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⁹ Böhtlingk, , “De Verhouding,” 69.Google Scholar

¹⁰ On Sukarno's political philosophy see van der Kroef, Justus M., “Sukarno and Hatta: The Great Debate in Indonesia,” Political Quarterly, XXIX, 1958, 238–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Palmier, Leslie H., “Sukarno, the Nationalist,” Pacific Affairs, XXX, 1957, 101–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ Java Bode (Djakarta), Sept. 5, 1957.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ Pluvier, J. M., Overzicht van de Ontwikkeling der Nationalistische Beweging in Indonesië in de Jaren 1930 tot 1942 (The Hague, Bandung, 1953), 49–51.Google Scholar

¹⁵ On the origin and development of parties see: Pringgodigdo, A. K., Sedjarah Pergerakan Rakjat Indonesia (Djakarta, 1950)Google Scholar; Sitorus, L. M., Sedjarah Pergerakan Kebanesaan Indonesia (Djakarta, 1947)Google Scholar; and van den Bijllaardt, A. C., Ontstaan en Ontwikkeling der Staatkundige Partijen in Nederlandsch-Indië (Batavia, 1933).Google Scholar

¹⁶ van Nieuwenhuijze, C. A. O., Mens en Vrijheid in Indonesië (The Hague, Bandung, 1949), 197.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Overdijkink, G. W., Het Indonesische Probleem: Nieuwe Feiten (Amsterdam, 1948), 31–40.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Alers, Henri J., Om Een Rode of Groene Merdéka: 10 Jaren Binnenlandse Politiek Indonesië, 1943–1953 (Leyden, 1956), 134.Google Scholar On the creation of the federal states see also Schiller, A. Arthur, The Formation of Federal Indonesia (The Hague, Bandung, 1955).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Levij, J. W., “Twee Jaar Oost Indonesië,” Indonesië, II, 1949, 434–7.Google Scholar

²⁰ Perkins, Whitney T., “Sanctions for Political Change–The Indonesian Case,” International Organization, XII, 1958, 40.Google Scholar

²¹ For the complete text of the R.I.S. Constitution see Resultaten van de Ronde Tafel Conferentie zoals Aanvaard tijdens de Tweede Algemeene Vergadering welke op 2 November 1949 Werd Gehouden in de Ridderzaal te's Gravenhage (The Hague: Secretariaat van de Ronde Tafel Conferentie, 1949), Bijlage, 5–56.Google Scholar

²² Böhtlingk, , “De Verhouding,” 74.Google Scholar

²³ See Hasil-hasil Pekerdjaan Panitya Bersama RIS-RI (Djakarta: Pertjetkaan Negara, 1950).Google Scholar

²⁴ Böhtlingk, F. R., “De Nieuwe Eenheidsstaat,” Indonesië, IV, 1950, 106–18.Google Scholar

²⁵ Decker, Günter, Republik Maluku Selatan: Die Republik der Süd-Molukken (Göttingen, 1957).Google Scholar

²⁶ See Provisional Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (Djakarta: Ministry of Information, Pertjetakan Negara, 1953)Google Scholar, and, for an extensive commentary, Soepomo, R., Undangundang Dasar Sementara Republik Indonesia dengan sekedar tjatatan dan keterangan dibawah tiap-tiap apsal menurut pendjelasan dan djawaban Pemerintah kepada Parlemen R.I.S. (Djakarta, 1951).Google Scholar

²⁷ Priniggodigdo, A. K., The Office of President in Indonesia as Defined in the Three Constitutions in Theory and Practice, Translation Series, Modern Indonesia Project, Cornell University (Ithaca, 1957), 34–5.Google Scholar

²⁸ Kahin, George McT., ed., Major Governments of Asia (Ithaca, N.Y., 1958), 538–9Google Scholar, asserts that a substantial portion of the members of the new unicameral legislature under the 1950 constitution, who, having worked with the Dutch in the federal states and owing their position in the new legislature to this collaboration, introduced an “unhealthy political atmosphere,” since many were tainted by opportunism and corruption. In contrast the original Republic's non-elected parliament is seen as more representative. This strikes one as a debatable view. For one thing a number of members of the K.N.I.P. were equally opportunistic and their corrupt activities during the revolution were certainly as spectacular. The history of the original Republic during the revolution is shot through with debilitating rivalries among the élite, campaigns of intimidation and opportunistic jockeying for position, which more than once threatened the embryo government with complete disaster. Moreover, among the “federals” who had collaborated with the Dutch in the federal states were many with long experience in various phases of public administration, something that could not be said of many members of the K.N.I.P. or its Working Committee.

