^{page 621 note 1} The present article, completed in December 1931, was intended for a larger circle of readers not necessarily consisting of professional orientalists. Its object lies not so much in details as in a general outline of the problem. The facts which have become available since 1931 have been referred to in footnotes.

^{page 621 note 2} Zebus are found in Persia principally in the Caspian provinces. This is an important detail for locating Muhammadï's activities, though by birth he seems to have been a native of Tabrīz or Herat, cf. SirArnold, T., Painting in Islam, pp. 135, 144. [The idea that Muhammadī was a Chinese convert (!) is entirely arbitrary. According to ‘Ālī's Menāqib-i hünerverān, p. 64, note 3, “Muhammadī beg” was the son of Sultan Muhammad Tabrīzī.]Google Scholar

^{page 621 note 3} V.i., p. 640.

^{page 622 note 1} The only place with buildings in white and red stone seems to be the small defile above the Kurdish district of Somai (north-west of Urmia). These curious monuments have an immediate parallel on the Turkish side of the frontier in the castle of Khoshab. See my article “Somai,” in EI. Stones of two colours are characteristic of the Armenian architecture.

^{page 622 note 2} Avestan pairi-daēza “surrounded by wall”, Persian palēz “garden”, Greek European “paradise” and Arabic firdaus.

^{page 622 note 3} See the reconstruction of the Qasr-i Shīrīn buildings in de Morgan, , Mission Scientifique en Perse, iv, Recherches archéologiques, ii, pp. 341–360, the Safavid pavilions in Isfahān, Ashraf, and Farahābād, the Qājār buildings in the parks around Tehrān, etc.Google Scholar

^{page 622 note 4} Tabarī, i, p. 2452. The carpet was sent to Mekka and there cut to pieces; a similar fate later befell the Persian imperial banner Dirafsh-i Kāviyānī. Some words in the text are dubious: qudbān has been translated as “stems” but, on a high authority, I: hear that it may be rendered by “chain” (as opposed to “warp”); if instead of diyar we read dayr (monastery) it may be an echo of the Arab view according to which Christian monasteries were very pleasant abodes.

^{page 623 note 1} The royal tombs of the early Parthians lay in Nasā on the northern slope of the Khorasanian mountains; see my translation of the Ḥudūd al-'Ālam, p. 326.

^{page 624 note 1} Ibn al-Faqīh, p. 255, v.i., p. 650, n. 2.

^{page 624 note 2} Ya'qūbī, , Bibl. Geogr. Arab., vii, p. 276, states that the inhabitants were a mixture of non-Arabs ('ajam), the Arabs being very few in Rayy. The contrary affirmation in Schwarz, 760, is a slip. See now my article “Raiy” in EI.Google Scholar

^{page 624 note 3} Ibn Rusta, p. 156.

^{page 625 note 1} “Khorasan, Denkmalsgeographische Studien zur Kulturgeschichte des Islam in Iran,” in Der Islam, xi, 1921.Google Scholar

^{page 625 note 2} See my article “Tūrān” in EI.

^{page 625 note 3} Narshakhi, , History of Bukhara, ed. Schefer, , pp. 15–16. Russian translation by Lykoshin-Barthold, Tashkent, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 626 note 1} Chavannes, , Documents sur les T'ou-kioue, St. Petersbourg, 1903, p. 145.Google Scholar

^{page 626 note 2} For all these places see Barthold, , Turkestan, ed. Gibb Memorial.Google Scholar

^{page 626 note 3} Properly Jūy-i Maulāyan.

^{page 626 note 4} The quarries which furnished stone for the city buildings in Samarqand and the clay for the preparation of vessels, glass, and depilatory stuffs, were situated at Kuhak, , Iṣṭakhrī, p. 318.Google Scholar

^{page 626 note 5} See its description by Baṭṭuṭa, Ibn (1355), iii, 52–4,Google ScholarBarthold, , o.l., p. 92.Google Scholar

^{page 626 note 6} Ibid., p. 88.

^{page 627 note 1} Umniakov, , Architectural Monuments of Central Asia (in Russian), Tashkent, 1929, pp. 4, 17;Google ScholarCohn-Wiener, , Turan, 1930, pl. 1–3.Google Scholar

^{page 627 note 2} Ed. Schefer, p. 18.

