^{page 448 note 1} See for instance, Franke, O.: Das, Tse tschi t'ung kien und das T'ung kien kang mu, etc., in Sitz. d. preuss. Ak. d. Wiss.: phil.-hist. kl. (1930), pp. 103–156.Google Scholar Franke apparently based his remarks on the Syhkuh Chyuanshu Tzoongmuh and had not seen the work itself, for he said: “Wie nicht anders zu erwarten ist, erfahren wir im Tse tschi t'ung kien sehr vieles was in den amtlichen Chroniken gar nicht oder weit k¨rzer erwähnt wird. Wie es freilich mit der Glaub-wūrdigkeit in jedem Falle bestellt ist, können wir so wenig beurteilen wie bei den Darstellungen des Tso tschuan: beide geben uns die Quelle nicht an aus denen sie schōpfen und von den 322 Werken die Ssu-ma Kuang benutzt hat erfahren wir nicht einmal die Titel” (p. 112, my italics). It is unfortunate that he had not seen the Kaoyih, for it would certainly have radically altered his opinion of Symaa Guang as a historian. I need scarcely add that the Kaoyih is not once mentioned in his Geschichte des Chinesischen Reiches. On the Kaoyih see des Rotours: Le Traite des Examens, p. 19.

^{page 448 note 2} R. des Rotours, Le Traité des Examens, pp. 64 ff.

^{page 449 note 1} Cf. STS. 58. 2. b. (Yihwen Jyh ), CWTMJS. 2. 5. b. Besides this work in 130 chapters, the Shin Tarngshu mentions another Tarngshu in 100 chapters and two works called National History (Gwoshyy in 106 chapters and 113 chapters respectively. The work in 113 chapters is evidently that of Wei Shuh (see below). That in 106 chapters is evidently the one referred to by Yu Shioulieh in his report on the burning of the History Office at Charng-an in 756. In a memorial dated the 27th day of the 11th month of the 2nd year of Jyhder (757) he stated that among the books destroyed were “The National History (Gwoshyy) in 106 chapters, the Kaiyuan Shyrluh in forty-seven chapters, the Court Diaries (Chiijiujuh ) and other works 3,682 chapters” (JTS. 149. 1. b.; THY. 63, p. 1095; TFYG. 556. 19. a.). In the Yihwen Jyh of the Shin Tarngshu there also appears a Kaiyuan Shyrluh in forty-seven chapters (STS. 58. 7. a.) and Kaiyuan Chiijiujuh in 2,682 [sic] chapters (STS. 58. 6. b.). It is evident that theShin Tarngshu merely derived its information from this memorial and affords no evidence of the existence of these works after the fire. It is not clear what work the Tarngshu in 100 chapters referred to. It might have been the one by Sheu Jinqtzong or the work projected by Wu Jing (see below), or again, if we suppose that the figure 100 is a mistake for 110, it might mean either the work of Liou Jyji and Wu Jing or that of Niou Fenqjyi (for all these works see below). Only the work in 130 chapters is included in the Chorngwen Tzoongmuh, and it is clear that this was the only one of the four which actually survived as a separate work at the end of the Tarng dynasty.

^{page 449 note 2} The Chorngwen Tzoongmuh was a catalogue of the works in four official libraries begun in the period Jiingyow (1034–1037) and completed in 1042. The official responsible was Wang Yauehern and among the numerous collaborators on the task was Ouyang Shiow . The work, when finished, contained sixty-six chapters. During the Southern Sonq, in 1142, a work in one chapter was published under the same title, consisting merely of the titles of the books in the original work with an annotation if they were no longer in the imperial libraries. The intention was to use this list to aid the search for lost books throughout the empire. Only the abridged version has survived in integral form, but many quotations from the original are to be found, particularly in the Yuhhae and the Wenshiann Tongkao. In 1799 Chyan Torng and four others collected these scattered quotations and inserted them under the titles of the abridged version. This work they published under the title of Chorngwen Tzoongmuh Jyishyh (WSTK. 207. 1. b., and Chorngwen Tzoongmuh Jyishyh, author's introduction).

