Climbing systems. Ropes and rope ladders

The catalogue of LRA includes hundreds of sites, but explicit representations of ropes or rope-ladders are rare (Bea et al. Reference Bea, Domingo and Angás2021). Some of the known examples cannot be linked to a specific activity, but most of them are related to climbing. Nevertheless, climbers do not only use ropes and rope ladders, but occasionally climb some type of plants, branches or trees. Climbers are either related to wild boar hunting, honey hunting or unidentifiable activities, as they are isolated or are part of incomplete scenes (see Table 1 for an updated list of climbers and scenes).

Table 1. Sites with an updated list of representations of climbers and type of scenes in which they appear.

Interestingly, the few examples known seem to be clustered together in two regions: the Maestrazgo to the north and the Caroig massif to the south (Fig. 2). Only one site, the Arpán shelter in the Vero river, escapes this distribution. And even if the surrounding area is home to a number of sites (such as the concentrations of sites of Lower Aragón, Albarracín and Serpis, upper Segura and Guadalquivir rivers), no reports have been made on the presence of climbing scenes in any of them. Such exclusive distribution may point to a territorial restriction of either this practice or the symbolic value given to it. While LRA has a wide distribution, certain themes such as this one are restricted to particular areas, reflecting some sort of territorial behaviour or code. Another well-known example is the distribution of wild boar depictions, which is restricted to the northern area (Domingo et al. Reference Domingo, López-Montalvo, Villaverde, Guillem and Martínez-Valle2003).

Figure 2. Distribution of climbing scenes in Levantine rock art. (1) Arpán; (2) Los Recolectores; (3) Los Trepadores; (4) Higuera de Estercuel; (5) Barranco Gómez; (6) Galería Alta; (7) Cingle de Mola Remígia; (8) Cova Remigía III–V; (9) Cingle de l'Ermitá; (10) Mas d'en Salvador; (11) Mas d'en Josep; (12) La Araña; (13) Cueva de la Vieja; (14) Abric de la Penya.

A literature review on the types of ropes depicted in LRA shows that Jordá (Reference Jordá1974, 219) analysed honey-hunting scenes and classified ropes and rope structures as ‘various tools’, together with other tools of unclear function or interpretation or produced with unknown raw materials. His group A includes depictions that he described as linear motifs either isolated or associated to humans, used for holding or hanging, with a subgroup 1 described as ropes.

Most studies do not describe different types, but just globally refer to ropes, trees/plants (branch like), masts (Baldellou Reference Baldellou2010; Beltrán Reference Beltrán1968; Reference Beltrán1982; Beltrán & Royo Reference Beltrán and Royo1997; Dams Reference Dams1984; Hernández-Pacheco Reference Hernández-Pacheco1921) or simply ladders (Baldellou et al. Reference Baldellou, Painaud, Calvo and Ayuso1993; Beltrán Reference Beltrán1993; Hernández-Pacheco Reference Hernández-Pacheco1924).

Honey-hunting scenes include a variety of climbing systems. They can be divided into two groups based on size, morphology and flexibility: rigid (self-supporting) ladders or masts, and flexible systems (including ropes and ladders with flexible stringer and rigid or flexible rugs). The difference could be indicative of the use of different raw materials.

The first group includes branched linear strokes (spike-like shape) interpreted as tree trunks or masts (Fig. 3). They are much shorter and more rigid than other types and show a narrow distribution (river Martin basin). The best examples are in Covacho Ahumado, Los Trepadores, Los Recolectores, and La Higuera de Estercuel in Teruel and Mas d'en Josep and Remígia III in Castelló (Table 1). We rule out a potential tree surrounded by bees with a human figure standing next to it (maybe indicating that it is about to climb) described at La Vinya site (Castelló) (Martínez-Valle & Guillem Reference Martínez-Valle and Guillem2019) as the description published is unclear to us.

Figure 3. Rigid climbing systems (tree trunks, masts or branches). (1 & 2) Los Trepadores (after Beltrán Reference Beltrán2005); (3) La Higuera (after Baldellou Reference Baldellou2010); (4) Mas d'en Josep (after Domingo et al. 2003); (5) Covacho Ahumado (after Beltrán & Royo Reference Beltrán and Royo1997); (6) Los Recolectores (after Beltrán & Royo Reference Beltrán and Royo1997); (7) Remigia III (after LArcHer: A. Macarulla).

The second group, flexible climbing systems, includes a variety of examples (up to eight so far), most clearly pointing to the use of ropes and rope ladders. These flexible systems are depicted with thinner wavy lines, insinuating their plastic nature and adaptability to the shape of the landscape over which they climb. The depicted examples are much longer than previous types, some over 1 m long (which, given the scale of the drawings, could equal 25 m in real life). The use and installation of these flexible climbing systems is more complex and time-consuming, as they have to be installed, fixed and hung from the top, and then climbed up from the bottom (as deduced from the gear left at the bottom in several scenes).