^{page 627 note 3} It seems to have still been there in 1178 when the abridgment of Narshakhī, which alone has come down to us, was compiled.

^{page 627 note 4} Markwart, , A Catalogue of the Provincial Capitals of Ēranšhahr, Rome, 1931, p. 73, explains shādravān as “portiere” (from *Shāh-dar-pān” protecting the door of the king”).Google Scholar

^{page 627 note 5} Zandana is situated four farsakhs north of Bukhārā. The stuff zandanijī was later manufactured in other villages of Bukhārā, and exported to ‘Irāq, Fārs, Kirmān, and India. The zandanijī seems to have been of a common quality, as the grooms, who were slaves, wore garments made of it, Barthold, , Turkestan, p. 227.Google Scholar

^{page 627 note 6} See also a long list which Muqaddasī, pp. 323–6, gives of the articles exported from Transoxiana.

^{page 628 note 1} Qābūs depended on the Sāmānids and later on the Ghaznavids. His relations with the Būyids were strained. See Huart, C., Lea Ziyārides, Paris, 1922, pp. 52–63.Google Scholar

^{page 628 note 2} The original date is 375 in the solar era (i.e. as shown by van Berchem, the Yazdagird era) and 397 in the lunar era (i.e. the Hijra era), both corresponding to A.D. 1006. See Diez, , Churasanische Baudenkmäler, Berlin, 1918, p. 106.Google Scholar

^{page 628 note 3} See Godard, in Āthar-é Īrān, i/l, p. 115.Google Scholar

^{page 628 note 4} The inscription has been deciphered by Herzfeld, , Mitteilungen aus Iran, iv, 1932, p. 140–7.Google Scholar Recently two other similar towers have been found in Māzandarān, at Lajīm and Besget (Eaz-gat ?), and described by Godard, A., Āthàr-é Īrān, i, 1936, pp. 125–160.Google Scholar For the decipherment of the Middle Persian inscription of Lājīm see Herzfeld, , Mitteilungen, viii/2, 1936, pp. 78–81.Google Scholar

^{page 628 note 5} I tried to elucidate the historical meaning of this “Iranian intermezzo” in my La Domination des Daīlamites, Paris, 1932.Google Scholar

^{page 628 note 6} In Persia the name is pronounced with i, not with u ('Adud).

^{page 629 note 1} de Sacy, S., Mé'moires sur diverses antiquités de la Perse, Paris, 1793, p. 137.Google Scholar

^{page 629 note 2} Muqaddasī, p. 450: Some of the rooms were imitating the colour (laun) of Chinese porcelain (al-ghadar al-ṣīnī), others that of rQck, some were panelled with marble (mafrūsh bil-rukhām), some gilt over, some covered with paintings (muṣawwar).

^{page 629 note 3} To that dynasty also were probably due several buildings in Qazvin, Qum, Abhar, Isfahān, Dīnavar, Nīhavand, etc., mentioned by Arab geographers, Herzfeld, , o.l., pp. 166–7.Google Scholar

^{page 629 note 4} Great wonders are told about Muhammad b. Musāfir's buildings in the castle of Shamīrān, where he attracted the best artisans from everywhere. The castle stood on the Safīd-rūd, at a distance of some three hours above the Manjil bridge. See my article “Tarom” in EI. I now see that Hantzsche, in Brugsch, , Reise, ii, 471–2, has given a description of the ruins, without knowing what the place was.Google Scholar

^{page 629 note 5} See my articles “Tabriz” and “Maragha” in EI.

^{page 629 note 6} On the ruins of their capital Sarmāj, south of Bīsūtūn, see Mann, O., Globus, 1903, vol. lxxxiii, pp. 327–331. Hasanwaih's mosque in Sarmāj was built of hewn stone, Ibn al-Athīr, viii, 281.Google Scholar

^{page 630 note 1} Umniakov, “Rabāt-i Malik” (in Russian) in Dedicatory volume to V. V. Barthold, Tashkent, 1927. The rabāt lies in the neighbourhood of Karmīna.Google Scholar

^{page 630 note 2} Narshakhī, pp. 49–50; Barthold, , Turkestan, p. 319.Google Scholar

