1631. AV Nunz. Fran. 74A, f. 115r-v.

⁹ Bichi to Barberini, 3 October 1631. AV Nunz. Fran. 74A, f. 118r-v.

¹⁰ If the original survives, it is probably in the archives of the Holy Office to which the Pope referred the matter for decision. The date of dispatch is given in the document cited at note 24. That document also includes a short passage from the letter translated into Latin.

¹¹ Smith to Fitton, 24 November [1631]. AAW B27, f. 134. Fitton had left Paris shortly after 16 August 1631; see Kellison's letter of that date, addressed to him at Arras College, Paris, just before his departure for Rome as agent for the English clergy (AAW A24 no. 67). He remained at Rome till March 1638. Smith's letters to him at this period provide a valuable commentary on affairs in France and England.

¹² Barberini to Bichi, 1 November 1631. PRO 31/9 no. 141, f. 73 (from the original in BV Barb. Lat. 8114).

¹³ Smith to a Cardinal, 22 January [1632]. AAW A26 no. 21. Smith's holograph copy. Audio quasdam Romae literas meas non ita pridem scriptas ad Sanctitatem suam ita interpretari, ac si in eis omnem meam authoritatem episcopalem in Anglia resignassem. Quod sane valde miror, cum in eis nec verbum ullum resignationis habeatur, nec ego unquam putaverim me posse earn resignare absque licentia suae Sanctitatis quae mihi nunquam concessa fuerat. Imo nec simpliciter et absolute petii ut omni episcopal] authoritate exuerer, sed solum sub conditione ut alius aliquis aut potius plures in locum meum substituerentur. Petitio enim mea duas partes habebat, nempe ut ipsimet episcopali authoritate exuerer, et ut alius vel potius alii in locum meum sufficerentur. Primam partem petii ut secunda mihi concederetur facilius seu (ut in ipsis literis dico) ut maior fides mihi de secunda habeatur; secundam vero partem absolute, et (ut in ipsis literis loquor) obnixissime et per Christum peto. Et si utramque partem impetravero, magnam gratiam mihi factam esse interpretabor: sin vero negata secunda parte, quam simpliciter et obnixissime ac per Christum postulo, concedatur mihi prima pars petitionis, quam non nisi sub conditione obtinendi primam [sic for secundam] proposui, magnam mihi et Angliae iniuriam factam esse existimabo …

¹⁴ AAW A26 no. 29. Copy in Fitton's hand.

¹⁵ On 17 April 1632 Fitton wrote to Edward Skinner who had just returned from Rome to England: ‘The Congregation hath sent down their answer to the Nuncio concerning my Lord his resignation, but what their resolution is I hear not, although I suspect the worst.’ AAW A26 no. 57.

¹⁶ Smith to Fitton, 20 May [1632]. AAW B27, f. 109.

¹⁷ OBA vol. 1, pt. 1, no. 128. Contemporary copy.

Ex animo gratias ago Sanctitati Vestrae quod me tarn gravi onere levare voluerit. Caeterum quia clerus Anglicanus inscio petitionem illam feci molestissime fert exauthorationem meam paratus sum officium meum vel retinere vel relinquere prout Sanctitas Vestra visis eorum rationibus expedire iudicaverit. Tantummodo postulo ne Episcopali authoritate exuar quousque alius episcopus in locum meum subrogetur.

¹⁸ See p. 241

¹⁹ See pp. 241-242

²⁰ Stated in the document cited at note 24.

²¹ The original letter has not been found. I have re-translated into English from the Latin version given in the document cited at note 24.

Quantum ad redditum vestrum in Angliam licet Nuntius Apostolicus yobis significaverit Summum Pontificem vestram acceptasse resignationem, attamen ab eo tempore exhibui memoriale ut posset Illustrissima Vestra Dominado suam retinere authoritatem usque dum alius in vestrum locum mitteretur et mihi datum est hoc responsum quod iurisdictio vestra semper valida remaneret usque dum finiretur hoc negotium ac determinaretur in Curia, (p. 390.)

²² Conn to Barberini, 30 October and 6 November 1636. PRO 31/9 no. 124, ff. 105, 116.

²³ CRS vol. 41, Letters of Thomas Fitzherbert, London, 1948, p. 46,Google Scholar n. 3.

²⁴ AAW A27 no. 125 (pp. 369-392). Without heading or date but endorsed ‘Episcopi Chalcedonensis authoritas probata. Item defensio Capituli’. the text is in a small italic hand, seemingly that of a copyist. The author sets out his arguments impersonally, in the manner of a canonist giving his opinion on points submitted to him. He cites some facts and documents that only Smith or Fitton could have provided. Internal evidence shows that he is not an Englishman.

²⁵ Smith to Fitton. 16 August [1632]. AAW B47 no. 8.

²⁶ Smith to Fitton, 13 September [1632]. AAW B27, f. 128. A copy of the French Bishops’ petition (probably that sent by Smith to Fitton) is at AAW A26 no. 168.