²⁹ Such early decentralization laws as were implemented were characteristic more of an indiscriminate levelling of various structures of local and regional autonomy, many of them anciently founded in ethnic custom, than of a systematic creation of appropriate organs of local government. Cf., e.g., Böhtlingk, F. R., Staatsrecht in Indonesië, 1942–1952 (Leyden, 1952), passim.Google Scholar

³⁰ Logemann, , Het Staatsrecht, 99.Google Scholar Since the constitution also prescribes that one deputy will be elected for every 300,000 of the population, a certain confluence of opinion among the electorate is necessary, since a “too individualistic voter renders his vote without value.” Party formation is therefore essential. Ibid., 73.

³¹ See, e.g., Böhtlingk, , “De Verhouding,” 78.Google Scholar

³² Nieuwsgier (Djakarta), Oct. 30, 1954.Google Scholar

³³ Logemann, , Het Staatsrecht, 45.Google Scholar See also Lemaire, W. L. G., Het Recht in Indonesië: Hukum Indonesia (The Hague, Bandung, 1952), 118.Google Scholar

³⁴ Logemann, , Het Staatsrecht, 49.Google Scholar

³⁵ The details of Sukarno's proposals and the means he suggested for realizing them were laid down in his speech entitled “Res Publica! Once More Res Publica!” to the Constituent Assembly in Bandung on April 22, 1959. For the complete text of this address see Indonesian Spectator (Djakarta), 05 1, 1959, 10–14 Google Scholar; May 15, 1959, 15–19, 22; and June 1, 1959, 18–22.

³⁶ Indonesian Observer, April 4, 1959.

³⁷ For the text of the emergency law, which replaces but does not greatly modify earlier laws on the state of “war” and “siege” in Indonesia, see Lembaran Negara 1957–60, Tambaban Lembaran Negara 1485, and Mededelingen van het Documentatiebureau voor Overzees Recht (Leyden), VIII, nos. 8–9, 1958, 61–79.Google Scholar In December, 1959, a new “state of war” decree shifted authority to the President.

³⁸ Antara Daily News Bulletin, Sept. 17, 1959, 1.Google Scholar

³⁹ See the comparison of seats in the provisional and elected parliaments in van Marie, A., “The First Indonesian Parliamentary Elections,” Indonesië, IX, 1956, 258.Google Scholar The Masjumi is the forum of Reform Islamic political life in Indonesia. The party is anti-Communist, mildly pro-Western, and has a following among intellectuals, business men, and, to a lesser extent, in organized labour. The P.N.I, is the old standard bearer of secular nationalism. It was founded in 1927, was repressed, and did not fully emerge again until the revolution, when it became briefly the monolithic structure of organized political opinion. Today, it draws its strength from the bourgeoisie, the bureaucracy, and much of the Javanese aristocracy. Masjumi is strong beyond the island of Java. The P.N.I, is weak there, but has a strong following in Central and East Java provinces. The N.U. is anti-reform Islam; it has a strong following primarily in the Javanese countryside, as has the Indonesian Communist party. Urban proletarian support for the Communists is also strong. Among the smaller parties the Socialists are influential among the intellectual élite in the country, but weak among the masses. There are also Christian confessional parties (both Protestant and Catholic), Muslim splinter groups and radical Marxist organizations. On these parties and their programmes see Kepartaian dan Parlementaria Indonesia (Djakarta: Information Ministry, 1954).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Feith, Herbert, “Toward Elections in Indonesia,” Pacific Affairs, XXVII, 1954, 236–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴¹ Goedhart, F. J., Een Revolutie op Drift: Indonesisch Reisjournaal (Amsterdam, 1953), 199–200.Google Scholar

⁴² Indonesian Observer (Djakarta), Aug. 12, 1958.Google Scholar Top-ranking civil servants have now been ordered to register their political affiliation, but it is not certain if this measure will greatly deter future party “acrobatics.”

⁴³ Hasibuan, Adaham, “Genesis of a Press: Economic Aspects of the National Press in Indonesia,” Gazette: International Journal of the Science of the Press (Leyden), III 1957, 42.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Nieuwsgier, July 17, Nov. 27, 1954.

