1. Kühne, Ferdinand Gustav, “Bade-Leiden und Freuden: Ein Capriccio” in Zeitung für die elegante Welt 251 (1835): 1002Google Scholar.

2. Kaspar, Fred, Brunnenkur und Sommerlust: Gesundbrunnen und Kleinbäder in Westpfalen (Bielefeld, 1993), 179–240Google Scholar. On French spas, see MacKaman's, Douglas Peter excellent study, Leisure Settings: Bourgeois Culture, Medicine, and the Spa in Modern France (Chicago, 1998)Google Scholar. MacKaman distinguishes twelve principal spas in nineteenth-century France (ibid., 16), but, as the map on page 14 indicates, the total number of spas must have been significantly higher. Hembry's, Phyllis meticulous studies, The English Spa, 1560–1815: A Social History (London, 1990)Google Scholar and British Spas from 1815 to the Present. A Social History (Madison, 1997)Google Scholar provide a good overview of the English spa system. Hembry argues that “from 1800 to 1850 as many as 70 new British spa centers were established” (Hembry, British Spas, 239). On contemporary accounts see Osann's, EmilPhysikalisch-medicinische Darstellung der bekannten Heilquellen der vorzüglichsten Länder Europas, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1829)Google Scholar, which describes a selection of the best European spas. Flechsig, Robert in his Bäder-Lexikon: Darstellung aller bekannten Bäder, Heilquellen, Wasserheilanstalten und klimatischen Kurorte Europas und des nördlichen Afrikas in medizinischer, topographischer, ökonomischer und finanzieller Beziehung (Leipzig, 1883)Google Scholar wants to offer a complete account of all European and North-African spas and balneological facilities. In Germany, including Austria and Bohemia, Fleschig found 369 spas. Despite Kaspar's study and other important local works, the research on German spas and the use of waters is still in its initial stages. Above all, the question of what counts as a spa has to be established to give even a rough idea of how many spas there were in the Germanic realm in the nineteenth century. I will focus on principal spas whose clientele numbered in the hundreds or even thousands, facilities and environment were well-structured, and administrative practices were well-established.

3. Anonymous, Kissingen Spa: The International Health Resort, in its Medical and Social Aspects (Munich, 1900), 55Google Scholar; Welsch, Hermann, The Springs and Baths of Kissingen (Kissingen, 1888), 5–6Google Scholar.

4. According to Lehmann, Sibylle, Das fürstliche Schauspielhaus in Bad Pyrmont: Die Funktion eines Kurtheaters im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1994), 110Google Scholar, that includes a compilation of statistics from the Kurliste and Pyrmonter Zeitung.

5. Mehrdorf, Wilhelm, “Geschichte des Bades Pyrmont” in Chronik von Bad Pyrmont (Bad Pyrmont, 1985), 91Google Scholar, lists the leading German spas in 1865 as follows: Pyrmont, with 6,537 guests proper, was the seventh most-visited spa in Germany after Baden-Baden (45,000), Wiesbaden (29,000), Karlsbad (10,000), Ems (8,000), Teplitz (7,000), and Kissingen (7,000). The eighth most popular spa, Schwalbach, had 4,800 visitors. These eight most popular spas alone attracted more than 110,000 guests. Considering the high variability of spa statistic parameters, overlapping visits by the same guests to different spas, varying lengths of stay, and the lack or unreliability of statistics of peasant guests, these figures are hardly accurate. Since several spas included only middle- and upper-class persons with names and titles in their statistics and still allowed peasants to use their facilities, the real number must be higher than 110,000. As known, spa statistics were also unreliable because different criteria determined whether the length of a visit qualified a visitor as a guest proper. Some spas, such as Kissingen, distinguished carefully between visitors (Passanten) and guests proper (Kurgäste), whereas others inflated their statistics by including both as guests proper. Pyrmont was one of these “generous” spas until the early 1860s, when the authors of the Kurliste (list of visitors) started to separate temporary visitors. Within the limits of these variations, spa statistics still show the extent of annual spa visits. We should also note that the smaller spas, and there were hundreds of them in Germany, are not included in this estimate.

6. Lempa, Heikki, “German Body Culture: The Ideology of Moderation and The Educated Middle Class, 1790–1850” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1999)Google Scholar, chaps. III, “Dancing. Mutual Recognition of the Body” and IV “The Pedestrian as Bildungsbürger.” There is no modern study on Struve and his facilities. Some basic information can be gathered from Minding, Julius, “Geschichtliche Bemerkungen über die Struveschen Nachbildungen, nebst Nachrichten über das Leben des Erfinders,” in Annalen der Struveschen Brunnenanstalten, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1841), 1–45Google Scholar.

7. For the princes of Waldeck the Pyrmont spa was the most important support for their destitute finances and precarious social status. The state administration's micromanagement of the spa facilities, walkways, and promenades produced a wealth of detailed records. These records, scattered throughout the archive of Bad Pyrmont, the spa administration, and the state of Waldeck, now part of the state archive of Hesse in Marburg, form the basis of this study.

8. Heymann, Aron Hirsch, Lebenserinnerungen: Nach seiner Niederschrift im Auftrage seiner Kinder herausgegeben von Heinrich Loewe (Berlin, 1909), 404–9Google Scholar. Leo Baeck Institute: DS 135 G5 H 48.

9. Menke, Karl Theodor, Pyrmont und seine Umgebungen mit besonderer Hinsicht auf seine Mineralquellen; historisch, geographisch, physikalisch und medicinisch dargestellt (Pyrmont, 1840), 445–48Google Scholar. This schedule was widely repeated in patients' descriptions of spa life, such as Strass's, Karl Friedrich HeinrichPyrmont und dessen Umgebungen: Ein Taschenbuch für Curgäste und Reisende. Aus Dankbarkeit gegen die kräftigenden Quellen des herrlichen Bades (Pyrmont, 1850), 42–45Google Scholar.

