The authors wish to thank Jean Fraser, John Butt, Richard Evans, and Brian Hamnett.

1. Stone, Lawrence, “The Revival of Narrative: Reflections on a New Old History,” Past and Present 85 (1979): 3–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For other frequently cited criticisms of quantification see Barzun, Jacques, Clio and the Doctors: Psycho-history, Quanto-history, and History (Chicago, 1974)Google Scholar; Judt, T., “A Clown in Regal Purple: Social History and the Historians,” History Workshop 7 (1979): 66–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cobb, R., “Historians in White Coats,” Times Literary Supplement, 3 12. 1971, 1527–28.Google Scholar

2. Iggers, Georg G., New Dimensions in European Historiography (Middletown, Conn., 1984), 181Google Scholar. See also Iggers, , The German Conception of History: The National Tradition of Historical Thought from Herder to the Present, 2d ed. (Middletown, Conn., 1983).Google Scholar

3. Fogel has recently explained that any good cliometrician must have worked painstakingly through the traditional literature and archival evidence of their subject as “no amount of mathematical wizardry or computer magic can shortcut this process. Efforts to do so have led to embarrassing failures.” Fogel, Robert and Elton, G. R.which Road to the past? Two Views of History (New Haven, 1983), 67.Google Scholar

4. Tilly, in 1981, stated in a fine book defending social science history that “the problem is simply to understand why spokesmen for the profession should so regularly emphasize the costs of computing without mentioning the benefits. The answer, I suppose, is that the critics consider the accumulation of systematic knowledge about human behavior either impossible, dangerous, of little value, or a serious diversion from other more worthy pursuits.” Tilly, Charles, As Sociology Meets History (New York, 1981), 62.Google Scholar

5. Kousser, J. Morgan, “The Revival of Narrative: A Response to Recent Criticisms of Quantitative History,” Social Science History 8 (1984): 134CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Kousser has, however, become slightly more optimistic of late, but more so about the rather diverse enterprise he calls “social science history” than about quantitative history or quantitative social science history. See his recent article, “The State of Social Science History in the Late 1980s,” Historical Methods 22 (1989): 13–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In May 1987 Kousser sent out a survey which asked questions about professors' and graduate students' attitudes toward the state of social science history to 486 people of three types, historians who are members of the Social Science History Association, Social Science History Association members from other academic disciplines, and non-Social Science History Association members in history departments throughout the United States. He was gratified to get two-thirds of them to respond within a period of six weeks. His findings showed that people from all of these three groups were far more positive to social science history, broadly considered, than one might have expected, and that the respondents, their colleagues, and their graduate students were at least as favorable toward social science history, and perhaps even more so, than they were five to ten years ago. Nevertheless his survey also showed that there was a significant amount of math anxiety among graduate students, a serious lack of quantitative methods courses in most history departments, and that “more than two-thirds of non-SSHA members, as well as a substantial minority of SSHA historians, decry what they believe has been an excessive preoccupation with ‘mere techniques’ in social science history.” (p. 14.)

6. In 1978, Konrad Jarausch wrote: “Unlike scholars dealing with other areas of the European or American past, central European historians have been slow to interest themselves in quantitative methods.” Jarausch, Konrad H., “Promises and Problems of Quantitative Research in Central European History,” Central European History 11 (1978): 279CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a discussion of the Germans' traditional lack of concern for quantitative methods, see Iggers, The German Conception of History. See also Kocka, Jürgen, “Quantifizierung in der Geschichtswissenschaft,” in Best, Heinrich and Mann, Reinhard, eds., Quantitative Methoden in der historisch-sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschung (Stuttgart, 1977), 4–10Google Scholar; Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Historische Sozialwissenschaft und Geschichtsschreibung (Göttingen, 1980)Google Scholar; and Best, Heinrich, “Quantifizierende Historische Sozialforschung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland,” Geschichte in Köln 9 (1981): 121–27.Google Scholar

7. Johnson, Eric A., “Counting ‘How it Really Was’: Quantitative History in West Germany,” Historical Methods 21 (1988): 61–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Best, Heinrich and Schröder, Wilhelm Heinz, “Quantitative Historical Social Research: The German Experience,” Historische-Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungen 21 (1987): 30–48.Google Scholar