⁴⁵ Ibid., March 28, 1955.

⁴⁶ Indonesian Observer, Aug. 18, 1958.

⁴⁷ Logemann, , Het Staatsrecht, 63–9.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See the parliamentary discussion in Ichtisar Parlemen, VIII, nos. 39–56, 60–61, 65, 70–71, 79, 86–88, 1957 Google Scholar, as summarized in Mededelingen van het Documentatiebureau voor Overzees Recht, VIII, nos. 10-11, 1958, 81–92.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Indonesian Observer, Feb. 11, 1959.

⁵⁰ See, e.g., Skinner, G. William, ed., Local, Ethnic, and National Loyalties in Village Indonesia: A Symposium (New Haven, New York, 1959).Google Scholar

⁵¹ To the Indonesian parliament as to the other national institutions applies the observation of an Australian student of regional and local government in Indonesia, that even though Indonesia is now a state free from colonial control, the government's task at the local level is not wholly different from that of an alien government that establishes and preserves its authority in a “subject” society. Legge, J. D., “Central Supervision and Local Government in Indonesia,” Australian Journal of Politics and History, III, 1957, 79–95.Google Scholar

⁵² Cf., e.g., Wilopo, and Nitisastro, Widjojo, The Socio-Economic Basis of the Indonesian State, Modern Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University (Ithaca, 1959).Google Scholar

⁵³ Examples of semi-mystical rationalizations about the future development of the Indonesian state can be found especially in the utterances of Mohammad Yamin, a leading political figure and close associate of the President. See for instance Yamin's analysis of the “functional” revolution in Indonesia in Indonesian Observer, Feb. 20, 1959. It is this kind of political mystagogy that has contributed as much as any other factor to the postponement of constitutionally sanctioned practices of everyday government and thereby has so gravely impeded the development of parliamentary processes.

⁵⁴ Indonesia: Review of Commercial Conditions, July 1951 (London: The Board of Trade, 1951), 34 Google Scholar; and Jiler, Harry, ed., Commodity Year Book, 1958 (New York, 1958), 286.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See generally Vlekke, B. H., ed., Indonesia in 1956: Political and Economie Aspects (The Hague, New York, 1957), 53–92 Google Scholar; Paauw, Douglas S., “The High Cost of Political Instability in Indonesia, 1957–1958” in Vlekke, B. H., ed., Indonesia's Struggle, 1957–1958 (The Hague, New York, 1959), 23–55 Google Scholar, and Higgins, B., Indonesia's Economic Stabilization and Development (New York, 1957).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ In the provinces themselves the resurgent spirit of regionalism was variously attributed to continued subversion in the state by Dutch elements and to excessive centralization in Djakarta. As early as the middle of 1955 there was a movement in Northern Celebes to re-establish the State of East Indonesia and the federal structure of government throughout the country. See Nieuwsgier, Nov. 17, 1953, June 17, 1955.

⁵⁷ See, by this writer: “The Place of the Army in Indonesian Politics,” Eastern World (London), Jan., 1957, 13–18 Google Scholar; “Indonesia's Military and the State,” Far Eastern Economic Review (Hongkong), XXIV, 05 29, 1958, 683–7Google Scholar; and “Instability in Indonesia,” Far Eastern Survey, XXVI, 04, 1957, 49–62.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ der Kroef, Van, “Instability in Indonesia,” 49–62.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Nieuwsgier, May 29, 1957.

⁶⁰ Antara Daily News Bulletin, Nov. 14 and 28, Dec. 16, 1958. See also Logemann, J. H., “De Staat van Oorlog en Beleg,” Mededelingen van het Documentatie Bureau voor Overzees Recht, VII, 1957, 9–12.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Antara Daily News Bulletin, Dec. 23, 1958.