²⁷ After Smith's departure from England in 1631 the Chapter regarded itself as the authentic voice of the English secular clergy and continually (though without success) pressed Rome to grant it official recognition. A word needs to be said about its structure and the way it operated. As conceived by William Bishop, it combined two functions, elective and administrative. Here we are concerned only with the administrative. Bishop created twenty canons (Smith afterwards increased the number to twenty-four). Each canon was also an archdeacon with administrative responsibility for a small group of counties in England or Wales. Five of the canon/archdeacons (the number had been increased to seven by the time of Smith's departure) were made vicars-general, each with overall responsibility for a wide geographical area which did not necessarily include his own archdeaconry. The archdeacons (including those who were also vicars-general) were required to live within their archdeaconries. Some of the vicars, therefore, lived at a distance from their vicariates, though they usually had family connections with the counties included in them. Edward Bennet, for example, vicar for Wales and the West, was archdeacon of Buckinghamshire and Bedfordshire and lived at Wing in Buckinghamshire. The archdeacons in Wales sent regular reports to him as their vicar-general, while he, in his turn, reported as archdeacon to John Bosvile, vicar for the Midlands. Most of the vicars held archdeaconries within easy riding distance of the Bishop and one another. The purpose of this elaborate scheme was to facilitate consultation between the Bishop and an inner circle of advisers each of whom had knowledge of, and responsibility for, a particular part of the country. The ‘Consult’ (the word meant primarily the consultations themselves but came to be used also of the persons entitled to take part in them) was governed by detailed regulations (See AAW A19 no. 44) only one or two of which concern us here. Meetings were to be held regularly twice a month under the presidency of the Bishop or, if he could not attend, of the Dean (who was one of the vicars-general). On any matter brought up for discussion, the Bishop, if he were present, had the final decision, though he must listen first to the opinions of every member; if the Bishop were not present, a decision was taken by majority vote. A record was kept of the proceedings and, where appropriate, decisions were passed to the secretary of the clergy for communication to the Aǵent at Rome. After Smith's departure from England, the system continued to operate under the Dean. Smith, at Paris, was kept informed of everything that took place. During the next twenty years the system remained theoretically intact but became largely inoperative in practice except at its centre, the Consult continuing to meet regularly and act in the name of the Chapter and, indeed, of the whole secular clergy. In the later 1630s and the 1640s Smith filled some of the vacancies in the Chapter resulting from death by creating canons who were not also archdeacons. In 1649 there was a major reorganisation of the system. The geographical divisions were then completely re-drawn, England and Wales were split up into five areas, each with its own vicar-general, and there were two other vicars-general, with powers in solido, who lived in London. The vicars were no longer also archdeacons but were canons of the Chapter which now numbered more than thirty members. (OBA vol. 1, pt. 2, nos. 166, 167; AAW A30 no. 110).

²⁸ Several copies of it are extant, e.g.: BV Barb.Lat. 8619, ff. 153, etc. (transcribed in PRO 31/9 129, ff. 210, etc.); ECR Scritture 56, Chalcedon, nos. 12, 13 (2 copies) AAW A26 no. 96; AAW B47 no. 27. Some copies bear the date 19 July, others 20 July, but the text is the same.

²⁹ AAW A24-26, passim.

³⁰ Southcote to Fitton, 3 February 1632. AAW A26 no23. Southcote was secretary of the clergy from c. 1630 until his death in May 1637. The secretary's principal duty was to maintain regular weekly correspondence with the agent at Rome. From 1631 onwards he also corresponded every week with Smith at Paris. The secretary of the clergy must be distinguished from the secretary of the Consult (referred to in some documents as secretary of the Chapter). See note 27 above. The duties of both are set out clearly in ‘Consideranda pro ecclesiastico regimine recte constituendo’ of c. 1625 (AAW A19 no. 44).

³¹ An English summary, made from the Italian original in the archives of Propaganda, is printed in Hughes, pp. 409, etc.

³² Smith to a Cardinal, 2 September 1632. PRO 31/9 129, ff. 217-18 (from the original in BV Barb. Lat. 8619).

Ac certo credo earn non ausuram scribere ad Suam Sanctitatem praesertim de tali re, si id putaret ingratum Serenissimo Regi, quern unice amat.

^32A AV Nunz. Fran. 77, ff. 77v-78. E non si può dire disauttorato, mentre non se gli toglie quello, che se gli deve de iure, oltre che negli affari d'Inghilterra non devono ingerirsi i vescovi di Francia.

³³ The letter itself does not appear to be extant, but Southcote acknowledged it and referred to its date and contents in a reply dated 29 March 1633 (AAW B47 no. 64).

³⁴ Smith to Fitton, 20 May [1632]. AAW B27, f. 109.

³⁵ ‘Alcuni ricordi di quello che si potrebbe fare nello differenze tra vescovi e regolari d'Inghilterra e Francia’. PRO 31/9 141, ff. 49-52 (from the originai in BV Barb.Lat.8111). The document is headed 1634 but the events referred to in this part of it are those of 1632-33.

Quanto al Calcedonense. sarà bene mandare al Nuntio copia dell'istessa sua lettera scritta quà, nella quale apertissimente rinuntia acciò la mostri a Richelieu at ad ogni altro che da lui fusse persuaso, che si vuole dispossessare del suo carico in Inghilterra.

³⁶ Ibid, (note 35). E se bene il dare l'Episcopale dignità al Calcedonense non è ben riuscito, si deve ascrivere più alla durezza della persona che alla dignità.

³⁷ Southcote to Smith, 28 February 1633. AAW B47 no. 59.

³⁸ Smith to Fitton, 29 March [1633]. AAW B27, f. 107.

