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² Ibid., 54.

³ Ibid., 49 and 50.

⁴ Ibid., 50.

⁵ A total of 11,000 former revolutionaries had entered Switzerland by July 1849. Of those, only 8,350 remained in September 1849; 2,000 by January 1850; 500 by 1851; and only 235 (of whom 192 were German) in 1852. Reiter, Herbert, Politisches Asyl im 19. Jahrhundert. Die deutschen politischen Fluchtlinge des Vormärz und der Revolution von 1848/49 in Europa und den USA (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1992), 226–227Google Scholar; Jansen, Christian, ed., Nach der Revolution 1848/49. Verfolgung, Realpolitik, Nationsbildung: Politische Briefe deutscher Liberaler und Demokraten 1849–1861 (Düsseldorf: Droste, 2004), 75Google Scholar. Switzerland argued that, with 2.5 million residents, it was too small to absorb the refugees. Jansen, Nach der Revolution, 74–75. For more information on the lives of German exiles in Switzerland, see Helena Toth, “Emigrés: The Experience of Political Exile for Germans and Hungarians, 1849–1871” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2008).

⁶ Hauri, J., “Historical: Davos as Commune and Health-Resort,” in Davos as Health-Resort: A Handbook, ed. Huggard, W. R. (Davos: Davos Printing Company, 1907), 10–11Google Scholar; Bruck, Birta vom, “Alexander Spengler. Pionier der Klimatherapie,” Deutsches Ärzteblatt 101, no. 6 (February 6, 2004): A357Google Scholar.

⁷ Die Landschaft Davos. Climatischer Curort für Brustkranke. Mit spezieller Berücksichtigung des therapeutischen Verfahrens in der Curanstalt W. J. Holsboer Actien-Gesellschaft Curhaus Davos (Zurich: Orell Füssli, 1877), 9Google Scholar; Huggard, ed., Davos as Health-Resort, 2–3.

⁸ In the 1850s, of course, lung ailments that would later be called tuberculosis were known by other names, such as consumption and lung catarrh.

⁹ [Conrad] Meyer-Ahrens, “Balneologische Spaziergänge,” Monatsblatt für medicinische Statistik u. öffentliche Gesundheitspflege (1862): 82Google Scholar; Spengler, Alexander, Die Landschaft Davos (Kanton Graubünden) als Kurort gegen Lungenschwindsucht. Klimatologisch-medicinische Skizze (Basel: Hugo Richter, 1869), 12Google Scholar; Bernard, Paul P., Rush to the Alps: The Evolution of Vacationing in Switzerland (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 113Google Scholar.

¹⁰ These methods had been developed in the lower Silesian health resort of Görbersdorf by Hermann Brehmer (1826–1889), starting in 1854, but Görbersdorf lies only 1,800 feet above sea level, compared to Davos's more than 5,000 feet. McCarthy, O. R., “The Key to the Sanatoria,” Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 94 (2001): 413CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Hauri, “Historical: Davos,” 21.

¹¹ Spengler, Die Landschaft Davos, 3.

¹² Hauri, “Historical: Davos,” 13.

¹³ Lindsay, James Alex, The Climatic Treatment of Consumption: A Contribution to Medical Climatology (London and New York: Macmillan, 1887), 51Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Ibid., 52. On the reception of Koch's work, see Brock, Thomas D., Robert Koch: A Life in Medicine and Bacteriology (Madison, WI: Science Tech Publishers, 1988)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Lindsay, The Climatic Treatment of Consumption, 51–52.

¹⁶ Spengler himself relied on monthly reports of the “meteorologische Commission der Schweiz” to support his claims for Davos's favored climate. Spengler, Die Landschaft Davos, 13–15.

¹⁷ Schama, Simon, Landscape and Memory (New York: Vintage, 1996), 449Google Scholar. Nicolson, Marjorie Hope, Mountain Gloom, Mountain Glory: The Development of the Aesthetics of the Infinite, first published 1959, republished in 1997 with an introduction by William Cronon (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ In Japan, the equivalent work was done by the geographer Shiga Shigetaka (1863–1927). In his 1894 book, Nihon fûkeiron (On Japanese Landscape), Shiga wrote, “Once you have experienced the sublime qualities of mountains; once you have awakened to their magnificent splendor; once you have taken a deep breath of the alpine air, so fresh that it seems to cleanse your lungs; once you have allowed your thoughts to fall still and become immersed in the lonely quiet there—then your mind will become like those of the gods and sages, and you will experience firsthand the glow of divine wisdom.” Cited in Wigen, Kären, “Discovering the Japanese Alps: Meiji Mountaineering and the Quest for Geographical Enlightenment,” Journal of Japanese Studies 31, no. 1 (Winter 2005): 13Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Cronon, “Introduction,” in Nicolson, Mountain Gloom, Mountain Glory, xii.

