¹ See, for example. Taylor-Gooby, Peter, Public Opinion, Ideology and State Welfare (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985).Google Scholar The 1986 British social attitudes survey revealed growing support for the institutions of the welfare state: see Bosanquet, Nick, ‘Interim Report: Public Spending and the Welfare State’, in Jowell, Roger, Witherspoon, Sharon and Brook, Lindsay, eds, British Social Attitudes: The 1986 Report (Aldershot: Gower Publishers, 1986).Google Scholar For an alternative view, and criticisms of these opinion polls, see Harris, Ralph and Seldon, Arthur, Welfare Without the State: A Quarter-Century of Suppressed Choice (London: Hobart Paperback No. 26, Institute of Economic Affairs, 1987).Google Scholar

² See: Dryzek, John and Goodin, Robert E., ‘Risk-Sharing and Social Justice: The Motivational Foundations of the Post-War Welfare State’, British Journal of Political Science, 16 (1986), 1–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; King, Desmond S., The New Right: Politics, Markets and Citizenship (London: Macmillan, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Morgan, Kenneth O., Labour in Power 1945–1951 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984).Google Scholar

³ See chapters in Rose, Richard, ed., Public Employment in Western Nations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).Google Scholar

⁴ See, for example: Friedman, Milton, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962)Google Scholar; Hayek, F. A., The Road to Serfdom (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1944)Google Scholar; and Hayek, , The Constitution of Liberty (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960).Google Scholar

⁵ See Davies, David G., United States' Taxes and Tax Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986) regarding the United States.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ See Gilder, George, Poverty and Wealth (New York: Basic Books, 1981).Google Scholar For a similar, but more effectively developed, thesis see Murray, Charles A., ‘The Two Wars Against Poverty: Economic Growth and the Great Society’, The Public Interest, 69 (1982), 3–16.Google Scholar Murray attributes the drop in husband-wife family units in the United States during the 1960s to the federal anti-poverty programmes associated with the Great Society: during the 1960s, he argues, ‘fundamental changes occurred in the philosophy, administration, and magnitude of social welfare programs for low-income families, and these changes altered – both directly and indirectly – the social risks and rewards, and the financial costs and benefits, of maintaining a husband-wife family’ (p. 15).

⁷ Friedman, , Capitalism and FreedomGoogle Scholar; Hayek, , Road to Serfdom and Constitution of Liberty.Google Scholar

⁸ See, for example, Nozick, Robert, Anarchy, State and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974), Chaps 7–8.Google Scholar

⁹ See figures in: King, , New RightGoogle Scholar; King, Desmond S., ‘The State and the Social Structures of Welfare in Advanced Industrial Democracies’, Theory and Society, 16 (1987), 841–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Robinson, Ray, ‘Restructuring the Welfare State: An Analysis of Public Expenditure, 1979/80–1984/85’, Journal of Social Policy, 15 (1986), 1–21.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

¹⁰ Goodin, Robert E., Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, forthcoming 1988)Google Scholar; Plant, Raymond, Equality, Markets and the State (London: Fabian Tract no. 494, 1984)Google Scholar; and Plant, , ‘Needs, Agency and Rights’ in Sampford, C. J. G. and Galligan, D. J., eds, Law, Rights, and the Welfare State (London: Croom Helm, 1986).Google Scholar

¹¹ See, for the general argument, Esping-Andersen, Gosta, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985)Google Scholar and ‘Power and Distributional Regimes’, Politics and Society, 14 (1985), 223–56Google Scholar; and, for Britain, King, , New RightGoogle Scholar, and recent publications of the Fabian Society, for example, Mann, Michael, Socialism Can Survive (London: Fabian Tract no. 502, 1985).Google Scholar

¹² Marshall, T. H., ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, Class, Citizenship and Social Development (New York: Doubleday, 1964).Google Scholar This essay was first published in 1949.

¹³ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, pp. 84, 92.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 71.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 72.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 72.Google Scholar

¹⁷ As Marshall himself notes, ‘education … is a service of a unique kind’ since ‘the education of children has a direct bearing on citizenship, and, when the State guarantees that all children shall be educated, it has the requirements and the nature of citizenship definitely in mind. It is trying to stimulate the growth of citizens in the making. The right to education is a genuine social right of citizenship, because the aim of education during childhood is to shape the future adult … Education is a necessary prerequisite of civil freedom’. Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, pp. 81, 82.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 82.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 72.Google Scholar

²⁰ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 75.Google Scholar

²¹ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 80.Google Scholar

²² Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 81.Google Scholar

²³ As another scholar argues, ‘welfare statism is the twentieth century's response to the demands of citizens – however articulated – for material protection from contingencies that are beyond their privately organized capacity to resist’, Friedman, Kathi V., Legitimation of Social Rights and the Western Welfare State: A Weberian Perspective (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), p. 15.Google Scholar