³⁹ Smith to Fitton, 11 March [1633]. Printed in CRS vol. 22, p. 177.

⁴⁰ Smith to Fitton, 20 May [1632]. AAW B27, f. 109.

⁴¹ Letter cited in note 39.

⁴² Southcote to Fitton, 29 March 1633. AAW B47 no. 64.

⁴³ 22 July 1633. AAW A27 no. 75.

⁴⁴ Smith to Fitton, 7 January [1634]. AAW B27, f. 113. Smith's letters to Windebank and to the Queen, and his MS tract, have not been found, but he speaks about them in this letter to Fitton. A contemporary copy of his letter to Weston, dated 8 November 1633, is printed in CRS vol. 22, p. 183. Richelieu's letter to Weston is probably that printed in Avenel, torn. 3, p. 498. It is undated, and Avenel ascribes it to the end of 1629, but that is much too early. Richelieu refers in his letter to ‘M. l'Evesque de Chalcedoine, qui est refugié chez moi’. Avenel thought, mistakenly, that Smith settled in France under Richelieu's protection in 1629.

⁴⁵ — to Smith, 19 January 1634. AAW B47. no. 129.

⁴⁶ Southcote to Fitton, 10 January 1634. AAW B47 no. 69.

⁴⁷ Southcote to Fitton, 16 August 1633. AAW B47 no. 62.

⁴⁸ Smith to Laud, 25 April 1635. AAW A28 no. 13. Contemporary copy. See also: Leyburn to Smith, 8 May 1635. AAW A28 no. 17.

⁴⁹ Reported by Panzani in his Relazione, 1637. See reference at note 5 above. The statement occurs on p. 139.

⁵⁰ Fitton to —, 8 March 1636. AAW A28 no. 98.

⁵¹ William, Laud, Works, 7 vols., Oxford, 1847–60, vol. 3, p. 419.Google Scholar

⁵² Smith to Fitton, 5 November [1633] (AAW B47 no. 9), reporting that the Nuncio has told him that Stratford's name has been put forward at Rome. Smith comments: ‘Considering all things, perhaps he is the fittest of all’.

⁵³ See reference at note 5 above. Panzani explains the position on pp. 136-40.

⁵⁴ Smith to Lassels, 23 March [1638]. AAW B27, f. 136. For Lassels's mission to Rome, see Edward, Chaney, The Grand Tour and the Great Rebellion. Richard Lassels and the voyage of Italy in the seventeenth century, Genève, 1985, pp. 28–43.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Digby to Smith, 7 February 1639. AAW A29 no. 77.

⁵⁶ There is a genealogical note on Smith's family in DD3-5, p. 180, entry Thomas Smith, footnote. Anstruther (vol. 1, p. 321) provides further information, discovered since that note was printed, on the Bishop's parentage.

⁵⁷ AAW A30 no. 121. ‘A copie of that parte of my Ladie Montagues last wil which belongeth to Mr. Clarkson [Smith's alias]’. In Smith's hand and annotated by him. Undated but [c. 1650]. Lady Montague's great grandson, George Brown, tried to withold the pension after 1650 on the grounds that the will stated a term of forty-one years after the testatrix's death which occurred in 1609. Smith maintained that Lady Montague's real intention was that it should be for life.

⁵⁸ See reference at note 5 above. The statement occurs on p. 126. For Smith's staying with the Earl of Shrewsbury at Grafton, see Foley, vol. I, p. 138.

⁵⁹ Southcote to Fitton, 1 June 1632. AAW B47 no. 58.

⁶⁰ Two seventeenth-century MSS showing the accounts of the fund from its foundation in 1630 up to 1662 have been preserved. One, written probably soon after 1662, is at ULC, where it exists in three sections which have, at some period become accidentally separated from each other. Pressmarks: Ddl3 31; Dd 3 64; Mm vi 70. I am greatly indebted to Professor T. A. Birrell for giving me photocopies of this MS which he discovered at ULC and correctly identified. The other MS, a copy of the preceding made about thirty years later, is at OBA Bk.4, no. 1, ‘Accounts of the Funds of the Chapter 1630-1662’. A third MS (OBA Bk.1, pt. 2, no. 117), datable from internal evidence between 1630 and 1641, contains autograph signatures of some of those promising to subscribe to the fund in its early years.

⁶¹ Smith to Herbert. 5 July [1651]. AAW A30 no. 103. William Herbert (vere Philips) a member of the Chapter since 1638, became Smith's vicar-general for Wales in 1649. See Anstruther, vol. 2, p. 244.

⁶² The Chapter to Cardinal Francesco Barberini, 30 November 1635, ‘Quaedam gravia detrimenta quae edam extra Angliam patitur clerus Anglicanus’. PRO 31/9 129, ff. 243-45 (from the original in BV Barb.Lat.8619).

⁶³ Southcote to Fitton, 8 June 1632. AAW B47 no. 57.

⁶⁴ Southcote to Fitton, 18 January 1633. AAW A27 no. 3.

⁶⁵ Smith to Fitton, 5 November [1633]. AAW B47 no. 9.