^{page 450 note 1} b.; WSTK 92. 3. b.).

^{page 450 note 2} This important work of historical criticism (cf. Syhhuh Ghyuanshu Tzoongmuh 88. 2. a. ff.) was completed in 710, that is, just shortly after the events recorded in this extract. The author is also known as Liou Tzyyshyuan . For his life, see his biographies (JTS. 102; STS. 132. 1. a) and also his autobiography (Tzyh shiuh ), Shyytong Tongshyh 10. 11. a. ff.

^{page 450 note 3} On this work, which still exists, and its author, see Bingham, Woodbridge: “ Wen Ta-ya: The First Recorder of T'ang History”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, lvii (1937), p. 368.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 450 note 4} On Farng Shyuanling, see JTS. 66. 1. a.; STS. 96. 1. a. On Sheu Jinqtzong, see JTS. 82. 1. a.; STS. 1. a.

The Gautzuu Shyrluh in twenty chapters was composed by Jinq Boh under the supervision of Farng Shyuanling, during the reign of Taytzong. It was revised later by Sheu Jinqtzong (STS. 58. 7. a.; CWTMJS. 2. 12a).

A Shyrluh in twenty chapters was produced by Jinq Boh and Sheu Jinqtzong at the same time as the Gautzuu Shyrluh, and was presented with it in 643. It went down as far as the year 640 (STS. 58. 7. a. “”; THY. 63. p. 1092). A further twenty chapters were presented to the emperor Gautzong in 650 in the name of Jaangsuen Wujih. The whole work in forty chapters was called the Jenguan Shyrluh (STS. 58. 7. a.; THY. loc. cit.; CWTMJS. 2. 12a—noted as missing in the Southern Sonq edition; TFYG. 554. 30a, and 556. 12a. ff.). Both the Gautzuu Shyrluh and the Taytzong Shyrluh are quoted in the Kaoyih.

^{page 450 note 5} Yau Sylian is known for his composition of the Liangshu and the Chernshu but I have found no other mention of his work on the history of the Tarng. For his life see JTS 73. 3. b.; STS. 102. 7. b.

^{page 451 note 1} This work in eighty chapters is referred to in the Shin Tarngshu Yihwen Jyh as the Wuuder Jenguan Leangchaur Shyy . It did not appear in the Chorngwen Tzoongmuh, nor is it quoted by the Kaoyih. In all probability it did not survive the suppression by Niou Fenqjyi (see below). The Tsehfuu Yuanguei mentions eighty-one chapters. No doubt the additional one consisted of prefaces, table, etc. (STS. 58. 2. b.; THY. 63, p. 1093; TFYO. 554. 30b.).

The persons here mentioned have biographies as follows: Jaangsuen Wujih, JTS. 65. 4. a., STiS. 105. I. a.; Yu Jyhning, JTS. 78. 1. a., STS. 104. 1. a.; Linqhwu Derfen, JTS. 73. 6. a., STS. 102. 10. a.; Liou Yiinjy, JTS. 190 Yang Renching, no biography; Guh Yiin, JTS. 73.8. a., STS. 102. 11. b.

^{page 451 note 2} For more details concerning this work, see THY. 63, p. 1093, TFYG. 554. 30b, 556. 14b. ff., 562. 8b. ff.

^{page 451 note 3} Borchii is the tzyh of Wey Shou , the author of the Weyshu Liou Jyji has nothing but ill to say of his history (see Shyytong Tongshyh 12. 24b. ff.). With regard to him and the Weyshu, however, see Ware, J. R.: “Wei Shou on Buddhism”, T'oung Pao, vol. 30 (1933), p. 100.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 451 note 4} Jang Herng and Tsay long were writers of the Later Hann dynasty. According to the Shangyun Sheaushuo Tsay long was conceived on the day Jang Herng died, and afterwards was so like Herng that people thought he was a reincarnation (see Shyytong Tongshyh 12. 32. a.).