²⁴ See also King, , New RightGoogle Scholar, and Parker, Julia, Social Policy and Citizenship (London: Macmillan, 1975).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁵ With regard to the first set of issues, much of the debate has occurred within stratification studies, where Marshall's essay was ‘one of the seminal works which resulted in the reorientation of the whole discussion of the class structure in capitalist societies’ according to Lockwood, David, ‘For T. H. Marshall’, Sociology, 8 (1974), 363–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Arguments about citizenship informed Dahrendorf's, RalfClass and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1957)Google Scholar in which he considers the accuracy of Marshall's claims about the equalizing impact of social rights. The argument here is about empirical accuracy not normative validity. Dahrendorf contends that Marshall's thesis neglects the social distribution of power: though greater equalization through citizenship rights has certainly occurred, it has not resolved the conflicts centred on class. More recently, Giddens considers also the utility of Marshall's claims as a possible refutation of the centrality of class conflict. He argues that citizenship rights cannot be separated from the contradictory forms of modern capitalism, and more specifically, since the rights of citizenship do not extend to the workplace – where class conflict is most persistent according to Giddens – Marshall's thesis is an in adequate account of contemporary Western democracies: see Giddens, Anthony, A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism (London: Macmillan, 1981), pp. 226–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar A more sympathetic treatment of Marshall's arguments is contributed by Turner who argues that the pursuit and establishment of citizenship rights has altered the nature of capitalist society in a fundamental and positive way: Turner, Bryan S., Citizenship and Capitalism (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1986).Google Scholar

²⁶ Such a proposal is advanced by Parker when she observes that, ‘the idea of citizenship implies that there should be no stigma attached to the use of public services, either because of popular attitudes condemning dependency or as a result of deterrent administrative procedures or poor standards of provision’. Parker, , Social Policy and Citizenship, pp. 145–6.Google Scholar In this regard, the provision of education and health services in Britain conforms more closely to the model of citizenship rights than, say, the provision of supplementary benefit. We will examine such distinctions in a little more detail in section 4.

²⁷ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, pp. 102–3, our emphasis.Google Scholar

²⁸ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 117.Google Scholar

²⁹ We are grateful to Robert Goodin for drawing this distinction to our attention. See Goodin, 's Reasons for Welfare, Chap. 4 on ‘Community’.Google Scholar

³⁰ Marshall, , ‘Citizenship and Social Class’, p. 84.Google Scholar

³¹ This is the view which Giddens appears to ascribe to Marshall's analysis. See Giddens's, AnthonyProfiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³⁷ See Lukes, Steven, Power: A Radical View (London: Macmillan, 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Marcuse, Herbert, One-Dimensional Man (London: Sphere, 1964).Google Scholar

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³⁹ Aristotle, , Politics, Bk III, Chap. 5.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Plato, , The Republic, Bk VI, 495e.Google Scholar

⁴¹ As de Tocqueville puts it, once the workman becomes habituated to the concerns of, say, his particular place on the assembly line, ‘he no longer belongs to himself, but to the calling which he has chosen … In proportion as the principle of the division of labour is more extensively applied, the workman becomes more weak, more narrow-minded, and more dependent’; Tocqueville, Alexis deDemocracy in America, ed. Mayer, J. P. and Lerner, Max (New York, Harper & Row, 1970)Google Scholar, Bk II, Chap. 20. This seems to mean then that the workman lacks the necessary qualities for citizenship: an open and broad mind, an independent point of view, and sufficient experience of the world beyond his own hovel or workshop to allow him to address himself intelligently to the great and general issues of politics.

⁴² As John Stuarl Mill puts it: ‘those whose bread is already secured, and who desire no favours from men in power, or from bodies of men, or from the public, have nothing to fear from the open avowal of opinions’. On Liberty (London: Dent, 1972), Chap. 2, para. 19.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ Some of these points are discussed in Marshall, T. H., The Right to Welfare (London: Heinemann, 1981), pp. 83–4.Google Scholar For the motion of a right to welfare, see Waldron, Jeremy, Nonsense Upon Stilts: Bentham, Burke and Marx on the Rights of Man (London: Methuen, 1987), pp. 156–60.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ Walzer, , Spheres of Justice, p. 84.Google Scholar

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⁵³ Walzer, , Spheres of Justice, p. 84.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Walzer, , Spheres of Justice, p. 66.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Walzer, , Spheres of Justice, p. 67.Google Scholar See Goodin, , Reasons for Welfare, Chap. 4Google Scholar, for a general critique of ‘community’ in arguments of this sort.

⁵⁶ Rawls, John, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Rawls, , Theory of Justice, pp. 275–84.Google Scholar Minimum provision in this context is discussed in Waldron, Jeremy, ‘John Rawls and the Social Minimum’, Journal of Applied Philosophy, 3 (1986), 21–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁶⁵ Rawls, J., ‘The Idea of an Overlapping Consensus’, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, 7 (1987), 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Rawls, , ‘Kantian Constructivism in Moral Theory’, Journal of Philosophy, 77 (1980), 515–72.Google Scholar For a critique of this relativism, see Waldron, , Nonsense Upon Stilts, pp. 166–72.Google Scholar