⁶⁶ Smith to Fitton, 24 November [1631]. AAW B27, f. 134. ‘Monsr. Roches’: Michel le Masle, prieur des Roches (d.c.1662), Councillor of State, secretary and life-long friend of Richelieu. (DBF torn. 11, 1967, p. 54.) The pistole was a Spanish gold coin in general circulation in western Europe. A. J. Loomie notes that its sterling equivalent varied between 16s 6d and 18s, according to the date of issue (Ceremonies of Charles I. Notebooks of John Finet, 1628-1641, Fordham University Press, 1987, p. 41). A few years after the period covered by Loomie the pistole appears to have appreciated in value against sterling. Francis Gage (see p. 268 of this article), describing a journey he had just made from England to Rome in 1659, says: ‘The exchange was so bad from London to France, and from France hither, that I protest it yielded me here little above pistoll for pound’. (Gage to Sergeant, 16 June 1659. OBA vol. 2, pt. 1, no. 32.). Thomas Carre (see pp. 271-76 of this article), in his Pietas Parisiensis, 1666 (Clancy 775), p. 150, referring to the income of the English Augustinian convent at Paris, says that 400 pistoles were equivalent to 4,000 livres tournois. This would make the pistole equivalent to about £1 sterling. For the livre tournois see note 69.

^66A For Smith's earlier residence with Richelieu, (1611-1625), see Allison, A. F.. ‘Richard Smith, Richelieu and the French Marriage’ in RH, January 1964, pp. 148–211.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Smith to Fitton, 26 August [1633]. Printed in CRS vol. 22, p. 182.

⁶⁸ Letter cited in note 67 above.

⁶⁹ There is an English summary of this patent (made from the French original in Registres du Parlement de Paris. AN X1^A 8652) on pp. 5-6 of the unpublished typescript, ‘Notes on the Notarial History of St. Gregory's English Seminary, Paris’, presented to the Catholic Record Society by the late Fr. Philip Avery CSSp and now deposited at AAW. References to livres in the documents cited in the present article are always to livres tournois. The livre tournois was in much wider circulation than the livre parisis and it was normal practice to describe the former simply as livre but to add the epithet parisis if the latter was intended. According to Cotgrave (A dictionarie of the French and English tongues, 1611, 2nd ed. 1632, STC 5830-5831), the sterling equivalent of the livre tournois was 2s, that of the livre parisis 2s. 6d, and the same rate of exchange is given in successive editions of The Merchants aviso from 1616 onwards (STC 1050, etc.). Lewis Roberts, in The Merchants Mappe of Commerce, 1638 (STC 21094) while giving the same figure, warns that, in practice, the exchange varied greatly according to political and other circumstances. For our present purposes, to find the ‘official’ sterling equivalent of sums given in livres tournois, it is only necessary to divide by ten.

⁷⁰ Valuable general information about abbeys held in commendam is to be found in Dilworth, M., ‘The Commendator System in Scotland’ (Innes Review, vol. 38, no. 2, Autumn 1986, pp. 51–72).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Dilworth's bibliography is especially useful.

⁷¹ Smith to Fitton, 28 January [1633]. AAW B27, f. 115.

⁷² Smith to Fitton, 22 July [1634]. ‘Habent’. Late Latin ‘habentia’ (sing.) = riches, revenues. Ducange cites the example: ‘habentia monasterii’.

⁷³ I have based my account on the following:— Le Puillon de Boblaye, T., Notice historiquesur l'ancienne abbaye royale de Saint-Arnould, Metz, 1857, chapter 3, pp. 31–42.Google Scholar Zedler, J. H., Universallexicon, 1732, etc., Bd. 46, col. 356–58;Google Scholar Gallia Christiana, torn. 13, col. 913-15; Calmet, A., Histoire ecclésiastique … de Lorraine, nouvelle éd., Nancy, 1751, torn. 4, col. 961–71.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ DDC torn. 3, col. 1029-85 (article ‘Commende’ by R. Laprat), see especially, col. 1076.

⁷⁵ Martin, L. E., Histoire des diocèses de Toul, de Nancy, et de Saint-Dié, Nancy, 1900–03, torn. 2, ch. 10. Eubel, vol. 4, pp. 20, 349.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Richelieu to Chavigny, 26 August 1638. Avenel, torn. 6, p. 115. For coadjutor abbots, see Schmitz, P., Histoire de l'ordre de Saint-Bénoit, Maredsous, 1948–56, torn. 4, p. 237.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ de Monsabert, P., Chartes et documents pour servir à histoire de l'abbaye de Charroux, Poitiers, 1910 (Archives historiques de Poitou, torn. 39), pp. xxii–xxxv,Google Scholar ‘Etablissements religieux dépendants de l'abbaye de Charroux’. See also Smith's letter of 9 January 1637 cited on p. 251 of the present article.

⁷⁸ Richelieu to King Louis XIII, 23 November 1635. Avenel, torn. 5, p. 356.

⁷⁹ Gallia Christiana, torn. 2, col. 1284. The authors of Gallia Christiana were mistaken in thinking that Richelieu kept it until his death in 1642 after which it was given to Smith.

⁸⁰ Richelieu to Bouthiller, 31 January 1636. Avenel, torn. 5, p. 965.

⁸¹ Letter cited in note 85 below.

⁸² Richelieu to Chavigny, 8 October 1636. Avenel, torn. 5, p. 620. Robert Arnauld d'Andilly was elder brother of Antoine Arnauld, the younger.

⁸³ Smith to Southcote, 2 January [1637]. AAW A29 no. 1.