^{page 451 note 5} Lii Renshyr has only a biography of twenty-nine characters in the Jiow Tarngshu and still less in the Shin Tarngshu, JTS. 73. 8. b., STS. 102. 12. a. Additional details about his work on the history are given in THY. 63, p. 1092.

^{page 452 note 1} Niou Fenqjyi has no biography, nor have I found any reference to his work except here and in the passage below from the Jyishyan Juhjih. In 690 the dynastio name had been changed to Jou . This book by Niou Fenqjyi was no doubt intended to be the final and complete history of Tarng.

^{page 452 note 2} The shinqjuanq (literally “report on conduct”) was a biographical notice made on the death of a military or civil official by some colleague and sent to the History Office. Several of these survive, either in the collected works of the man who wrote them (e.g. the works of Ham Yuh contain two, the works of Jang Yueh one) or in the Wenyuan Inghwa . Unfortunately, however, the majority have disappeared. (See THY. 63, p. 1090, for the regulations in regard to them.)

^{page 452 note 3} The order for the writing of this history appears in the Tarng Hueyyaw 63, p. 1094, dated the 1st day of the 1st month of the 3rd year of Charng-an (22nd January 703) (see also TFYG. 554. 17a). I have found no mention of the presentation of the work. Wu Jing is discussed below. On Ju Jinqtzer, see JTS. 90. 2. b. On Shyu Jian see JTS. 102. 7. a.; STS. 199. 2. a. See also Shyytong Tongshyh 10. 12. a. ( on Liou Jyji's association with these men. The restoration of Jongtzong to the position of Heir to the Throne in 698 and the abandonment of the plan to change the dynasty may have been the reason which necessitated this new history.

^{page 452 note 4} This Shyrluh was presented on the 9th of the 5th month of the 2nd year of Shernlong (23rd June 706) (THY., loc. cit.). It was revised by Liou Jyji and Wu Jing in the early years of Shyuantzong and presented on the 14th of the 11th month of the 4th year of Kaiyuan (2nd December 716). It is quoted in the Kaoyih and appears in the Chorngwen Tzoongmuh—presumably in its revised form. According to the Tarng Hueyyaw the first version was in twenty chapters, the second in thirty. One text of the Shyytong also says twenty. The Shin Tarngshu Yihwen Jyh only includes one work in twenty chapters. The Chorngwen Tzoongmuh and the Wenahiann Tongkao also give the figure twenty. The most convincing explanation is given by Chaur Gongwuu in the Jiunnjai Dwushu Jyh . 12. b. (see also WSTK. 194. lb). He says that the first work contained thirty chapters but was reduced to twenty in the revision. In view of Wu Jing's passion for conciseness, this is more likely than what we are told by the Tarng Hueyyaw.

^{page 453 note 1} Shvvtong Tongshyh 12. 30a. ff.

^{page 453 note 2} See JTS 102. 4. a. ff.; TFYG. 559. 5b. ff. Abbreviated versions of this memorial appear in THY. 64, p. 1106; STS. 132. 1. b.

^{page 453 note 3} A Tarng Chuenchiou in thirty chapters by Wu Jing is listed in the Shin Tarngshu Yihwen Jyh (58. 3. b.). This seems to be a case in whioh the Yihwen Jyh took the intention to write a book as evidence for its having existed. No such work appears in the Chorngwen Tzoongmuh.

^{page 453 note 4} THY. 63, p. 1098 (see also TFYG. 556. 17. a.). The Jiow Tarngshu biography of Jing does not contain this memorial, but summarizes a rather similar one which he is supposed to have presented on his return from mourning in 715. The text of this memorial appears in TFYO. 554. 33. b. ff. At first sight one would naturally suppose that it was all the same event, wrongly dated in one case. The texts of the two memorials are quite different, however, and I do not think it at all impossible that he reported his work on two occasions. After the earlier memorial, according to the Jiow Tarngshu, he was given the post of Admonisher to the Emperor (Jiannyih Dahfu ) and his former post of Historiographer. No doubt the first memorial was to ensure that he should get a post in the History Office on his return from mourning one parent, as the second was to ensure his being allowed to work on his history while in mourning for the other parent. The Shin Tarngshu biography briefly records both cases.

