^{page 451 note 1} Thompson, G. Caton, The Tombs and Moon Temple of Hureidha (Hadhramaut) (Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London, no. xiii), pp. 158–160Google Scholar, in the section “Epigraphy” by G. Ryckmans. The inscription is called Caton Thompson no. 4.

^{page 452 note 1} Dozy, , Supplément, i, 39a.Google Scholar

^{page 452 note 2} RÉS. 3960, 2. Beeston, , Sabæan Inscriptions, p. 93Google Scholar, quotes an instance of the causative form in ś in an inscription published by Höfner, Fräulein in WZKM., xlii, p. 43Google Scholar, to which I have not access owing to war damage.

^{page 453 note 1} RÉS, 2813, 2.

^{page 453 note 2} Studien zur Lexikographie und Grammatik des Altsüdardbischen, i, p. 63Google Scholar (Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien. Phil.-hist. Klasse, Bd. 178).

^{page 453 note 3} CIH, 308, 13.

^{page 453 note 4} Chrestomathia Arabica Meridionalis Epigraphica, p. 223.

^{page 453 note 5} RÉS, 3610, 12–13.

^{page 453 note 6} RÉS, 2774, 3; 3535, 3.

^{page 453 note 7} CIH, 81, 9, cf. Beeston, op. cit., pp. 19–20; 84, 8; RÉS, 3991, 10–11; 4193, 12.

^{page 453 note 8} RÉS, 3308.

^{page 453 note 9} i, p. 60a.

^{page 454 note 1} See the references apud RÉS, 2771, 9.

^{page 454 note 2} Supplément, i, 38b.Google Scholar

^{page 454 note 3} Wright, , Grammar (2nd edn.), i, p. 153, no. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 455 note 1} This must not be supposed to imply any lack in recognition of the complete individuality, and the comparatively static nature, of this Himyarite civilization. Foreign influence was slight.

^{page 455 note 2} RÉS, 3945, 13.

^{page 455 note 3} Op. cit., p. 106.

^{page 455 note 4} Freytag, I, 606.

^{page 455 note 5} Verse 30.

^{page 456 note 1} p. 54b.

^{page 456 note 2} Leveen, J., The Hebrew Bible in Art (Schweioh Lectures), p. 6, suggests the translation “calligraphers”.Google Scholar

^{page 456 note 3} It is possible that this word too once meant the master-smith as opposed to the ordinary craftsman, for it is applied to the god Hyn, the equivalent of Vulcan, in the texts from Shamra, Ras, Virolleaud, , La Déesse Anat, col. vi, 11. 22–3Google Scholar; Danel, tablet ii, col. v, 11. 18–19, 24–5, hyn.dṥrś.ydm “the handicraftsman (par excellence)”; see also Danel, tablet i, col. iv, 222, and Syria, xvi, pp. 247–266, Les Chasses de Baal, col. ii, 62.

^{page 456 note 4} Zimmern, , Akkadische Fremdwōrter, 25.Google Scholar

^{page 456 note 5} p. 40b.

^{page 457 note 1} Thompson, Campbell, Late Babylonian Letters, no. 1, line 6Google Scholar: Streck, , Assurbanipul, ii, p. 354, b, 4–7Google Scholar; KARI, no. 177, obv. col. IV, 26–30; Revue, d'Assyriologie, xv, 143Google Scholar, “the ummanu who does not alter my name but places (this) in the tablet-stone”; particularly clear, “Tabletwriting is the mother of those that read aloud, the father of the ummanu,” quoted in Delitzsch, Handwōrterbuch; the “father”, because the ummanu is more proficient than the ordinary scribe who writes and reads letters.

^{page 457 note 2} Thompson, Campbell, Reports, no. 200, rev. 4–6Google Scholar; no. 152, rev. 1 = Harper, ABL, no. 519; 722, rev. 1–9: Virolleaud, Astrologie, Ištar, no. V, line 18; Supplément, no. xliv, 18; cf. Streck, , Assurbanipal, ii, pp. 4, 254–6.Google Scholar

^{page 457 note 3} Harper, ABL, no. 975, rev. 11–18; Boissier, , Documents, p. 11, line 47Google Scholar, and Divination, p. 190; Thureau-Dangin, , Rituels Accadiens, p. 3, lines 2–3.Google Scholar

^{page 457 note 4} Harper, ABL, 114, rev. 6–11: Thompson, Campbell, The Epic of Gilgamesh, p. 27Google Scholar, tablet ii. col. iv, 29–33, where the ummanu took counsel to decide on the nature and weight of weapons.

^{page 457 note 5} Harper, ABL, no. 923, line 9; Streck, , Assurbanipal, ii, p. 256Google Scholar, see Revue d'Assyriologie, xxxvi, 60Google Scholar; Streck, ii, 60.

^{page 457 note 6} F. Th. M. Böhl, Der babylonische Furstenspiegel (M.A.O.G., XI, Heft 3), p. 4, line 5. Böhl's title is erroneous; the text refers to Assyrian conditions.

^{page 457 note 7} Harper, , ABL, no. 604, rev. 4–9.Google Scholar

^{page 457 note 8} KAVT, no. 216; OLZ, 1920, Sp. 204–7; Weidner, Kmige von Assyrien, p. 10.

