Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-jn8rn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T18:03:03.787Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Democratic Possibilities in a Totalitarian World

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2014

H. McD. Clokie*
Affiliation:
The University of Manitoba
Get access

Extract

It may be thought that to give consideration now to the possibility of democratic government in a totalitarian world is an idle task. Whether there is to be a future for democracy rests in far more capable and determined hands than ours, and it may seem that there is little we can do beyond cheering on our defenders, assuring them of our confidence in their victory, and consolidating for them a whole-hearted support on the home front. In these perilous days there is a temptation for us to regard it as an impertinence to take stock of our position while the issue is still in the balance. The importance of action is so great that we tend to turn from the contemplation of ends and objectives to concentration upon the effective means of execution, to those practical arts appropriate for the mechanized warfare of an industrialized age. In a similar period of war and strife, even Milton, the great defender of the spoken word and printed page, could also renounce the “inglorious arts of peace,” proclaiming:

'Tis time to leave the books in dust And oil the unused armour's rust.

Yet, as we look back to the civil war of the eighteenth century, there are two things which should give us pause. One is that for Milton a long period of thought had settled in his mind certain firm convictions of the issue at stake and the direction which action should take. And secondly, even more important, is the serious doubt that Milton must have had later regarding the wisdom of the policy being taken by the man of action, Cromwell, whose praises he had sung. Was the establishment of the Protectorate the object which the Puritans and Parliamentarians had in mind? Evidently not. Was it not Milton himself who declared in dismay that “presbyter” is but “priest” writ large? Must he not secretly have considered that “Protector” was but “Prince” writ large, too?

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association 1941

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Of the numerous expositions published since the Federalist, reference need be made to but three of this century: Smith, J. A., The Spirit of American Government (New York, 1915)Google Scholar, McBain, H. L., The Living Constitution (New York, 1927)Google Scholar, and Holcombe, A. N., The Foundations of the Modern Commonwealth (New York, 1923).Google Scholar

2 Swisher, C. B., in American Political Science Review, vol. XXXVI, 1940, p. 1103.Google Scholar

3 See Corwin, E. S., The President: Office and Powers (New York, 1940).Google Scholar Cf. the earlier volume by Rogers, L., The American Senate (New York, 1926).Google Scholar

4 End of Laissez-faire (London, 1926, 1927), p. 59.Google Scholar It must be borne in mind that Mr. Keynes was not really going forward, he was going backwards. “I propose a return, it may be said, towards mediaeval conceptions of separate autonomies” (pp. 60-1). This was in the heyday of guild socialism.

5 Collectivist doctrines were first proposed as a means of ensuring free association and co-operation.

6 Economic Planning and the International Order (London, 1937), p. 196.Google Scholar

7 Crossman, R. H. S., Government and the Governed (London, 1939), p. 292.Google Scholar

8 Liberty in the Modern State (Penguin, ed., Harmondsworth (Middlesex) Eng., 1937), p. 169.Google Scholar