^{page 454 note 1} According to the Shin Tarngshu this was a banishment for having offended in something he wrote. I do not know whether this is merely an assumption of the author of the Shin Tarngshu biography.

^{page 454 note 2} The efforts of Shiau Sonq (biographies in JTS. 99. 4. b; STS. 101. 3. a) to speed up the work on the history by appointing a larger staff are mentioned in the Shin Tarngshu biography of Wei Shuh (132. 7. a.) and more fully by Wei Shuh himself in the Jyishyan Juhjih as quoted in theYuhhae 46. 42. a. The effort seems to have been a failure—a case of too many cooks. Wei Shuh then continued alone or with fewer helpers.

^{page 454 note 3} Lii Linfuu (see JTS. 106.1. a., STS. 223 J; 5. a.) was Chief Minister from 734 till his death in 752.

^{page 454 note 4} JTS 102. 11. b. (cf. STS. 132. 6. a.; TFYG. 562. 3. b.).

^{page 454 note 5} His Jiow Tarngshu biography says that his work consisted of 112 chapters plus one chapter entitled shyylih ] (presumably a sort of preface setting out the plan of the work). This explains the figure 113 in the Shin Tarngshu Yihwen Jyh (58. 2. b.). The Tsehfuu Yuanguei 556. 18. b. erroneously says 113 chapters plus a shyylih in one chapter.

^{page 454 note 6} This work in two chapters was described by Chaur Gongwuu as follows: “ Written by Tarng Jyishyan Scholar Wei Shuh. Shuh was in the Jyishyan [Yuann] for forty years. In the year biingshen of Tianbao [756] he gathered all the facts about the establishment of the Yuann, the traditions of the Yuann, the successive writing of history and the names of Scholars of the court of Shiawming (Shyuantzong), and made a very good narrative” (WSTK. 202. 2. a., quoting a fuller version of Jiunnjai Dumshu Jyh 2 . 5. a.).

^{page 455 note 1} Wu Jing was ennobled as Viscount of Charngyuan Shiann (JTS. 102. 11. b.)

^{page 455 note 2}

^{page 455 note 3} For example the Tarngshu of Leou Fang is called Gwoshyy in his biographies (see below).

^{page 455 note 4} Shyytong Tongshyh 12. 32. a.

^{page 456 note 1} JTS. 102. 12. b.; STS. 132. 7. a.; THY. 63, p. 1095.

^{page 456 note 2} JTS. 149. 13. a. (compare STS. 132. 10. a.).

^{page 456 note 3} Leou Fang was also convicted of having collaborated with the rebels. He was banished beyond the frontiers but was apparently soon pardoned. (An Luhshan Shyhji 1. b.)

^{page 457 note 1} Their biographies are: Yu Shioulieh JTS. 149. 1. a.; STS. 132. 1. a.; Linqhwu Hwan JTS. 149. 3. a.; STS. 102. 12. a.

^{page 457 note 2} Cf. des Rotours, Le Traite des Examens, pp. 56–64.

^{page 457 note 3} See STS. 58.7. a.; YH. 48.5. a. The latter quotes the Jongshinq Shumuh (see note 3, p. 460).

^{page 457 note 4} On the chiijiujuh see des Rotours, Le Traiti des Fonctionnaires …, p. 209.

^{page 457 note 5} JTS. 149. 3. a. (Compare STS. 102. 12. a.; THY. 63, p. 1095;TFYG. 556. 19. b.)

^{page 458 note 1} STS. 58. 7. a. Jang Yueh's writing of history is mentioned in his biographies (JTS. 97. 6. b.; STS. 125. 4. b.), and in the Tarng Hueyyaw 63, p. 1099, but I have found no other mention of this specific work. If any part did survive the fire it must at any rate have ceased to exist as a separate work. It is not quoted in the Kaoyih and does not appear in the Chorngwen Tzoongmuh. The Harvard-Yenching Index to the Taypyng Goangjih contains one reference to the Shyuantzong Shyrluh. The editors say that it was written by Jang Yueh, referring to the STS Yihwen Jyh. There can be no doubt that the quotation (Taypyng Goangjih 186. 3. b.) is from Linqhwu Hwan's work.