^{page 630 note 3} Godard, A., Ghaznī, Paris, 1925, p. 59.Google Scholar

^{page 631 note 1} The great Masjid-i jum'a was built by Malik-shāh, see now in detail Godard, A., in Āthār-é Īrān, i/2, 1936, pp. 213–282. Nizām al-mulk, the great minister of the Seljuks, was buried in Isfahan in a madrasa built by himself (Zakariyā, Qazwīnī, ii, 276) and which must not be confused with the better known Nizāmiya completed in Baghdād in 1065. Sultan Bark-yaruq's (d. A.D. 1104) resting-place was in a mausoleum constructed for him in Isfahān by his favourite wife.Google Scholar

^{page 631 note 2} The Gunbad was first mentioned by Khanykov (1852). Herzfeld, “Der Gunbad-i ‘Alawiyyan” in A volume … presented to E. G. Browne, Cambridge, 1922,Google Scholar dates it of the reign of Uljāytū (1304–1316). But if my hypothesis is right, the date would be circa A.D. 1200–1250. Cf. Rā ḥat al-Ṣudūr, p. 40; Jahān-gushā, i, 115.Google Scholar

^{page 631 note 3} Tārīkh-i guzīda, Gibb Memorial, pp. 505–9 (transl. pp. 120–1).Google Scholar

^{page 632 note 4} Khanykoff, , “Mémoire sur les inscriptions musulmanes du Caucase,” Jour. As., August, 1862,Google Scholar and Sarre, , Denkmäler persischer Baukunst. Cf. now my article “Nakhičevān” in EI.Google Scholar

^{page 632 note 1} To atabek Shlrglr (towards A.D. 1107–1127) were due some constructions near Sāva.

^{page 632 note 2} Ātkār-é Īrān, i/2, 1936, pp. 125–156.Google Scholar Three of them are of the sixth/twelfth century. The oldest of them bears the date of 542/1148 and the name of the builder QawwSm of Āzarbayjān ‘Abd al-'Azīz b. Mahmmuū b. Sa'd; cf. Rābat al-ṣudūr, p. 298.Google Scholar

^{page 632 note 3} Nuzhat al-gulūb, 241. The treasury was plundered before Ghazan's times; cf. D'Ohsson, , Histoire des Mongols, iv, 340.Google Scholar

^{page 632 note 4} See my article “Tabriz” in EI.

^{page 632 note 5} The original pronunciation of his name is Öljeytü.

^{page 633 note 1} ‘Alī-shāh's ambition was to eclipse the Sasanian palace (Tāq-i Kisrā) at Ctesiphon. We possess a detailed description of the mosque in an Egyptian relation preserved in al-'Aynī's 'Iqd al-Jimān, transl. by Tiesenhausen, Baron, Zapiski Vost. Old., i, 1886, pp. 114–18.Google Scholar

^{page 633 note 2} See my article “Sultāniya” in EI. Several buildings in Sultāniya belong to the later ṣafavid and Qājār times.

^{page 633 note 3} The mosque has been studied in detail by V. Morozov. See my article in Apollo, London, 03, 1931 and “Waramui” in EI.Google Scholar

^{page 633 note 4} Berchem, van, in Mélanges H. Derenbourg, Paris, 1909, pp. 367–378,Google Scholar and Āthār-e Īrān, i/2, p. 234.Google Scholar

^{page 633 note 5} This Rādkān, situated north-east of Qūchān is not to be confused with the Radkan situated on Nikā, south-west of Astarābād, v.s. It belonged to the special fief of the famous Mongol administrator Arghun-aqa, v.i., p. 634, note 4.

^{page 633 note 6} See Berchem, van in “Materialen z. ältesten Geschiehte Armeniens”, Abhand. Ges. Wiss. Göttingen, N.F., ix, pp. 158–9; of the date one reads only seven hundred (7 ? ?).Google Scholar

^{page 633 note 7} These round towers, dated. 1273, 1279, 1281, strangely recall similar buildings in Persia, but here they show an influence of the Armenian style. They were first discovered by Lynch, , Armenia, ii, 280–297.Google Scholar For more details see Bachmann, , Kirchen und Moscheen in Armenien und Kurdistan, Leipzig, 1913, pl. 55–8.Google Scholar

^{page 633 note 8} See my article “Kutlugh-khan” in EI.

^{page 634 note 1} See my article “Lur-i Buzurg” in EI.