8. See, for example, Kocka, Jürgen, “Theories and Quantification in History,” Social Science History 8 (1984): 169–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kocka, , “Theory and Social History: Recent Developments in West Germany,” Social Research 47 (1980): 426–57.Google Scholar

9. Kaeble, Hartmut, “Sozialgeschichte in Frankreich und der Bundesrepublik: Annales gegen historische Sozialwissenschaft?”, Geschichte und Gesellschaft 13 (1987): 85.Google Scholar

10. Though the articles themselves do not contain much quantification per se, they are based on quantitative findings. This in itself represents a major step forward for quantification in Germany owing to Historische Zeitschrift's long-standing aversion to quantitative and theoretical history in any form. See, for example, Kocka, Jürgen, “Grossunternehmen und der Aufstieg des Manager-Kapitalismus in späten und frühen 20. Jahrhundert,” Historische Zeitschrift 232 (1981): 39–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Blasius, Dirk, “Kriminalitat und Geschichtswissenschaft: Perspektiven der neueren Forschung,” Historische Zeitschrift 233 (1981): 615–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Blasius, , “Scheidung und Scheidungsrecht im 19. Jahrhundert: Zur Sozialgeschichte der Familie,” Historische Zeitschrift 241 (1985): 329–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rohe, K., “Wahlanalyse im historischen Kontext: Zur Kontinuität und Wandel von Wahlverhalten,” Historische Zeitschrift 234 (1982): 337–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For discussions of the Center for Historical Social Research, see Best, “Quantifizierende Historische Sozialforschung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland,” esp. 139–41; Best, , “QUANTUM's first year,” QUANTUM Information 1 (1976): 1–3Google Scholar; Jarausch, “Promises and Problems of Quantitative Research in Central European History,” 281; and Jarausch, Konrad H., Arminger, Gerhard, and Thaller, Manfred, Quantitative Methoden in der Geschichtswissenschaft: Eine Einführung in der Forschung, Datenverarbeitung und Statistik (Darmstadt, 1985), 6–8.Google Scholar

11. Cited in Sheehan, James J., “Quantification in the Study of Modern German Social and Political History,” in Lorwin, Val R. and Price, Jacob M., eds., The Dimensions of the Past: Materials, Problems, and Opportunities for Quantitative Work in History (New Haven, 1972), 301Google Scholar. Sheehan's article provides excellent information about and specific guides through the great mass of German statistical materials and studies. Among the most important guides for statistical data are Oberschall, A., Empirical Social Research in Germany, 1848–1914 (The Hague, 1965)Google Scholar; and von Mayr, Georg, Statistik und Gesellschafislehre, 3 vols. (Freiburg i. Br., 1895–1917)Google Scholar. Most of the German states published their own statistical series, but far and away the most voluminous is Preussische Statistik. For the period after the formation of the German Reich, the greatest source of statistical material is Statistik des Deutschen Reichs. This, however, has thousands of volumes on everything from population and criminal statistics to sea trade and is somewhat difficult to use because it has no index or guide. To find the type of statistical material one wants within this massive series, the best guide is the Quellenverzeichnis in the yearly volumes of the German government's statistical yearbook, Statistisches Jahrbuch. The Statistisches Jahrbuch itself contains a wealth of statistical material, which may be enough for many scholars' purposes, but it is still only a summary of the data found in other general and more specific series and reports.

12. See, for example, Jarausch, Konrad H., ed., Quantifizierung in der Geschichtswissenschaft: Probleme und Möglichkeiten (Düsseldorf, 1976).Google Scholar

13. Johnson, “Counting ‘How it Really Was’”; Kousser, J. Morgan, “Quantitative Social-Scientific History,” in Kammen, Michael, ed., The Past Before us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States (Ithaca, N.Y., 1980), 433–56Google Scholar; Jarausch, Konrad H., “International Styles of Quantitative History,” Historical Methods 18 (1985): 13–19Google Scholar; and Jarausch, , “The International Dimension of Quantitative History: Some Introductory Reflections,” Social Science History 8 (1984): 123–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14. For figures, see Kousser, “Quantitative Social Science History.”

15. Though the Journal of Contemporary History is now published in Britain, we have decided to classify this as an American journal. One of its editors has always been at an American university and the other one has moved about from one country to another. More importantly, almost all of its statistical articles are written by Americans and all of the sophisticated mathematics has been written by Americans.