^{page 458 note 2} STS. 58. 7. a.; CWTMJS. 2. 13. a.; YH. 48. 5. b. (quotes Jongshinq Shumuh). Yuan Tzay was Chief Minister from 762 to 777 (JTS. 118. 1. a.; STS. 145. 1. a.).

^{page 458 note 3} STS 58. 7. a.; CWTMJS. 2. 13. a.; YH. 48. 5. b. (quotes Jongshinq Shumuh).

^{page 458 note 4} See biographies cited above.

^{page 458 note 5} (TFTG. 562. 4. a.). It is rather surprising to find the Daytzong Shyrluh criticized for not containing a biography of Yan Jenching, since he died in Dertzong's reign. No doubt because the Shyrluh was not presented till 807, twenty-eight years after the death of Daytzong, the critic overlooked the fact that he had died a few years after Daytzong and remembered only that he had been prominent at that court.

^{page 458 note 6} Included in the works of Ham Yuh (Harn Changli Jyi, wayjyi . 1–5).

^{page 459 note 1} Kaoyih 16. 4. b. (2), of. also 15. 10. b. (2), in which the “shyrluh biography of Lii Shiann ” is quoted. I shall give reasons below for believing that this too is from the Daytzong Shyrluh.

^{page 459 note 2} THY. 63, p. 1109. Compare YH. 48. 5. b.

^{page 459 note 3} STS. 58. 7. a.; CWTMJS. 2. 13. b.; on the author see JTS. 149. 15. b.; STS. 132. 11. a.

^{page 459 note 4} STS. 58. 3. b.; CWTMJS. 2. 8. b. (noted as missing in the Southern Sonq short version); WSTK. 193. 1. b.; Jiunnjai Dwushu Jyh 2 9. b.; YH. 47. 27. b.

^{page 459 note 5} Gau Lihshyh (biographies in JTS. 184. 3. a.; STS. 207. 2. a) was the personal friend and confidant of Shyuantzong. He was the first eunuch to wield great power in the Tarng dynasty. Nevertheless, he is generally given a favourable account by the Chinese historians. He accompanied his imperial master to his exile in Szechwan in 756 and returned with him when Charng-an was recaptured in 757. For a time he served Shyuantzong, who lived as retired emperor in the Shinqchinq Palace outside the Imperial City in Charng-an. On 4th September 760 (19th of the 7th month, 1st year of Shanqyuan) Shyuantzong was forced to come and reside within the Imperial City, and nine days later Gau Lihshyh and a number of other personal favourites of Shyuantzong were banished. This act is generally attributed to the personal spite and jealousy of Lii Fuugwo , the eunuch favourite of Suhtzong, but it is probable that there was a genuine fear of intrigues centred around the popular old Retired Emperor. It is recorded that Gau Lihshyh received a pardon in 762, but that while he was returning to the capital he received word of Shyuantzong's death. He was so moved that he “ coughed up blood” and died. The Tarnglih was not the only work to be based on his statements. Another exile, GuoShyr later wrote the Gau Lihshyh Wayjuann (in the Shinto Shosetsu Kokuyaku Kambun Taisei, and elsewhere). Of more doubtful reliability is the Tsyh Leou Shyh Jiowwen (in the Tarng Sen Shuo Huey and elsewhere). According to the preface (dated 834) it was written by the famous Chief Minister Lii Deryuh. It contains seventeen items which, according to the author, he had been told a number of years previously by Leou Mean , the son of Leou Fang. They were things which Leou Fang had not included in his Tarnglih because they were too dangerous or too marvellous(). He had, however, told them orally to his son. In spite of their third-hand character Symaa Guang sometimes made use of these stories.

^{page 460 note 1} JTS. 149. 13. a.