Flexible ladders are more represented in LRA than rigid ones. They can be divided into different categories according to the degree of workmanship:

1. Ropes and long ropes. This is the simplest system, involving the use of one, two or even three long parallel ropes (Fig. 4). Some illustrate the use of a fixing element at the top (either as crossed branches or a linear stroke) from which the ropes were tied and hung (La Araña, Los Trepadores and maybe Abric de la Penya sites). At La Araña, three separate ropes are depicted, which were probably used to ascend with a special climbing technique. The real function of the top rung (probably made of wood) was to keep the ropes apart and prevent entanglement or constriction during ascent. Thus, it cannot be interpreted as a ladder. A similar solution was depicted at Los Trepadores site (Fig. 4.4). Here, three ropes hang from two crossed strokes (maybe trunks or branches). Short diagonal lines run along the ropes as handholds.

Figure 4. Flexible climbing systems. Stirrup ladders: (1) Barranco Gómez; (2) Cingle de l'Ermità (after LArchHer: I. Domingo). Ropes: (3) La Araña (Hernández-Pacheco Reference Hernández-Pacheco1924); (4) Los Trepadores (after Beltrán Reference Beltrán2005); (5) Abric V de la Penya (Ribera et al. 1995); (6) Cingle de la Mola Remígia (after Domingo Reference Domingo2005); (7) Cova Remígia V (after LArchHer: I. Domingo). Scales or ladders: (8) Arpán L (after Baldellou et al. 1993).

Other examples do not explicitly show where ropes hang from, such as Cingle de la Mola Remígia (Fig. 4.6), Mas d'en Salvador (one rope), Abric de la Penya (two ropes) (Fig. 4.5) or Remigia V (Fig. 4.7).

2. Rope ladder. These consist of two long parallel vertical ropes joined by short transverse rungs (made of rope or wood) knotted and placed every few centimetres. As such, they are complex systems, given the use of different elements that must be perfectly assembled.

There is only one rope ladder fairly well identified in Arpán shelter (Baldellou et al. Reference Baldellou, Painaud, Calvo and Ayuso1993) (Fig. 4.8).

3. Stirrup ladder. It consists of a single rope, with stirrups or loops (in an ‘8’-like shape) tied into it every few centimetres. They are identical to those used today in alpine climbing (except for the materials). There are two main types of stirrup ladders, one with parallel sides between knots, so when the foot steps on the loop the rope becomes too tense and narrow and it is more difficult to set foot on the next loop. The second type is designed to facilitate insertion of the foot, using unequal lengths of the intermediate stirrup, so that the foot is not blocked by the tension. That is exactly what the Levantine artist of Barranco Gómez site depicted: a stirrup ladder with asymmetrical loops (Fig. 4.1 & Fig. 5). In this case, the length of the rope was extraordinary, based on the number of loops and the proportion of the motif depicted in relation to the climber.

Figure 5. (A) Digital tracing of part of the climbing scene at Barranco Gómez; (B) Comparison between the stirrup ladder depicted (1) and a sketch of a stirrup ladder used in current alpine climbing (2) (after original by Estado Mayor de la Defensa 1985). Note how the loops are smaller where the climber is, compared to the ends, probably because of the weight. A large dose of naturalism captured by the artist.

Another example can be found at Cingle de l'Ermità (Albocàsser, Castelló) (Viñas Reference Viñas1979–80), which Dams (Reference Dams1984, 106) has already interpreted as a ladder. Although the scene is not as well preserved as the previous one, we believe it is another example of a stirrup ladder with asymmetrical rungs, as several knots can be still recognized. In this case, one or maybe two linear humans climb up the ladder to reach three rounded shapes. Whether the artist intended to depict honeycombs or not is unclear, as there are no insects around. Two strokes hang down parallel to each other from the back of the lower human. As they are incomplete, we do not know whether they intended to depict safety equipment or, as seen in ethnographic contexts, they could be ropes employed to suspend containers used for collecting (Strickland Reference Strickland1982).

A similar motif has been recorded at Fuente de la Toba (Mateo & Carreño Reference Mateo and Carreño2010, 25), but this interpretation cannot be confirmed, given the absence of climbers.

Flexible ladders or climbing systems are easier to transport than rigid ones, but they are much more complex to use. Upon application of weight while climbing, the ladder bends and sways, complicating climbing for the inexperienced. The scene depicted in Barranco Gómez is a good example of this. Despite the restrictions imposed by the use of solid infill as one of the main Levantine painting techniques, through the use of different perspectives or points of view (Martínez-Bea Reference Martínez-Bea2006–08), the artist perfectly captured the right way of climbing these mobile ladders. Thus, the climber was depicted hanging from the back of the ladder with both hands, wrapping both hands and feet around it. A transverse stroke depicted in the central part of the ladder (possibly a stick) was probably used to secure it and prevent the ladder from swinging. Similar sticks are also observed at the scene from Cingle de l'Ermità. In this case, up to three sticks have been used to secure the ladder in three different sections. Even today, it is possible to find sticks nailed to the cliffs of these Mediterranean areas (Fig. 6). Where ethnographic information exists, they appear to be associated with the economic exploitation of wild honey (Domingo et al. Reference Domingo, Rives, Roman and Rubio2013; Salamero & Cuchí Reference Salamero and Cuchí2019; Viciano Reference Viciano1990Footnote ¹).