^{page 457 note 9} Lie, A. G., The Inscriptions of Sargon, I, pp. 54–66, lines 371–5.Google Scholar

^{page 458 note 1} Thureau-Dangin transliterates erib-bitati in his Rituels accadiens, p. 130, because the ideogram is followed by the plural sign; Lie has eributi-biti. The plural applies not to the second component but to the first; but the construct plural generally retains singular form.

^{page 458 note 2} CT, XXVI, pi. 2, lines 36–40.

^{page 458 note 3} For the meaning of the II, 2, participle, cf. the description of Ishtar, muttabilat lcakke, “directing arms (in battle).”

^{page 458 note 4} See, e.g., Luckenbill, , Ancient Records, II, § 234Google Scholar; Driver, and Miles, , Assyrian Laws, p. 478.Google Scholar

^{page 458 note 5} Revue d'Assyriologie, XVI, p. 128, lines 20–8. For a similar list including the umman nikasi, UM-MI-A-NIG-ṦIT, see King, Boundary Stones, pp. 20–1, col. I, 13–II, 11.

^{page 458 note 6} Harper, , ABL, no. 867, obv. 1-rev. 4Google Scholar; no. 566, rev. 3–9. It is interesting to note the distinction between the king's ummanu and the ummanu (pi.) who are executive officers mentioned as alternative to the district governors or the staff of the central government.

^{page 459 note 1} See Clay, A. T., Neo-Babylonian Letters from Erech, no. 18, lines 23–6Google Scholar, for an example.

^{page 459 note 2} Jeremiah XLIX, 28.

^{page 459 note 3} Arabia Deserta, p. 490.

^{page 459 note 4} CAH., III, 304.

^{page 459 note 5} XLIII, 10–13.

^{page 459 note 6} Babylonian Historical Texts, pp. 85, 89, col. III, lines 3–7, though broken, prove this much.

^{page 459 note 7} The relation of the male moon-god to the goddess mentioned as a consort of the moon-god in texts from Ras Shamra, whose name may be transliterated Ṧn or ṯn, has still to be elucidated.

^{page 460 note 1} Gadd in Studi-a Orientalia, I, p. 32. Nabu is there said to establish the means by which scribes make erasures, (giṦ)uluhhu—an important part of an editor's equipment—for the ummane.

^{page 460 note 2} Some references: Schorr, Urkunden, index; MDP, XXII, nos. 120, 121, 123; XXIII, 270; Koschaker, und Ungnad, Hammurabi's Gesetz, VI, no. 1548Google Scholar; ana ittisu, tablet 3, col. i, 11. 59–62, give clauses restricting the ummanu's responsibilities; 11. 63–6 deal with his calling in of cash or kind payment when due; BНhl, , Mededeelingen uit de Leidsche Verzameling, II, pp. 33–5Google Scholar; P., Kraus, Altbabylonische Briefe, II, pp. 18–20Google Scholar;Alexander, J. B., Early Babylonian Letters and Economic Texts, nos. 30 and 44.Google Scholar All recent treatments of these passages have been vitiated by the assumption that the word can mean “creditor”: if this were the correct interpretation some of the passages could be explained, but some make nonsense and would have to be emended or explained away.

^{page 460 note 3} § 39. Tallquist guessed that the word here meant “creditor” and assumed that the wording of the law was corrupt because the guess makes nonsense. Landsberger accepted this meaning for the Babylonian documents without proving it correct for the Assyrian law, ZA(NF), I, p. 23. It is now said that the word “clearly denotes ‘capitalist’” in the business documents, Miles and Driver, Assyrian Laws, p. 478, and therefore means this in the law.

^{page 460 note 4} Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sechtstoissenschaft, Band, XLIV, pp. 319–320, no. 17.Google Scholar

^{page 461 note 1} The ideogram for ummanu in the bilingual text II R, plate 16, lines 53–4, is NUN. ME. TAG. The various Akkadian equivalents in CT, XI, 49, lines 19–25, ippiṦu, hassu, bel terti, apkallum, all have general senses and imply expertise. The proverb hassu id ulabbar ummana emqa, “reflection does not age the wise ummanu” is typical.

^{page 462 note 1} See Perowne, S., Ἰm'adeya and Beihan, and the map drawn by Duncan, J., in Antiquity, XIII, 133–7, and 361–5.Google Scholar

^{page 462 note 2} Rathjens, C. und von Wissmann, H., Vorislamische Altertumer, pp. 133–4, fig. 91.Google Scholar

^{page 462 note 3} There is something wrong about the conjunction of design and Pahlavi inscription on von der Osten, The Ancient Seals from the Near East in the Metropolitan Museum (The Art Bulletin, XIII, no. 2, Chicago), no. 100, as there is about the conjunction of head and inscription on the “eye” in the Museum at Florence, Revue Archeologique, 1885, p. 79.

^{page 463 note 1} Rostovtzeff, M., The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, I, 83Google Scholar; Antiquaries Journal, XXII, 111–12.Google Scholar

^{page 463 note 2} Thompson, Caton, The Tombs, etc., pi. XLIV, 9, and p. 79Google Scholar, where the decoration is regarded differently.

^{page 463 note 3} pp. 174–7.