^{page 634 note 2} See the Jalāyir Sulṭān Aḥmad's Dīvān with very curious illustrations published by DrMartin, , Miniatures from the Period of Timūr, Vienna, 1926.Google Scholar

^{page 634 note 3} The rare “Muntakhab al-tawārikh”, Bib. Nat., sup. pers., 1651, fol. 327 v., definitely says that Shāh Uwais built a Daulat-khāna. See my article “Tabriz” in EI.

^{page 634 note 4} The Jān-Qurbānī (probably in Mongol *Dzun-ghurban) were the descendants of the Mongol governor Arghün-Aqa (of Oyrat origin), see Jahān-gushā, ii, 242–251, cf. my article “TQs” in EI.Google Scholar

^{page 634 note 5} According to the Tārākh-i guzīda, transl. pp. 114, 184, the mosque was built in 752/1351, but SirSykes, P., Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, p. 194, says that the inscription of Mubariz al-dīn's cathedra mosque gives 730/1329.Google Scholar

^{page 635 note 1} On the great number of poets, writers and historians who in the fifteenth century lived in Herat see Browne, E. G., A Literary History of Persia, iii.Google Scholar See also the material collected by Bouvat, L. in his “Essai sur la civilisation timouride”, JA., April, 1926, pp. 193–299.Google Scholar On the Timurid monuments see Khanikoff, in JA., 1860, xv, pp. 537–543,Google Scholar and recently Byron, R., The road to Oxiana, 1938, Index under “Herat”.Google Scholar

^{page 636 note 1} According to W. Hinz, the date of the mosque is 25th October, 1465, and its architect's name is Muhammad, Ahmad b., ZDMG, 1938, 91, pp. 59 and 422.Google Scholar

^{page 636 note 2} 'Ālam-ārā, p. 217;Google ScholarChelebi, Evliyā, Seyāḥat-nāma, ii, pp. 245–278. Cf. Hinz, loc. cit.Google Scholar

^{page 636 note 8} Sakisian, , Miniature persane, Paris, 1929, pp. 34–7. The album (No. 37084) contains specimens of calligraphy, etc., by Sultān 'Ālī, Shaykh Muhammad, 'Abd ar-Rahman, etc., who call themselves Ya'qubī.Google Scholar

^{page 636 note 4} The Anonymous Italian Traveller, Hakluyt Society, 1873, p. 173, calls it “Astibisti” and says that on its ceiling were represented all the great Persian battles, embassies, etc.Google Scholar

^{page 637 note 1} Denkmäler persischer Baukunst, Textband.

^{page 637 note 2} Even under the Qājārs the sanctuary continued to be repaired and embellished as shown by an inscription of 1309/1891.

^{page 637 note 3} Bihzād (d. in 942/1536) was buried in a Tabrīz cemetery, according to the preface of the album arranged for Bahrām mārzā, son of Shāh Ismā'īl (now in Stambul).

^{page 637 note 4} Cf. also Angiolello, ed. Hakluyt Society, p. 121: “The Turk came to Tauris and immediately seeking out 700 families of skilled workmen sent them to Constantinople.”

^{page 637 note 5} Relation d'un voyage de Perse faict es années 1598–9 par un gentil-homme à la suite du Seigneur Scierley ( = Shirley), Paris, 1651:Google Scholar “(Qazvīn) est un peu moins grande que Londres en Angleterre et aussi longue, mais fort mal bastie de terre foulée … sans que la ville ait murailles ni riviere hors un petit ruisseau qui coule par un quartier d'icelle.” Tectander von der Jabel (1602), “Iter persicum,” ed. Schefer, , 1877, p. 46, compares Qazvīn with Breslau.Google Scholar

^{page 637 note 6} Built under Tahmāsp, Shah, 'Ālam-ārā, p. 268.Google Scholar

^{page 638 note 1} Cf. 'Ālam-ārā, pp. 297, 341, 346 ( I take Maydān-i asp as identical with Maydān-i Sa'ādat-ābād).

^{page 638 note 2} Teixeira, Franch transl., p. 379, says that Qazvīn became the residence of the kings of Persia, “after the loss of Tabriz”. Tabrīz was successively occupied by the Turks in 1514, 1534, 1548, 1585–1603, 1610, 1618, 1635 (town entirely ransacked), 1724, 1725, 1727–9, 1731–6.

^{page 638 note 3} According to the 'Ālam-ārā, p. 224, it had 100,000 inhabitants.