^{page 460 note 2} STS. 132. 10. a.

^{page 460 note 3} Quoted in the Yuhhae 47. 27. b. The full title was Jongshinq Goanger After the short edition of the Chorngwen Tzoongmuh had been published and had presumably had some results in the finding of lost books, this catalogue was made under the editorship of Chern Kwei and presented in 1178 (see YH. 52. 42. b.; WSTK. 207. 4. b.).

^{page 460 note 4} WSTK. 193. 1. b. I have not discovered what book of Lii Daw's Maa Duannlin is here quoting. Lii Daw was the author of the continuation of the Tzyjyh Tongjiann known as Shiuh Tzyjyh Tongjiann Charngbian (see des Rotours, Le Traite des Examens, p. 83).

^{page 460 note 5} See for example, Kaoyih 13. 11. b (4), in which lively detail is added to a story in the biography of Jyi Uen by a description of what took place at the house of Gau Lihshyh.

^{page 460 note 6} Jongshinq Shumuh quoted in the Yuhhae 47. 27. b. An earlier continuation of the work had been begun by Tsuei Shiuann but not completed. See also JTS. 176. 13. a. (Biography of Tsuei Gueitsorng), STS. 132. 9. b. (Biography of Jiang Jie ).

^{page 460 note 7} JTS. 46. 20. b.: STS. 58. 5. a.

^{page 461 note 1} STS. 58. 5. b.; CWTMJS. 2. 21. b.; WSTK. 195. 6. b.

^{page 461 note 2} See Kaoyih 14. 6. b. (2); 14. 11. a. (1).

^{page 461 note 3} See Kaoyih 14. 3. b. (3).

^{page 461 note 4} STS. 58. 5. b.; of. CWTMJS. 2. 22. a.

^{page 461 note 5} Kaoyih 14. 3. b., line 7, second column.

^{page 461 note 6} Jiunnjai Dvmshu Jyh 2 . 19. b. Cf. WSTK. 196. 1. a.

^{page 462 note 1} Kaoyih 10. 3. a. (3).

^{page 462 note 2} Jiow Tarngshu Jiawhann Jih, preface 5. b. Note also the evidence gathered by Chyan Dahshin (Niann-eli Shyy Kaoyih 57, p. 95), to show that the words of Tarng historians were taken over unchanged.

^{page 463 note 1} Chung-Mien, Ts‘en, “Discussion on the so-called ‘Lost Parts’ of the ‘Old T'ang Shu’”, Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, vol. xii (1947), pp. 27–33.Google Scholar

^{page 463 note 2} See des Rotours, Le Traité des Examens, p. 118.

^{page 463 note 3} The carelessness of the Taypyng Yuhlaan in naming the works it quotes is pointed out in. the preface to theTaypyng Yuhlaan Yiinder, Introduction, pp. 10–11. Five quotations from the “Gwoshyy” or “Tarng Gwoshyy” also appear in the Taypyng Goangjih. (See Taypyng Goanjih Yiinder, Yiinshu Yiinder, pp. 23–4.) The editors of the Index assume that they come from the work of Wu Jing. Since, however, one of the quotations deals with events in the ninth century, this is clearly impossible. No doubt the same considerations apply as in the cose of the sister work, the Taypyng Yuhlaan.

^{page 463 note 4} Jiow Tarngshu Yihwen 11. 11. b., quoting Taypyng Yuhlaan 237. 7. a. (2).

^{page 463 note 5} Kaoyih 16. 4. b. (2).

^{page 464 note 1} Jiow Tarngshu Yihwen 7. 12. a., quoting Taypyng Yuhlaan 976. 4. b. (1). Cf. Dah Tarng Shinyeu 4. 13. a.

^{page 464 note 2} JTS. 75. 2. b.

^{page 464 note 3} TJTJ. 204. 1. b.; Tongdean 33. 1. b.

^{page 464 note 4} Wuuday Hueyyaw 18, p. 228 ff. This memorial is discussed by M. des Rotours in Le Traité des Examens, p. 65.

