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³ Cawson, Alan, Holmes, Peter and Stevens, Anne, ‘The Interaction between Firms and the State in France: The Telecommunications and Consumer Electronics Sectors’Google Scholar, in Wright, and Wilks, , eds, Comparative Government-Industry Relations, pp. 10–34Google Scholar; Green, Diane, ‘Strategic Management and the State: France’Google Scholar, in Dyson, and Wilks, , eds, Industrial Crisis, pp. 161–92Google Scholar; Milner, Helen, ‘Resisting the Protectionist Temptation: Industry and the Making of Trade Policy in France and the United States during the 1970s’, International Organization, 41 (1987), 639–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Underbill, Geoffrey, ‘Neo-Corporatist Theory and the Politics of Industrial Decline: The Case of the French Textile and Clothing Industry’, European Journal of Political Research, forthcoming.Google Scholar

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⁹ Skocpol, Theda, ‘Political Response to Capitalist Crisis: Neo-Marxist Theories of the State and the Case of the New Deal’, Politics and Society, 10 (1980), 155–201CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the concept of a state tradition, see Dyson, Kenneth H. F., The State Tradition in Western Europe (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1980).Google Scholar

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¹³ We recognize that the concept of a sector itself may be problematic. First, the definition of a sector may or may not correspond to the industrial classification used in a given country. Where correspondence does not obtain, it is usually because the ‘sector’ is more narrowly defined than the government's classification. Second, research has increasingly sought to incorporate into analysis the subjective aspects of sector definition. Thus Wilks and Wright use the concepts of ‘policy focus’ and ‘policy community’ to capture these properties. The policy focus refers to a ‘commonality of product or products, service or range of services, a technology or range of technologies, a market, size of “batch”, and so on’. A policy community then refers to the group of actors or potential actors whose community membership is defined by this common policy focus (Wilks, and Wright, , ‘Comparing Government-Industry relations’, pp. 293–305Google Scholar). Pross also tries to capture some of this complexity when he introduces the concept of a ‘policy community’ with its attendant notions of sub-governments and attentive publics (see Pross, A. P., Group Politics and Public Policy (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 96–107).Google Scholar

¹⁴ This is one of the messages contained in Sulieman, Ezra N., Private Power and Centralization in France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 303Google Scholar. He writes here that ‘state power or autonomy varies across sectors’ and one cannot approach this problem in a formalistic manner without ‘the necessary empirical investigations’.

¹⁵ Katzenstein, , ‘Conclusion’Google Scholar, in Katzenstein, , ed., Between Power and Plenty, p. 311.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Katzenstein, , ‘Conclusion’, p. 316.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See Hall, Peter A., ‘Policy Innovation and the Structure of the State: The Politics-Administration Nexus in France and Britain’, The Annals, No. 466 (1983), 43–59, pp. 46–7.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Hall, , ‘Policy Innovation’Google Scholar and Green, ‘Strategic Management and the State’Google Scholar in Dyson, and Wilks, , eds, Industrial Crisis, pp. 161–92.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Zysman, John, Governments, Markets and Growth (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), p. 300.Google Scholar

²⁰ Hall, , ‘Policy Innovation’, pp. 46–7.Google Scholar

²¹ Sulieman, , ‘State Structures’, pp. 257–79.Google Scholar

²² This distinction among types of agencies is made by Lowi, Theodore, The End of Liberalism, 2nd edn (New York: Norton, 1979), pp. 79–91.Google Scholar

²³ Hall, , ‘Policy Innovation’, pp. 46–7.Google Scholar

²⁴ This point is made in a host of recent volumes including Hall, , Governing the EconomyGoogle Scholar. An earlier statement is contained in Lindblom, Charles, Politics and Markets (New York: Basic Books, 1977).Google Scholar

²⁵ In their discussion of sectoral policy networks, Cawson, Holmes and Stevens refer to a similar variable, the ‘monopoly closure in state-group relationships’. See their article, ‘Interaction between Firms and the State in France’, pp. 30–1.Google Scholar

²⁶ In attempting to define these categories we join forces with Cawson et al., who made a brief attempt along these lines in their article on the telecommunication and consumer electronics sectors in France', Cawson, et al. , ‘Interaction between Firms and the State in France’, pp. 29–32Google Scholar. At the same time, we depart from their effort in an important respect. First, their typology is defined based on two variables, state autonomy and monopoly closure in state-group relations (analogous to our mobilization variable). We find it useful to add the dimension of concentration of authority as a defining characteristic. As noted above, the circumstances are rare in which one agency or bureau assumes responsibility for a sector. Furthermore, the use of these three defining variables provides a more complete description of the organizational logic of the networks involved.

²⁷ See Richardson, J. J. and Jordan, A. G., Governing Under Pressure (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1979).Google Scholar

²⁸ Allison, Graham T., Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (Boston, Mass.: Little, Brown, 1971).Google Scholar

²⁹ Krasner, , Defending the National Interest, p. 27.Google Scholar

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³¹ The reader might legitimately ask why we call clientele pluralism ‘pluralist’ in these circumstances. We do so for two reasons. First, the emphasis in group representation is on narrowing group domains and on specialized groups acting in opposition to one another rather than in concert. Both of these emphases diner from corporatism as we note below. Secondly, we suspect that future research will show that clientele pluralist arrangements become particularly likely when states are weak and pluralistic on the macro level.

³² Lowi, , The End of Liberalism, p. 60Google Scholar. His notion of ‘sponsored pluralism’ is closely related to the phenomenon we are describing here.

³³ Cawson, , Corporatism and Political Theory (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), p. 38.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Cawson makes a similar point. Because meso-corporatist networks examine a restricted range of issues, ‘There is no presumption that meso-corporatist arrangements are tripartite in form, or that the interests they embrace are restricted to capital and labour’ (Cawson, Alan, ‘Varieties of Corporatism: The Importance of the Meso-level of Interest Intermediation’Google Scholar, in Cawson, , ed., Organized Interests and the State, p. 11 ).Google Scholar

³⁷ Schmitter, P., ‘Neo Corporatism and the State’, in Grant, Wyn, ed., The Political Economy of Corporatism (London: Macmillan, 1985), pp. 32–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴³ Lehmbruch makes a distinction similar to ours between corporatism and concertation. See his article, ‘Concertation’, pp. 60–80.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Samuels, , The Business of t he Japanese State, Chap. 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Hall, , Governing the Economy, Chap. 7.Google Scholar

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⁵⁰ Shepherd, Geoffrey and Duchêne, François, ‘Introduction: Industrial Change and Intervention in Western Europe’, in Shepherd, G., Duchêne, F., and Saunders, C., eds, Europe's Industries (London: Frances Pinter, 1983), p. 21.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Kotowitz, Yehuda, Positive Industrial Policy: The Implications for R & D (Toronto: Ontario Economic Council, 1986), p. 34.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ As Ikenberry has pointed out, ‘a minimalist state strategy that involves enforcing market processes may be as efficacious as the juggernaut of extensive and systematic direct intervention’ (Ikenberry, G. John, ‘The Irony of State Strength: Comparative Responses to the Oil Shocks in the 1970s’, International Organization, 40 (1986), 105–38, p. 137).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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