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Markedness in Right-edge Syllabification: Parallels across Populations

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 June 2016

Heather Goad
Heather Goad*
Affiliation:
McGill University
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Abstract

The position that languages require both coda and onset options for the syllabification of word-final consonants is adopted. The latter option is further divided into languages where final consonants are onsets of empty-headed syllables and those where final consonants are syllabified through onset-nuclear (ON) sharing. ON sharing is reserved for languages where final consonants display fortition (overt release): the nucleus hosts the release of the consonant. Empirical evidence from across populations demonstrates that ON sharing is unmarked. It is favoured among the outputs of first and second language learners and individuals with Specific Language Impairment. It is further argued that final onsets are optimal for parsing in end-state grammars, as they demarcate the right word-edge more effectively than codas. Among the two types of onsets, ON sharing is preferred: through the nuclear release, it is better able to host the range of contrasts that right-edge onsets display. The parsing argument serves to illustrate how ON sharing provides an advantage to end-state grammars, beyond being an emergent property from acquisition.

Résumé

Résumé

La position selon laquelle les langues comportent deux options générales, coda ou attaque, pour syllaber les consonnes en position finale de mot est adoptée. Pour la deuxième option, deux subdivisions sont aussi nécessaires: les langues où les consonnes finales sont des attaques de syllabes à noyaux vides et les langues où ces consonnes sont syllabées avec un partage de tous leurs traits entre l’attaque et le noyau (partage AN). Le partage AN est réservé aux langues où les consonnes finales manifestent un renforcement (relâchement consonantique fort): le noyau contient la portion relâchée de la consonne. Des indices empiriques provenant de différentes populations de locuteurs supportent la position que le partage AN est non marqué. Ce partage est favorisé chez les apprenants de langues premières et secondes, ainsi que chez les individus atteints de dysphasie. Il est de plus démontré que les attaques finales sont optimales dans la syllabation des consonnes finales dans les grammaires cibles, parce qu’elles démarquent la frontière finale des mots plus efficacement que les codas. Le partage AN est privilégié dans les attaques finales, parce que le relâchement du noyau permet de réaliser l’ensemble des contrastes présents en attaque finale. L’argument illustre donc comment l’hypothèse du partage AN est avantageuse pour les grammaires adultes, en plus d’être une propriété émergente du processus d’acquisition.

Type
Articles
Information
Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique , Volume 47 , Issue 3-4 , December 2002 , pp. 151 - 186
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Linguistic Association 2002

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