^{page 465 note 1} Jiow Tarngshu Yihwen, preface, p. 2. a., and chapter 8.

^{page 465 note 2} See des Rotours, Le Traité des Examens, p. 99.

^{page 465 note 3} .… (THY 75. p. 1355).

^{page 465 note 4} .… (JTS. 85. 2. a.).

^{page 466 note 1} In the following cases Jiow Tarngshu beenjih disagrees with the Shyrluh, but the Tarnglih is not mentioned: Kaoyih 13. 9. a. (1); 14. 4. b. (2). In the following the beenjih and Tarnglih agree as against the Shyrluh: 13. 6. a. (4); 13. 11. b. (1) (there is a slight divergency between the Tarnglih and the beenjih but it is probably a copyist error: beenjih has 12th month, where Tarnglih has 11th); 13. 12. b. (2); 13. 12. b. (3); 14. 2. a. (4); 14. 2. b. (1); 14. 5. a. (5). In the following cases the Charnglih is cited as evidence that the Shyrluh is correct and the Tarnglih and beenjih wrong: 14. 2. b. (2); 14. 5. b. (3). The latter case is interesting because, according to the Shyrluh and the Charnglih, the 17th day of the 12th month of Tianbao 14 was the day shinchour, whereas according to the Tarnglih and Hoang: Concordance des Chronologies Néoméniques, the 16th was the day shinchour. I have been unable to discover which is correct. In 15. 3. b. (1), the Shyuantzong Shyrluh and the Jiow Suhtzong beenjih state that the first day of the 8th month of the 2nd year of Jyhder (757) was the day goeiwey; the Tarnglih, Jiow Shyuantzong beenjih, Suhtzong Shyrluh and, in this case, the Charnglih as well, agree with Hoang in making the first day of the month the preceding day renwuu. This is also an indication that the Shyuantzong beenjih and the Suhtzong beenjih were done independently. A group of cases in the years 730 and 731 shows a somewhat different pattern. In Kaoyih 13. 3. b. (2) Symaa Guang remarks that the year 730 of the Shyuantzong Shyrluh shows marked disagreement with other sources, leading him to suppose that it had been lost from the original work and later badly restored. He quotes four instances of divergent dating in this year and the next in all of which the Tarnglih and beenjih disagree with the Shyrluh, and in two of which the Charnglih supports the beenjih and Tarnglih. They are Kaoyih 13. 3. b. (2); 13. 3. b. (3); 13. 4. a. (2); 13. 4. a. (3). They cannot, of course, be applied to the present argument. To complete the story, in 14. 2. a. (6),

^{page 466 note 2} . 6. a. (1), and 13. 12. a. (1) we have instances in which the beenjih and the Tarnglih disagree. In the last of these, the Shyuantzong Shyrluh gives yet a third version. In the second, the Shyrluh, Tarnglih, and Charnglih all differ from the beenjih—it appears to be a mere copyist error in the beenjih. In the first, the Shyrluh is not mentioned.

^{page 466 note 3} But see p. 463 above for evidence that Wei Shuh wrote the biography of Peir Guangtyng, who died in 733. This is less damaging to my hypothesis than it might seem, for this biography formed an appendix to that of his father, Peir Shyngjean

^{page 467 note 1} Niannett Shyy Kaoyih 57, p. 971.

^{page 468 note 1} The last to die in the chapters before 107 were Wei Shuh (chapter 102), in 757 or possibly early 758; Geshu Hann (chapter 104), in 756; Yang Gwojong (chapter 106), in 756. On the other hand, the dates of death of those in chapter 108 were: Wei Jiannsuh 762; Tsuei Yuan , 768; Tsuei Huann , 768; Duh Homgjiann, 769.

^{page 468 note 2} ALSSJ. 3. a.

^{page 468 note 3} The Syhbuh Beyyaw edition of JTS. has Jeng Mao . I here follow the Baenah edition of the JTS. in the Syhbuh Tsonghan. The latter edition, however, shows still further corruption in that it telescopes the two names Lii Chau and An Day into Lii Day .