²⁰ Books such as Fleming, Fergus, Killing Dragons: The Conquest of the Alps (New York: Grove Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Ardito, Stefano, Mont Blanc: Discovery and Conquest of the Giant of the Alps (Seattle, WA: Mountaineers, 1997)Google Scholar; and Unsworth, Walter, North Face: A Second Conquest of the Alps (London: Hutchinson, 1969)Google Scholar.

²¹ This has changed dramatically since World War II. Trekking and backcountry tourism are now so popular that even locations as remote as Mt. Everest suffer from tourist-induced degradation. Byers, Alton C. and Banskota, Kamal, “Environmental Impacts of Backcountry Tourism on Three Sides of Everest,” in World Heritage Twenty Years Later, ed. Thorsell, J. W. and Sawyer, Jacqueline (Gland, Switzerland: International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, 1992), 105–113Google Scholar.

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²³ Baumgartner, Joseph, Die neuesten und vorzüglichsten Kunst-Straßen über die Alpen, beschrieben auf einer Reise durch Österreich, Steyermark, Kärnthen, Krain und Tyrol, das Küstenland und die Lombardie, einem Theil von Piemont und der südlichen Schweiz (Vienna: Ferdinand Ullrich, 1834), 101Google Scholar.

²⁴ United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization, “Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, World Heritage Committee Report,” 22nd Session, Kyoto, Japan (November 30-December 5, 1998), 27. The application and the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) Advisory Board Evaluation are available online at http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/785/documents/ (accessed January 22, 2009). On the World Heritage List, the Semmeringbahn (Austria) appears as number 785 (October 1998).

²⁵ For the sake of brevity, the lands and provinces represented in Parliament, or the Austrian half of Austria-Hungary, will be referred to here as the Austrian Empire (to distinguish it from the Republic of Austria). In the context of this paper, the concomitant blurring of the distinction between the pre-Ausgleich Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary is acceptable.

²⁶ Gröger, Roman-Hans, “Das Südbahnhotel am Semmering—ein besonderer Aspekt der Südbahn,” in Mit Volldampf in den Süden. 150 Jahre Südbahn Wien-Triest, ed. Artl, Gerhard, Gürtlich, Gerhard, and Zenz, Hubert (Vienna: Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, 2007), 405–419Google Scholar.

²⁷ This trend does not seem to apply to the Dinaric mountain range of southeastern Europe. Prominent Croatian sociologist Dinko Tomašić is representative of a common, but not universal, scorn for the shepherds of the Dinaric range, whose communities had “bred outlaws, guerilla fighters, mercenaries, military leaders, dynasts, and political terrorists.” Tomašić, Dinko, “Personality Development of the Dinaric Warriors,” Psychiatry 8 (1945): 449CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed, as cited in Kaser, Karl, “Peoples of the Mountains, Peoples of the Plains: Space and Ethnographic Representation,” in Creating the Other: Ethnic Conflict and Nationalism in Habsburg Central Europe, ed. Wingfield, Nancy (New York: Berghahn Books, 2003), 222Google Scholar. Kaser compares Tomašić's mid-twentieth-century profile with a much more positive portrayal of the Dinaric Mountain population by Jovan Cvijić based on fieldwork he conducted between 1887 and 1915.

²⁸ Four thousand out of 70,000. Burgi, H., Supersaxo, Z., and Selz, B., “Iodine Deficiency Diseases in Switzerland One Hundred Years after Theodor Kocher's Survey: A Historical Review with Some New Goitre Prevalence Data,” Acta Endocrinologica 123 (1990): 577–590Google ScholarPubMed; Merke, Franz, Geschichte und Ikonographie des endemischen Kropfes und Kretinismus (Berne: Huber, 1984)Google Scholar.

²⁹ As cited in Beattie, Andrew, The Alps: A Cultural History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 93-94Google Scholar.

³⁰ Kurort Meran. Den Festgästen der 77. Versammlung deutscher Naturforscher und Ärzte gewidmet (Meran: O.O., V.u.J., ca. 1905), 6 and 41Google Scholar. Many of the towns that were reinvented as “air cure towns” in the 1830s had a major crisis in the 1820s or 1830s preceding the beginning of the tourist industry. Bad Reichenhall lost two-thirds of its buildings to fire in 1834; much of Mariazell burned to the ground in 1827.

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⁴¹ Blackbourn, David, The Conquest of Nature: Water, Landscape, and the Making of Modern Germany (London: Jonathan Cape, 2006), 26Google Scholar.

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⁴⁶ “Eine Blitzwallfahrt nach Maria Zell,” Lambach, May 17, 1907, newspaper clipping (the title of the newspaper is unfortunately not included), with marginalia in Othmar Wonisch's hand. Stiftsarchiv Sankt Lambrecht, St. Lambrecht, Austria, unlabeled carton: Mariazell. Note: this quotation proved difficult to translate. “Pfefferland” was used idiomatically to indicate a place far, far away—but it was also a play on Cayenne, the capital of French Guyana, where France maintained a penal colony from the mid-nineteenth until the mid-twentieth century.