⁸⁴ Smith to Southcote, 23 January [1637]. AAW A29 no. 7.

⁸⁵ Smith to Southcote, 9 January [1637]. AAW A29 no. 3.

⁸⁶ Smith to Southcote, 6 March [1637]. AAW A29 no. 15.

⁸⁷ Leyburn to Smith, 26 May 1637. AAW A29 no. 22. The ‘Croats’ were a French cavalry regiment, composed mainly of Croatians, renowned for their ferocity. See Burchfield, R. W., A Supplement tothe Oxford English Dictionary, 1972, etc. vol. 1, p. 682.Google Scholar For an account of the disturbances, see Bercé, Y. M., Histoire des croquants. Etude des soulèvements populaires au XVIIe siècle dans le sud-ouest de la Frnace. Paris, Genève, 1974.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Op. cit. note 74, col. 1072.

⁸⁹ Smith to Fitton, 15 December [1637]. AAW A28 no. 208 (misfiled).

⁹⁰ Smith to Lassels, 15 December [1637]. AAW A28 no. 207 (misfiled).

⁹¹ Smith to Lassels, 19 January and 23 March [1638]. AAW B27 ff. 106, 136.

⁹² Denis, P., Le Cardinal de Richelieu et la Réforme des monastères bénédictins, Paris, 1913, p. 465 Google Scholar (Appendices no. 159 bis).

⁹³ Robert Barclay (1612-1682) was the son of the writer, John Barclay (author of Argenis). When John retired to Rome in 1616, he took his infant son with him. After John's death at Rome in 1621, his widow, who was French, settled in France, where Robert was now brought up. (CRS vol. 8, pp. 320-21). Robert (who must be distinguished from a younger man of the same name who entered the Scots College, Rome in 1651) was evidently at Rome, studying for the priesthood, in the 1630s. A letter from Smith to Fitton of 26 August 1633 would seem to indicate that he was in some trouble, perhaps with the Jesuit superiors of his College. Smith writes: ‘I am glad Mr. Barcley is not disgraced and I have writ so to England’ (printed in CRS vol. 22, p. 183). In 1653 Robert Barclay was made Principal of the Scots College at Paris, a post he held until his death. For his’ later career, see Hay, M. V., The Blairs Papers, London & ??????Edinburgh, 1929,Google Scholar passim. The documents printed by Hay show that he held strongly anti-Jesuit views.

⁹⁴ Smith to Lassels, 19 January [1638]. AAW B27, f. 106.

⁹⁵ Richelieu to Chavigny, 26 August 1638. Avenel, torn. 6, p. 115.

⁹⁶ Deloche, M., La maison du Cardinal de Richelieu. Document inédit, Paris, 1912, pp. 537, 554.Google Scholar (Appendice. Compte de l'année 1639).

⁹⁷ Gallia Christiana, tom. 13, col. 915.

⁹⁸ Ibid, (note 97).

⁹⁹ BN 4° Fm 1125 no. 25215.

¹⁰⁰ AN Minutier Central XXIX 182.

¹⁰¹ See note 102 below.

¹⁰² A summary in English (made from the French original in Registres du Parlement de Paris. AN XI^A 8655) is given by Avery, op.cit. note 56, p. 6.

¹⁰³ Op.cit. note 74, col. 1081.

¹⁰⁴ See p. 246

¹⁰⁵ See p. 246

¹⁰⁶ Smith to Herbert, 14 August [1652]. OBA vol. 1, pt. 2, no. 117. The year is determined by a reference in the text to the recent death of George Gage who died 28 July 1652. For Herbert, see note 61.

¹⁰⁷ Gallia Christiana, torn. 2, col. 1284.

¹⁰⁸ For Smith's agency in Rome in 1609, see CRS vol. 41, pp. 102, etc. For the foundation of the school of writers, see TD vol. 4, pp. 133-37, vol. 5, p. 20; also CRS vol. 14, p. 52, n. 4.

¹⁰⁹ Deloche; op.cit. note 96, p. 163.

¹¹⁰ Inventaire sommaire des archives départementales antérieure à 1790. Pas-de-Calais. Sér. H. torn. 3. Fonds de l'Abbaye de Saint-Vaast, 1585-1689, art. 2012-3212, Arras, 1911, pp. 385-86. This Inventaire, printed before the first world war, gives an invaluable but tantalisingly brief analysis of documents later destroyed in the bombardment of Arras in 1915.

¹¹¹ For Thomas Sackville, see RH October 1979, p. 136, n. 29. There are many contemporary references to his Catholic activities from 1602 onwards. A fully documented biography of him is badly needed.

¹¹² Noted in the Inventaire (see note 110 above).

¹¹³ Summarised in the Inventaire (see note 110 above).

¹¹⁴ ‘Rules of Arras College’. Undated but [c. 1613-14.] OBA vol. 3, pt. 2, no. 169. The Netherlands florin (the currency in which the pension from Arras was paid) had been worth, in 1582, 3s. 4d. (Loomie, A. J., The Spanish Elizabethans, New York, 1963, p. 240).Google Scholar In the early seventeenth century its value deteriorated. By 1638 the sterling equivalent was 2s. (Lewis, Roberts, The Merchants Mappeof Commerce, London, 1638, pp. 104, 111.Google Scholar)

¹¹⁵ OBA vol. 4, no. 10.