16. Jarausch, “Promises and Problems of Quantitative Research in Central European History,” 287.

17. Johnson, “Counting ‘How it Really Was.’”

18. Jarausch, Konrad H., “German Social History-American Style,” Journal of Social Science 19 (1985): 349.Google Scholar

19. Quantitative economic history is also not highly developed in Germany. Jürgen Kocka explained in 1980 that “economic history, in Germany, has a strong nonquantitative and nontheoretical tradition. It never became an economists' history. Something like the American ‘New Economic History’ of the 1950s and 1960s has hardly developed.” Kocka, “Theory and Social History,” 439.

20. For the abundance of data in nineteenth-century Germany, see note 11. Quantitative data in major statistical series in the Weimar and Nazi periods is far more scanty and less trustworthy than existed previously.

21. Quantitative articles on Nazism's rise, voter support, and party membership published in the United States and the United Kingdom include Abraham, David, “Conflicts Within German Industry and the Collapse of the Weimar Republic,” Past and Present 88 (1980): 88–128CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Childers, Thomas, “The Social Bases of the National Socialist Vote,” Journal of Contemporary History 11 (1976): 17–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Douglas, D.M., “The Parent Cell: Some Computer Notes on the Composition of the First Nazi Party Group in Munich, 1919–21,” Central European History 10 (1977): 55–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Faris, E., “Takeoff Point for the National Socialist Party: The Landtag Election in Baden, 1929,” Central European History 8 (1975): 140–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Koshar, Rudy J., “From Stammtisch to Party: Nazi Joiners and the Contradictions of Grass Roots Fascism in Weimar Germany,” Journal of Modern History 59 (1987): 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Madden, P., “Some Social Characteristics of Early Nazi Party Members, 1919–23,” Central European History 15 (1982): 34–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Muhlberger, D., “The Sociology of the NSDAP: The Question of Working-Class Membership,” Journal of Contemporary History 15 (1980): 493–511CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Muhlberger, , “The Occupational and Social Structure of the NSDAP in the Border Province Posen-West Prussia in the Early 1930s,” European History Quarterly 15 (1985): 281–311CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rogowski, R., “The Gauleiter and the Social Origins of Fascism,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 19 (1977): 399–430CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Though the essays themselves do not necessarily present new quantitative evidence per se, the March 1984 special issue of Central European History entitled “Who Voted for Hitler?” deals with the main lines of the quantitative and qualitative debate on the Nazi party vote by many of the leading figures in the present debate such as Richard F. Hamilton, Thomas Childers, and William Sheridan Allen.

22. Quantitative articles on political movements and parties other than Nazis include Breuilly, J., “Liberalism or Social Democracy: A Comparison of British and German Labour Politics, c. 1850–75,” European History Quarterly 15 (1985): 3–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Coetzee, F. and Coetzee, M.S., “Rethinking the Radical Right in Germany and Britain Before 1914,” Journal of Contemporary History 21 (1986): 515–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Coetzee, M.S., “The Mobilization of the Right? The Deutscher Wehrverein and Political Activism in Württemberg, 1912–14,” European History Quarterly 15 (1985): 431–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hodge, C.C., “Three Ways to Lose a Republic: The Electoral Politics of the Weimar SPD,” European History Quarterly 17 (1987): 165–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; John, M., “Liberalism and Society in Germany, 1850–1880: The Case of Hanover,” English Historical Review 102 (1987): 579–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kohler, E.D., “Revolutionary Pomerania, 1919–20: A Study in Majority Socialist Agricultural Policy and Civil-Military Relations,” Central European History 9 (1976): 250–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Puhle, H. J., “Conservatism in Modern German History,” Journal of Contemporary History 13 (1978): 689–720CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sheehan, James J., “Liberalism and the City in Nineteenth-Century Germany,” Past and Present 51 (1971): 116–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sheehan, , “Liberalism and Society in Germany, 1815–48,” Journal of Modem History 45 (1973): 583–604CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sperber, Jon, “The Shaping of Political Catholicism in the Ruhr Basin, 1848–81,” Central European History 16 (1983): 347–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wickham, J., “Working-Class Movements and Working-Class Life: Frankfurt am Main during the Weimar Republic,” Social History 8 (1983): 315–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zangerl, C.H.E., “Courting the Catholic Vote: The Center Party in Baden, 1903–13,” Central European History 10 (1977): 220–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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