⁴⁷ This advertisement can be found in a special advertising section appended to Berlepsch, Hermann Alexander and Kohl, Johann Georg, Switzerland and the Principal Parts of Southern Germany (Leipzig: H. A. Berlepsch, 1873)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ According to historian of Japan, Kären Wigen, “Whether through the Boy Scouts in Britain, the heimat movement in Germany, or the American hiking clubs that multiplied after the Civil War, rugged country was increasingly cast as a place to fortify both physical strength and native-place pride—and, by implication, to enhance young people's fitness for imperial rule.” Wigen, “Discovering the Japanese Alps,” 4. For a list of appropriate alpine curatorial across several continents, see Lindsay, The Climatic Treatment of Consumption, 55. While his focus is on water cures, Eric Jennings's Curing the Colonizers: Hydrotherapy, Climatology, and French Colonial Spas gives a sense of the geographic dispersion of spa towns across the globe, taking his readers from the mountains of Guadeloupe, to Tunisia, Madagascar, and Réunion Island. Jennings, EricCuring the Colonizers: Hydrotherapy, Climatology, and French Colonial Spas (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁵³ Balneology itself predates the nineteenth century by half a millennium. The founding father of balneology is Gentile da Foligno (ca. 1300–1348), whose medical tracts on the therapeutic use of baths continued to be published into the seventeenth century. In the Middle Ages, notions of the therapeutic use of baths were based as much on balancing and exploiting humors as on the water's mineral content. Fürbeth, Frank, Heilquellen in der deutschen Wissensliteratur des Spätmittelalters. Zur Genese und Funktion eines Paradigmas der Wissensvermittlung am Beispiel des “Tractatus de balneis naturalibus” von Felix Hemmerli und seiner Rezeption (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2004), 83–84, 196Google Scholar.

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⁶² Abram, Kurhaus Meran, 9. Meran continues to advertise the medicinal benefits of its “Grape Cure.” http://www.suedtirol-it.com/deutsch/traubenkur.htm (accessed April 1, 2007).

⁶³ Meyer-Ahrens, “Balneologische Spaziergänge,” x.

⁶⁴ Huber, Johann Nepomuk, Über die Stadt Meran in Tirol, ihre Umgebung und ihr Klima nebst Bemerkungen über Milch-, Molken- und Traubenkur und nahe Mineralquellen (Vienna: Strau, 1837)Google Scholar. Mathilde von Schwarzenberg was the sister of Prime Minister Felix von Schwarzenberg. Paralyzed since childhood, she achieved prominence as the first patient miraculously cured (of her paralysis) by the priest Alexander of Hohenlohe-Waldenburg-Schillingsfürst.

⁶⁵ “Diese behagliche, erquickende Luft bewährt sich Allen und gesonders Brustleidenden als heilsam.” Staffler, Johann Jakob, Das deutsche Tirol und Vorarlberg, topographisch, mit geschichtlichen Bemerkungen, vol. 2 (Innsbruck: Felician Rauch, 1847), 618Google Scholar. Staffler notes that Meran had 219 houses and 2,440 residents, 626.

⁶⁶ Kurort Meran, 43–44.

⁶⁷ Ibid., 45–51. In the 1820s, Meran had 2,400 residents. Abram, Kurhaus Meran, 7.

⁶⁸ Abram, Kurhaus Meran, 9.

⁶⁹ Kurort Meran, 42; Baedeker, Karl (Firm), Südbaiern, Tirol und Salzburg. Österreich, Steiermark, Kärnten, Krain und Küstenland. Handbuch für Reisende, 23rd ed. (Leipzig: Verlag von Karl Baedeker, 1888), 277, 93Google Scholar. Why hoteliers would boast of ozone-rich air is something of a mystery. Experiments in 1851, 1854, and 1863 showed that ozone adversely affected breathing, caused chest pains, irritated mucous membranes, and killed small animals (including mice and rabbits) exposed to ozonized air for one hour. Rubin, Mordecai, “The History of Ozone: The Schönbein Period, 1839–1868,” Bulletin of Historical Chemistry 26, no. 1 (2001): 48Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Baedeker, Südbaiern, Tirol und Salzburg, 276.

⁷¹ Ibid., 93.

⁷² All advertisements can be found in a special advertising section appended to Berlepsch and Kohl, Switzerland and the Principal Parts of Southern Germany.

⁷³ Rögl, Hans, Maria-Zell. Geschichte und Beschreibung des berühmten Wallfahrtsortes (Maria-Zell: Selbstverlage des Verfassers, 1907)Google Scholar.

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⁷⁷ Kurort Meran, 43–44, 53.

⁷⁸ Ibid., 49.

⁷⁹ Blackbourn, “Fashionable Spa Towns,” 12.