^{page 469 note 1} JTS. 112 states that he died in the seventh month of the second year of Yeongkang This is clearly a mistake for Yeongtay . The correct reading occurred in one of the copies compared by Tsern Jianngong (Jiow Tarngshu Jiawkann Jih 43. 7. b).

^{page 469 note 2} In the case of the biography of Jang Jeouling (JTS. 99. 8. a.), the passage at the end of the biography which states that when Shyuantzong was in Szechwan he gave Jang Jeouling the posthumous title of Sytwu must be an interpolation. Other sources state that Dertzong bestowed this title in the period Jiannjong (780–783) and the bei-ming written for him by Shyu Haw while Jyeduhshyh (Military Governor) of Lingnan (present Kwangtung, etc.) does not mention this title. Shyu Haw was Jyeduhshyh from 767 to 768 (see Tarng Fangjenn Nianbeau, pp. 186 and 187). Symaa Guang (TJTJ. 218. 12. b., with Kaoyih as commentary—the Syhbuh Tsongkann edition of the Kaoyih is defective here, see 14. 13. b. (2)) also treats this as an error on the part of the Jiow Tarngshu. It follows that the passage in the Jiow Tarngshu cannot have been in theTarngshu of Leou Fang and must have been added, either by the editors of the final Jiow Tarngshu or at an earlier date—possibly when the biography of his grandnephew (called great-grandnephew in the JTS. biography, but see “beenjuann” in the Chiujiang Jyi and the additions at the end of his grave inscription, Chiujiang Jyi, fuhluh , 11. a. ff., where Jeouling's grandsons all have the character Jonq in their names) Jang Jonqfang , who died in 837. This is in any case not an interpolation or alteration within the body of Jang Jeouling's biography.

^{page 470 note 1} See Kaoyih 15. 2. b. (2); 15. 8. a. (4); 15. 11. b. (2); 15. 12. a. (4); 16. 1. a. (3); 16. 5. a. (11).

^{page 470 note 2} Kaoyih 15. 11. a. (1); 15. 10. b. (2). Cf. JTS. 112. 5. b.

^{page 471 note 1}

^{page 471 note 2} 10. 10. b. and 112. 5. b.; TJTJ. 221. 8. a. Space will unfortunately not permit me to set these texts side by side and discuss their relation in detail.

^{page 471 note 3} Kaoyih 15. 8. a. (5); cf. also JTS. 10. 7. a. and b., and chapter 116. TJTJ. 220, 11. a.

^{page 471 note 4} Kaoyih 16. 4. b. (5).

^{page 471 note 5} JTS. 148, biography of Peir Jih; YH. 48. 6. a; and STS. 62, Tzaeshiang Beau .

^{page 471 note 6} See for example Kaoyih 15. 10. b. (1), and compare in connection with TJTJ. 221. 2. b. and 3. a. and JTS. 120. 3. b., line 4 ff. (beginning ). In the account of this battle Symae Guang says that he is following the Shyrluh, rejecting the account in another work, the Bin Jyh . The account in the Tongjiann, though fuller, is almost identical with the biography in the details which the biography contains.

^{page 472 note 1} See STS. 58. 11. a. The work appears in Yan Luugong Jyi 14. 1. a. ff. Compare his biographies in JTS. 128. 4. b. ff. and STS. 153. 4. b. ff. The name of the author of the Shinqjuanq is given in the Shin Tarngshu and the Kaoyih as In Jonqronq , but the editor of the Syhbuh Beyyaw edition shows that this was impossible, since In Jonqronq was Yan Jenching's maternal great-granduncle. The Sonqshyy Yihwen Jyh gives the author's name as In Lianq. (See Yan Imugong Jyi 14. 9. b.; Sonqshyy 203. 10. a.)

^{page 472 note 2} I hope to demonstrate this in detail in my work on An Luhshan. See for example Kaoyih 13. 6. a. (5).

^{page 472 note 3} JTS. 118. 6. b. and 158. 1. a.