¹¹⁶ Smith to More, 25 October 1611. Printed in TD vol. 4, pp. 136-7 n. 2.

¹¹⁷ Loc.cit. note 114 above.

¹¹⁸ The earliest list of members, drawn up on 28 April 1612, i.e. before the school of writers officially took up residence in the college, comprised the following names: William Bishop, Richard Smith, Anthony Champney, Matthew Kellison, William Smith. (‘Regulations for the Establishment at Arras College’ printed in TD vol. 4, Appendix pp. cclxix-cclxx). Kellison had to drop out on becoming President of Douai in 1613 and never, in fact, lived at the college; William Smith left the community c. 1614 and was replaced by William Wright (see note 130 below). William Rayner and Richard Ireland joined the community soon after it was founded. Rayner was already at Paris in 1611. (See letter cited in note 116 above).

¹¹⁹ ‘Rules of Arras College’ (See note 114 above).

¹²⁰ Ibid. Quia disputationes soient ingenia acuere & collationes cum sociis privatos conatus multum iuvare, ordinatum est ut singulis septimanis feriae sextae hora 5a vespertina in sacellum conveniant, & controversiam aliquam tractent secundum ordinem libelluli nostri inscripti Enchiridion Controversiarum ubi summopere cavendum, ut pacifice admodum & sine omni verborum acerbitate id transigant.

¹²¹ A&R 231. A prospectus for an edition of the Latin was printed (ARCR vol. 1, no. 234, but no copy of any such edition has been found.

¹²² ARCR vol. 1, no. 27.

¹²³ ARCR vol. 1, no. 1129.

¹²⁴ AN Minutier Central XI 96. There is a summary in English in Avery, op.cit. note 69 above, pp. 3-4.

¹²⁵ ARCR vol. 1, nos. 28, 29.

¹²⁶ Noted in the Inventaire sommaire (see note 110 above).

¹²⁷ Summarised in the Inventaire sommaire (see note 110 above).

¹²⁸ Summary in English in Avery, op.cit. note 69 above, p. 3.

¹²⁹ A&R 913.

¹³⁰ For William (vere Richard) Wright, see Anstruther, vol. 2, p. 367. Anstruther notes that he was at Arras College on 10 January 1617, but, in fact, he was already there by 22 March 1616 when, with other members of the College, he signed a letter to Rome (AAW A15 no. 105). He took the place of William Smith, one of the founder-members, who left the College to return to England sometime after 1 July 1614, the date on which his signature last appears on a college document (AAW A13 no. 190). Wright was still at Arras College on 18 July 1623 when his name, with those of Bishop, Rayner and Ireland, appears on a document drawn up at the College (AAW B25 no. 90).

¹³¹ Anstruther, vol. 2, p. 305.

¹³² The date on which Pope Clement VIII placed restrictions on the taking of higher degrees by the English clergy after they had trained for the priesthood. AAW A9 no. 115. But see Rayner's letter to More of 19 May 1615 on the subject of his doctorate (printed in TD vol. 5, p. 28, n.).

¹³³ Smith to More, 17 January 1625. AAW B47 no. 12.

¹³⁴ Smith to More, 25 January 1625. AAW B47 no. 11.

¹³⁵ William Bishop wrote to him at Rome from Arras College, Paris, on 29 April 1621, acknowledging receipt of a letter from him at Rome, dated 29 February 1621. AAW A16 no. 55.

¹³⁶ Ireland to More, 15 January 1625. AAW B47 no. 125a.

^136A He had studied at the Sorbonne for five years at some period before November 1609. See TD vol. 5, p. 3 n. In a clergy list of 1614 he is described as ‘S. Th. Doctor Sorbonicus’ (AAW A13 no. 274). His signature to the revised rules of Arras College (see note 137 below) is followed by the letters: ‘S.Th.D.Sorb.’

¹³⁷ Bosvile's instructions, dated July 1628, directed him to go from England to Rome via Brussels, Douai and Paris. Among his duties was to ‘advance that all matters may be well settled in Arras College for the good government of that house, while you remain at Paris.’ AAW A22 nos. 93-98. Southcote's diary records that he left England with the Savoy ambassador on 12 August 1628. CRS vol. I, p. 104. (Anstruther, vol. 1, p. 45, mistakenly gives the year as 1629.) A revised set of rules, headed ‘Order of Arras College’, undated but evidently drawn up in late 1628 or early 1629, bears the signatures (in order) of: John Bosvile, Richard Ireland, James Haselwood, Peter Fitton, George Leyburn. OBA vol. 3, pt. 2, no. 168. The revised rules are a very slightly modified version of those drawn up when the house was founded. See note 114 above.

¹³⁸ These four (but not Bosvile) signed a document in the name of the community, dated 6 April 1629. See RH October 1987, pp. 360, 393 n. 83.

¹³⁹ See note 11 above.

¹⁴⁰ From early 1633 onwards Rayner's name appears regularly on documents relating to the college, whereas Ireland's disappears completely from them.

¹⁴¹ He came to Arras College from Douai, 2 December 1623 (DD3, p. 219). His letter to Smith asking permission to absent himself is dated 29 June 1625 (AAW A19 no. 61).

¹⁴² Noted in the Inventaire (see note 110 above).

¹⁴³ — to Smith, 19 February [1641], recounting a conversation with Hammond. AAW A30 no. 3.