^{page 639 note 1} 'Ālam-ārā, pp. 287, 309, 324, 361.Google Scholar

^{page 639 note 2} Ibid., p. 374.

^{page 639 note 3} An excellent and complete survey of the monuments of Isfahān, due to the pen of Godard, A., has just appeared in Āthār-é Īrān, ii/l, 1938, pp. 1–176.Google Scholar

^{page 639 note 4} Or: four gardens on each side.

^{page 639 note 5} 'Ālam-ārā, p. 373, where the author (writing in 1616, when Isfahān was completely rebuilt) gives 1005/1597 as the year in which the Chār-bāgh was planned.Google Scholar

^{page 639 note 6} Many times described (Chardin, Tavernier), cf. Diez, , “Isfahān,” in Zeitschr. f. bildende Kunst, xxvi, 1915, pp. 90–104, 113–128 [but above all, A. Godard's latest work, v.s.].Google Scholar

^{page 640 note 1} Voyages, book iv, chapters vii and xviii.

^{page note 640 2} Among the gifts which Shah 'Abbās in 1598 presented to the sanctuary of Mashhad figure precious lamps and candlesticks, various vessels and “sumptuous carpets (qālīhā-yi bā-takalluf) of Kirmān and Jūshaqān”, 'Ālam-ārā, p. 398.Google Scholar

^{page 641 note 1} 'Abbās I in his early childhood was the governor of Khorasan of which the capital was Herat. After a war with his father, ‘Abbās was first proclaimed Sultān of Khorasan in 995/1587.

^{page 641 note 2} He belonged to the Afshar tribe established on the northern outskirts of Khorasan at Abīvard (ancient Apovarktikēnē). See my article “Bāvard” in EI (Supplement).

^{page 641 note 3} Its original Persian name was probably Kalāg dizh, cf. Bundahishn, vii, 35.Google Scholar

^{page 641 note 4} 'Alī Ḥazīn, Tārākh-i aḥal, London, 1831, p. 252.Google Scholar On Nādir's buildings cf. my Esquisse d'une histoire de Nadir-chah, Paris, 1934, p. 39.Google Scholar

^{page 642 note 1} Under Aqa Muhammad Qājār the paintings, mirrors, and marble columns of Karlm khan's palace were transported to the new palace in Tehrān.

^{page 642 note 2} The first undoubted mention of it in the existing sources is in the Fārs-nāma written in A.D. 1160; see my article “Teheran” in EI.

^{page 642 note 3} Before the world war Tabriz with its presumed 250,000 inhabitants was considered to have the largest population. Now Tehrān is said to possess a population of 350,000, and with its country-side even 450,000 to 500,000.

^{page 643 note 1} In Tehrān itself must be mentioned the building called Shams al-'imāra within the precincts of the Shāh's palace; cf. d'Allemagne, , Du Khorasan au pays dé Backhtiaris (sic!), Paris, 1911.Google Scholar

^{page 643 note 2} Local name: Tāq-i Vastām!

^{page 644 note 1} To say nothing of a purely European monument of Nāsir al-dīn which stood in Bāgh-i shāh (Tehrān).

^{page 645 note 1} V.s., p. 624.

^{page 645 note 2} The only exception is the rise from Sīstān of the Ṣaffārid dynasty (867–903), which, during its short existence, tried to unite Eastern and Southern Persia along the road south of the Central desert.

^{page 645 note 3} The small Soviet republic of Tajikistan unites now the remnants of the different Iranian elements to the north of the Oxus.

^{page 646 note 1} The early “Turanians”are not to be confused with the Turks, as has been done by the authors of later times. See above, p. 625.

^{page 646 note 2} Its name means: Buddhist vihāra.

^{page 647 note 1} Grosso modo we are dependent on the indications contained in Barthold's article “Vostochno-Iranskiy vopros”(“The Eastern Iranian question”), in Izvestiya materialnoy Kulturi, ii, 1922, pp. 361–384Google Scholar, which, on account of the language, has remained almost unknown in Western Europe, in spite of its great importance.

^{page 647 note 2} M. Hartmann's name must be gratefully remembered by the scholars using his collection of books, now a part of our School Library. The present writer owes a special homage to M. Hartmann's memory for the encouragements received at the dawn of his Oriental studies (1904–1914).