Figure 6. Roca de las Estacas [Wooden Stakes Rock] in Mosqueruela (Teruel). (Photographs: courtesy of Sergi Monfort and Jesús Tena.)

The scene at Barranco Gómez is unique in LRA. It is so descriptive as to allow one to visualize the sequence of the action (as described by Villaverde Reference Villaverde and Martínez2005 or Domingo Reference Domingo, Davidson and Nowell2021, among others) and the temporal dimension involved in setting up the ladder for use and climbing. The first step was to install and fix the ladder, probably from the top, leaving it suspended. The climber then ascends the ladder from the ground after leaving a basket, a bow and a few arrows at the bottom.

The seasonal nature of honey harvesting also provides information on past temporality, but not necessarily on when these scenes were painted by Levantine artists. Ethnographic references from Spain indicate that honey from wild hives is collected at the end of September and October, after which bees begin eating it.

Raw materials and rope making

While the use of ropes is referred in the literature on LRA, not many authors reflect on aspects related to rope production. Only the materials used, such as esparto grass (Beltrán Reference Beltrán1982; Hernández-Pacheco Reference Hernández-Pacheco1921; Reference Hernández-Pacheco1924; Jordá Reference Jordá1966, 51) or other natural fibres, such as fan palm (Hernández-Pacheco Reference Hernández-Pacheco1921; Reference Hernández-Pacheco1924, 15) are referred to. Escoriza (Reference Escoriza2002, 77) describes some basketry or rope-making scenes in which she sees probable branch or reed manipulation (e.g. Los Trepadores or Barranc de la Famorca VI sites). Jordà (Reference Jordán and Viñas1974, 219) suggest twisted fibres may have been used to produce some objects depicted in LRA. Based on this idea, and looking for parallels in the archaeological record (fibres preserved at Cueva de los Murciélagos of Albuñol, Cabezo Redondo, El Argar sites, etc.) or indirect evidence (such as the Bell Beaker Culture with corded pottery of Vila Filomena), he refers to these LRA objects to suggest an Eneolithic or even a Bronze Age affiliation for these paintings (Jordá Reference Jordá1974, 81), stressing that the development of textiles should be related to advanced agricultural cultures (Almagro Reference Almagro1951, 75). On the contrary, Hernández-Pacheco (Reference Hernández-Pacheco1924, 15) stated that the origins of textile production date back to pre-Neolithic times, as indirectly demonstrated by the invention of the basal drilled needles in the late Solutrean. Today, the earliest direct evidence in the Mediterranean Iberian are some rope fragments made with esparto grass and recovered at the Epipaleolithic levels of Coves de Santa Maira (Aura et al. Reference Aura, Pérez, Carrión, Seguí, Jordá, Miret and Verdasco2020, 585), but other more recent examples, in addition to those named above, include those at Cova de les Cendres (Carrión Reference Carrión2005) dating to Neolithic times, or Cabezo Redondo (Hernández et al. Reference Hernández, García, Collado and Nash2012; Soler Reference Soler1987), Terlinques or Lloma de Betxí dating to the Bronze Age (Fernández et al. Reference Fernández2010; Jover et al. Reference Jover, López, Machado, Herráez, Rivera and Precioso2001; Pedro de Reference Pedro de and Soler2006).

Esparto grass (Stipa tenacissima) is considered the best fibre for rope making (Alfaro Reference Alfaro1984, 185), even though other fibres have served similar purposes since ancient times: flax (Linum usitatissimum), reed (Phragmites sp.), hemp (Cannabis sativa), small-leaved lime (Tilia cordata), common reed grass (Ampelodesma mauritanica), papyrus (Cyperus sp.), dwarf palm (Chamaerops humilis) or nettle (Urtica vagans) (Alfaro Reference Alfaro1984; Romero-Burgués et al. Reference Romero-Burgués, Piqué, Picornell, Calvo and Fullola2021; Ruiz Reference Ruiz2012). The use of any fibre could be constrained by environmental and weather conditions, as certain species require special conditions to grow. Such is the case of esparto grass, requiring steppe territories, with cold winters, very hot summers and low rainfall. Nowadays, these soil and climate conditions can be found in the arid area of the Spanish Mediterranean region, from Malaga to Castelló, and some other inland areas (Castilla La-Mancha, Aragón). This is a surprisingly similar distribution to that of LRA.

Ethnographic information collected in the Iberian peninsula describes traditional processing of esparto grass as divided into four phases (Beltrán Reference Beltrán2005): harvesting, fermentation, drying and crushing. It is a complex process requiring a high level of pre-planning, as well as elaboration.

Alfaro (Reference Alfaro1984, 186) describes two different techniques for rope making: twisting ropes and plaiting ropes made by previously non-twisted elements. Depending on the number of simple elements, the thickness of the final product would vary. Using these techniques, ropes of enough thickness and strength (with diameters of 2 cm) (Alfaro Reference Alfaro1984, 193) to hold a person can be produced.