¹⁴⁴ Ibid, (note 143).

¹⁴⁵ OBA vol. 4, no. 10. The others were Thomas Godden, John Singleton, Robert Manley.

¹⁴⁶ OBA vol. 4, no. 11.

¹⁴⁷ AN Minutier Central, Herbin, 24 January 1633. There is a summary in English in Avery, op.cit. note 69 above, pp. 7-8.

¹⁴⁸ Cited in Avery, op.cit. note 69 above, p. 8. Avery gives the reference: AN Minutier Central, Herbin 9 January 1634. There seems to be a discrepancy as to the date. Carre left Paris for Douai on 7 Janaury 1634. See p. 275.

¹⁴⁹ See Avery, op.cit. note 69 above, pp. 10-12.

¹⁵⁰ Smith to Southcote, 26 March [1636]. AAW A28 no. 104.

¹⁵¹ Summarised in the Inventaire (see note 110 above).

¹⁵² Op.cit. note 5 above, p. 104. Nell'istessa citta di Parigi vi e il Collegio Atrabatense dove studiano le controversie in circa ad otto preti secolari inglesi …

^153A John Lancaster (vere North, see Anstruther vol. 2, p. 232) was at the College for a period but he did not proceed to the doctorate. He returned to England in 1636 after taking his B.D. at the University.

¹⁵³ Smith to Southcote, 12 September [1636]. AAW A28 no. 159.

¹⁵⁴ Smith to Southcote, 17 and 28 October [1636]. AAW A28 nos. 171, 176.

¹⁵⁵ Smith to Southcote, 5 December [1636]. AAW A28 no. 200.

¹⁵⁶ Smith to Southcote, 26 September [1636]. AAW A28 no. 163.

¹⁵⁷ Southcote's diary: ‘Doctor Mayland came over in September 1636’. CRS vol. 1, p. 109.

¹⁵⁸ Holden to Smith, 15 December 1637. OBA vol. 1, pt. 2, no. 136.

¹⁵⁹ The Irish College, rue des Irlandais, Paris 5e. The library is the property of the Irish Catholic bishops for whom it is now administered by the Bibliothèque Nationale which is currently preparing a catalogue. Dr. D. M. Rogers and I examined the books some seven or eight years ago.

¹⁶⁰ Smith to Southcote, 17 October [1636]. AAW A28 no. 171. ‘Mr Holden promoted doctor two days ago’.

¹⁶¹ Smith to Southcote, 26 March [1636]. AAW A28 no. 104.

¹⁶² For the Consult, see note 27 above.

¹⁶³ Smith to Lassels, 23 March 1638. AAW B27, f. 136.

¹⁶⁴ Leyburn refers to this in the letter cited in note 165.

¹⁶⁵ Leyburn to Smith, 18 July 1639. OBA vol. 1, pt. 2, no. 155.

¹⁶⁶ George, Gage, alias Francis Hoard. See Anstruther, vol. 2, pp. 121–24.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Smith to Champney, 5 August [1639]. AAW A29 no. 80.

¹⁶⁸ Muscott to Smith, 16 February 1640. OBA vol. I, pt. 2, no. 156.

¹⁶⁹ Gage to Smith, [March 1641]. AAW A30 no. 6.

¹⁷⁰ Joint letter to Smith from Champney, Muscott, Leyburn, Curtis and Gage, 25 April 1641. AAW A30 no. 8.

¹⁷¹ Letter cited in note 143 above.

¹⁷² Letter cited in note 168 above.

¹⁷³ Noted in the Inventaire (see note 110 above).

¹⁷⁴ Receipt dated 1 July 1643. AAW A30 no. 47.

¹⁷⁵ Mentioned in letters of Champney to Smith early in 1640. OBA vol. 1, pt. 2, nos. 141, 142.

¹⁷⁶ P[erin], J., ‘Le Collège de Boncourt. Le Collège de Tournai’, in Bulletin de la Montagne Ste Geneviève et ses abords, 1895, etc., torn. 1, pp. 161–162.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Stated in the preamble to the letters patent of December 1642. See note 180. below.

¹⁷⁸ Stated in the same letters patent. See note 180 below.

¹⁷⁹ See p. 269

¹⁸⁰ Contemporary copy at OBA vol. 3, pt. 2, no. 170.

¹⁸¹ For Clifford, see Anstruther, vol. 2, pp. 262-4. A memoir of Clifford, prefixed to the fifth edition of his A Little Manual of the Poor Man's Daily Devotions, London, 1705, refers to his having been superior of Tournay College. It was reprinted in the sixth edition, London, 1755. Foley (vol. 5, p. 603) reprints the memoir in full.

¹⁸² See the document cited at note 189 below,

¹⁸³ See Anstruther, vol. 2, p. 27.

¹⁸⁴ ‘Relation concerning Mr. Duckett’, printed in Foley, vol. 3, pp. 87-90, from Stonyhurst MSS, Anglia vol. 5, no. 18. See also Challoner, p. 457. Challoner says they went to Arras College, but this is an error.

¹⁸⁵ Anstruther, vol. 2, pp. 40, 42, 124, 131, 178, 196. The memoir of Clifford referred to in note 181 says that Leyburn was at Tournay College.