^{page 647 note 3} OLZ, 1905, July, pp. 277–283.Google Scholar

^{page 647 note 4} “Islamische Tongefässe aus Mesopotamien”in Jahrb. d. K. Preuss. Kunstsammlungen, xxvi, II Heft, 1905.Google Scholar

^{page 647 note 5} OLZ, 1905, December, p. 541.Google Scholar

^{page 648 note 1} Sarre refers to the inscription on the Sircheli madrasa in Konia, quoted in his Reise in Kleinasien, Berlin, 1896, p. 54.Google Scholar

^{page 648 note 2} See the inscription on Timur's mausoleum, Sarre, Denkmäler pers. Baukunst, fasc. 5.

^{page 648 note 3} “Die Tradenten erster Schicht im Musnad des Ahmad ibn Ḥanbal,” MSOS, 1906, ix/2, p. 148.Google Scholar

^{page 648 note 4} Altai-Iran, Leipzig, 1917, pp. 259–272.Google Scholar

^{page 648 note 5} Strzygowski's examples could be now considerably multiplied by objects both from Eastern Turkestan and Afghanistan.

^{page 649 note 1} The author always uses this attribution in inverted commas.

^{page 649 note 2} Churāsānische Baudenkmäler, Berlin, 1918, pp. 4–10.Google Scholar

^{page 649 note 3} Khorāsān means “place where the sun rises”.

^{page 649 note 4} The Nau-Bihār (vikāra) of Balkh was not a Zoroastrian, but a Buddhist, temple.

^{page 649 note 5} “Seine ausserordentliche Bedeutung als Zentrum und Ausgangspunkt der iranisehen Kultur seit den ältesten Zeiten,”o.c, Preface, p. 6.

^{page 649 note 6} But we possess the penetrating studies on Khorasan by W. Geiger, Wellhausen, Marquart, and Barthold!

^{page 650 note 1} “Khorasan, , Denkmalsgeographisehe Studien zur Kulturgeschichte des Islams in Iran,” Der Islam, xi, 1921, pp. 107–174.Google Scholar

^{page 650 note 2} Ibn al-Faqīh, p. 229; Yāqūt, iv, p. 985. However, both Ibn al-Faqīh and Ibn Rusta mention two Sasanian castles east of Hamadān, v.i, p. 651, n. 4.

^{page 650 note 3} Evidently architectural forms are meant here.

^{page 650 note 4} Here lies the great merit of Diez's book and its supplement: “Persien. Islamische Kunst in Chorasan,” 1923. For Transoxiana, see now Kohn-Wiener, Turan.

^{page 651 note 1} See Barthold, : “Die persische šu'ūbija und die moderne Wissensehaft”in Z.f.Assyr., xxvi, 1912, p. 260.Google Scholar

^{page 651 note 2} See the new explorations in Afghanistān by Godard, Hackin and Bartoux.

^{page 651 note 3} They bear “Sasanian” ornaments and Greek heads.

^{page 651 note 4} Barthold, o.c, 379. In A.D. 743 the Arab governor of Khorasan (residing in Bukhārā) Naṣr ibn Sayyār gave a command for sending, as presents to the West, vases in gold and silver shaped as antelopes, ibexes, etc., Tabari, ii, 1705. The Bukharan historian Narshakhi (born in A.D. 899) says that in his time at a market in Bukhārā were sold “idols”, i.e. probably clay figures of men and animals. Ibn Ḥauqal (second half of the tenth century), p. 365, saw in the public place of Samarqand “astonishing figures, carved in cypress wood, of animals, such as horses, oxen, camels, and wild beasts; they stand confronted as if trying to avoid each other or drawing near each other with menacing attitudes”. [As parallels in the West, can be quoted the Sasanian (?) castle Mushkūya (between Rayy and Sāva) where there stood figures of carved wood, Ibn Rusta, p. 168, and the castle of Juhasta, near Hamadān, each corner of which was adorned with figures of young girls, Ibn al-Faqīh, p. 255.]

^{page 652 note 1} Barthold refers to the hanafi theologians who arrived in āzarbāyjān under the aegis of Ōljeytü, see his review of Blochet's “Introduction à l'histoire des Mongols”in Mir Islama, 1912, i/1, p. 101.

^{page 652 note 2} Evliyā chelebi, vi, 152.