⁶² For a critique of what the Indonesian Communist party calls the “negative aspects” of military power see the party's publication Material for the Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of Indonesia (Djakarta, 1959), 33.Google Scholar Of late the Communists have posed as champions of parliamentary democracy, which, though inadequate, “is better than fascism, better than military dictatorship or one man dictatorship.” Documents: Seventh Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Indonesia, Jacarta, November 19–21, 1958, Supplementary Issue to Review of Indonesia, no. 12, 1958, 10.Google Scholar Sukarno's “guided democracy” is seen as a step beyond parliamentary government, however, and for that reason the Communists have been willing to support it. In contrast to other parties the Indonesian Communist party has subjected itself to extraordinary self-criticism regarding its work in the rural areas and its increasing following in Java is at least in part based on this pseudo-scientific soul-searching. See, e.g. Lukman's, M. H. analysis of local legislative councils in the party's newspaper Hartan Rakjat, 04 5, 1958.Google Scholar

⁶³ On the national elections see Feith, Herbert, The Indonesian Elections of 1955, Interim Reports Series, Modern Indonesia Project, Cornell University (Ithaca, 1957)Google Scholar, and van der Kroef, Justus M., “Indonesia's First National Election: A Sociological Analysis,” American Journal of Economics and Sociology, xvi, 1957, 237–50, 407–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁴ der Kroef, Van, “‘Guided Democracy’ in Indonesia,” 113–24.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Early in 1959 the National Council proposed, with the concurrence of Sukarno, that 50 per cent of parliament should be made up of representatives of “functional” groups, and that they should be elected from a list drawn up, not by the political parties, but by the National Front for the Liberation of West Irian, an ultra-nationalist federation of functional group interests that is under military control. The parties bitterly protested this proposal, suggesting instead that “functionals” at the most comprise one-third of the total parliamentary membership and be elected from party lists. The conflict remained unresolved, though in his address to the Constituent Assembly on April 22, Sukarno, urging the return to the 1945 constitution, proposed that functional group and party candidates appear jointly on lists of candidates, that some functionals be appointed by the President, and that a new National Front (not the National Front for the Liberation of West Irian) be formed to assist in drafting the candidates' list. The exact number of functionals that would thus be elected to parliament Sukarno left undecided. The proposal satisfied few party leaders and it is not known if this dissatisfaction contributed to the defeat in the Constituent Assembly of Sukarno's proposal to return to the 1945 constitution. With the imposition of the 1945 constitution by executive decree it appears that Sukarno's proposal will be carried out when elections for a new parliament and People's Congress are held in the future.

⁶⁶ On these and related constitutional questions see Logemann, J. H., “Constitutionele Ontwikkelingen in Indonesië,” Mededelingen van het Documentatie Bureau voor Overzees Recht, VII, 1957, 57–65.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Abdulgani, Ruslan, “The First Year of the National Council,” Indonesian Spectator, (Djakarta), 07 15, 1958, 10–13.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Logemann, , Het Staatsrecht, 61.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Tjhan, Teng Sioe, “De Landrente-Belasting,” dissertation, Rotterdam, 1933, 96–7.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Böhtlingk, F. R., “De Grondtrekken van de Indonesische Staat,” Leids Universiteitsblad, Nov. 16, 1951.Google Scholar

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⁷² van der Kroef, Justus M., “The Changing Class Structure of Indonesia,” American Sociological Review, XXI, 1956, 138–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷³ On the nature of these charismatic tendencies and their influence on contemporary Indonesian life see by van der Kroef, Justus M.: “Racial Messiahs” in Thompson, Edgar T. and Hughes, Everett C., eds., Race: Individual and Collective Behavior (Glencoe, Ill., 1958), 357–64Google Scholar; and “Javanese Messianic Expectations: Their Origin and Cultural Context,” Comparative Studies in History and Society, I, 1959, 299–323.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See generally Wertheim, W. F., Indonesian Society in Transition: A Study in Social Change (The Hague, New York, 1956)Google Scholar, and Kroef, Justice M. van der, Indonesia in the Modern World (2 vols., Bandung, 1954–6).Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Kraal, A., “Enige Aspecten van de Ontwikkeling der Industrie in Indonesië,” Ekonomi dan Keuangan Indonesia, X, 1957, 253–61.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Indonesion Observer, Dec. 2, 1959.

⁷⁷ Ibid., Dec. 17, 18.

⁷⁸ Antara Daily News Bulletin, March 10, 1960.

⁷⁹ Ibid., March 11.

⁸⁰ See, e.g., the views of the chairman of the Indonesian Socialist party and former Sjahrir, Premier Sutan, “Nationalism at a Dead End: The Background of Indonesia's Crisis,” Socialist Call, XXVI, no. 1, Jan., 1958, 19–13.Google Scholar

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