¹⁸⁶ ‘Dr. Gages Journal by himself. AAW A33 no. 125. ‘Petit Navarre’ may be the Collège de Boncourt which was used as an annexe to the Collège de Navarre over the road.

¹⁸⁷ Stated in the ‘Relation’ cited in note 184.

¹⁸⁸ Anstruther, vol. 2, p. 196.

¹⁸⁹ Clifford and Fitton to Propaganda, 17 March 1645. PRO 31/9 no. 93, ff. 120-21 (transcribed from Scritture originali riferite in the archives of Propaganda). Anstruther (vol. 2, p. 27) refers to what would seem to be a similar document in the same collection dated a month later (20 April).

¹⁹⁰ DD5 pp. 492, 497.

¹⁹¹ Ibid. p. 493.

¹⁹² Ibid. p. 457.

¹⁹³ Stated in the petition referred to in note 194 below. The details that follow are from the same source.

¹⁹⁴ Undated but [c. 1644-45]. Fitton's autograph draft is at AAW A30 no. 81.

¹⁹⁵ ‘Instructions for Mr. Blaklo’. AAW A29 no. 125 (misfiled).

¹⁹⁶ Petition to Mazarin, in French, by the English clergy, undated but [c. 1644-45], appealing for action to be taken against Jean Alexandre. The copy at AAW A30 no. 49 is badly damaged and certain important words are missing, including the name of the parent institution at Tournai.

¹⁹⁷ Letters patent of December 1642. See note 180.

¹⁹⁸ See the documents at AAW A30 nos. 50, 53.

¹⁹⁹ Summarised in the Inventaire (see note 110 above).

²⁰⁰ In the letter cited in note 143 above.

²⁰¹ Clancy 312.

²⁰² Anstruther, vol. 2, p. 27. He dined at the English College Rome on 18 April 1650 (Foley, vol. 6, p. 642).

²⁰³ Guilday's account of the English Augustinian canonesses abroad (ch. 11) devotes only an extended footnote to the Paris foundation (p. 385). For a general history of the convent, see Basil, Whelan, Historic English Convents of today, London, 1936, especially pp. 89–92,Google Scholar 170-72, 236-38; and Daumet, G., Notices sur les établissements religieux anglais, écossais et irlandais fondés à Paris avant la Révolution (Mémoires de la Société de l'Histoire de Paris, torn. 37, pp. 1–184;Google Scholar torn. 39, pp. 1-224), 1910, 12. Daumet's account is valuable for the data it gives based on unpublished documents in the French national archives. He had no first-hand acquaintance, however, with the convent's own annals which he knew only through the medium of a work published some years earlier: Cédoz, F., Uncouvent de religieuses anglaises à Paris de 1634 à 1884, Paris, Londres, 1891.Google Scholar The Abbé Cédoz, who had been chaplain to the nuns, drew freely on the annals, but his work contains many inaccuracies.

²⁰⁴ See Avery, op.cit. note 69.

²⁰⁵ St. Augustine's Priory, Ealing. MS C 13(c). I am very grateful to the Rev. Mother Prioress for allowing me to consult and transcribe the convent annals. The Catholic Record Society hopes to publish them at some future date. In the early eighteenth century, when Dodd was collecting material for his Church History, the nuns or their chaplain prepared for him a very brief summary of the convent's history up to 1713. This has been preserved, with some other papers belonging to Dodd, in the archives of the Old Brotherhood (OBA vol. 3, pt. 2, no. 208). It adds nothing to what we already know from the convent annals and other sources quoted in this article.

²⁰⁶ Ealing MS C 13(c) p. 7.

²⁰⁷ DD3, p. 312.

²⁰⁸ Smith to Fitton, 11 February [1633], AAW B27 f. 116.

²⁰⁹ Daumet, p. 6, citing AN XI^A f. 463, pièce justif. no. 1.

²¹⁰ Smith to Fitton, 11 March 1633. Printed in CRS vol. 22, p. 177.

²¹¹ Mary Tredway to Smith, 2 April 1633. AAW A27 no. 33.

²¹² Ealing MS C 13(c) p. 7.

²¹³ Ibid. p. 9.

²¹⁴ ‘Liste chronologique des chevaliers de l'ordre du Saint-Esprit … 1578-1830. Suivie d'une table alphabétique’ (Annuaire-Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire de France, 1863, pp. 32–220),Google Scholar p. 53. For an account of the order, see Lalanne, L., Dictionnaire historique de la France, Paris, [1872], p. 715.Google Scholar

²¹⁵ Daumet, p. 6, citing AN S4616-7, pièce justif. no. 2.

²¹⁶ Smith to Fitton, 11 June [1633]. AAW B27 f. 121.

²¹⁷ Smith to Fitton, 26 August 1633. Printed in CRS vol. 22, p. 182.

²¹⁸ For the composition, functions and procedures of the Parlement at this period see Antoine, M. [and others], Guide des recherches dans les fonds judiciaires de l'ancien régime, Paris, 1958. Also Lalanne, op.cit. note 214, pp. 422–32.Google Scholar

²¹⁹ Ealing MS C 13(c), p. 9.

²²⁰ See the present article, p. 262

²²¹ Registered by the Parlement, 31 August 1635. See Daumet, loc.cit. note 215 above.

²²² Smith to Fitton, 7 January [1634]. AAW B27 f. 113.

²²³ Ealing MS C 13(c), p. 19.