10. Apart from the spa guides and manuals, which became increasingly popular during the nineteenth century, reviews of spas and spa seasons provide a rich source of spa information in general and spa schedules in particular. Bertuch's, Friedrich JustinJournal des Luxus und der Moden (Weimar, 1788–1827)Google Scholar published regular reviews on major and sometimes minor German spas. After 1827, Zeitung für die elegante Welt (Leipzig, 1801–1859)Google Scholar became the leading forum for spa discourse. Christoph Wilhelm Hufeland, whose Makrobiotik (1796/1805) was an early precursor of the physical wellness movement, published in 1815 the Praktische Uebersicht der vorzüglichsten Heilquellen Teutschlands nach eignen Erfahrungen (Berlin) which provides excellent insight into the workings of the most popular German spas. Only Fuhs, Burkhard, Mondäne Orte einer vornehmen Gesellschaft: Kultur und Geschichte der Kurstädte 1700–1900 (Hildesheim, 1992)Google Scholar, offers a comprehensive analysis of German spa culture. Good local studies include Kuhnert's, ReinholdUrbanität auf dem Lande: Badereisen nach Pyrmont im 18. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1984)Google Scholar, Kaspar's, FredBrunnenkur und Sommerlust: Gesundbrunnen und Kleinbäder in Westphalen (Bielefeld, 1993)Google Scholar, and for an especially useful point of comparison see Sommer's, HermannZur Kur nach Ems: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Badereise von 1830 bis 1914 (Stuttgart, 1999)Google Scholar. Simon, Petra and Behrens's, MargitBadekur und Kurbad: Bauten in deutschen Bädern 1780–1920 (Munich, 1988)Google Scholar describes the spatial design of German spas.

11. Kaplan, Marion, The Making of the Jewish Middle Class: Women, Family, and Identity in Imperial Germany (Oxford, 1991), 124Google Scholar; Sommer, , Zur Kur nach Ems, 305Google Scholar.

12. MacKaman, , Leisure, 96–100Google Scholar.

13. König, Gudrun M., Eine Kulturgeschichte des Spazierganges: Spuren einer bürgerlichen Praktik 1780–1850 (Vienna, 1996), 57Google Scholar.

14. Frey, Manuel, Der reinliche Bürger: Entstehung und Verbreitung bürgerlicher Tugenden in Deutschland, 1760–1860 (Göttingen, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 50–53. Hardtwig, Wolfgang, “Auf dem Weg zum Bildungsbürgertum: Die Lebensführungsart der jugendlichen Bildungsschicht 1750–1819,” in Bildungsbürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert, vol. 3, Lebensführung und ständische Vergesellschaftung, ed., Lepsius, M. Rainer (Stuttgart, 1992)Google Scholar, esp. 22–29. For Oestreich, see his Geist und Gestalt des früh-modernen Staates: Ausgewählte Aufsätze (Berlin, 1969), 180–83Google Scholar. For some of the most influential applications (or refutations) of Foucault's ideas on eighteenth and nineteenth-century Germany, it was his interpretations of disciplining and repressive power that dominated. See Braun, Rudolf and Gugerli's, DavidMacht des Tanzes—Tanz der Mächtigen. Hoffeste und Herrschaftszeremoniell 1550–1914 (Munich, 1993), 173–74Google Scholar. For a review of medicalization as an aspect of social disciplining, see Loetz, Francisca, Vom Kranken zum Patienten: Medikalisierung und medizinische Vergesellschaftung am Beispiel Badens 1750–1850 (Stuttgart, 1993), 14Google Scholar. Elias's, Norbert book is available in a new translation, The Civilizing Process (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar.

15. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 445Google Scholar.

16. Sponagel, Georg Christian, Meine viertägigen Leiden im Bade zu Pyrmont: Eine Brunnen-Lectüre. 3rd ed. (Pyrmont, 1824), 4–5Google Scholar; Bühren, Adolph, Vier Wochen in Pyrmont, oder Wer's Glück hat, führt die Braut heim: Erzählung in Briefen (Braunschweig, 1824), 4Google Scholar.

17. Vetter, August, Ueber den Gebrauch und die Wirkungen künstlicher und natürlicher Mineralbrunnen: Ein Beitrag zur Begründung einer Pharmakodynamik der Mineralwässer (Berlin, 1835), 45Google Scholar. See also Marcard's, Henrich MatthiasBeschreibung von Pyrmont (Leipzig, 1785), 2:310–11Google Scholar, which emphasized the dietetics of the soul as an important part of a good Kur. During the nineteenth century, the dietetics of the soul (Diätetik der Seele) became a popular topic of medical and literary discourses. von Feuchtersleben's, Ernst FreiherrZur Diätetik der Seele (Vienna, 1838)Google Scholar, a strange combination of literary imagination and classical medical learnedness, was a best seller whose 40th reprint was published in 1875.

18. Stearns, Peter N. and Stearns, Carol Z., “Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards” in The American Historical Review 90 (1985): 815–20Google Scholar. See also Lewis, Jan and Stearns's, Peter N. “Introduction” in An Emotional History of the United States, ed. Lewis, Jan et al. (New York, 1998), esp. 5–6Google Scholar, and Wehler's, Hans-Ulrich programmatic “Emotionen in der Geschichte: Sind soziale Klassen auch emotionale Klassen?” in Europäische Sozialgeschichte, ed., Dipper, Christof, Klinkhammer, Lutz, and Nutzenadel, Alexander (Berlin, 2000), 461–73Google Scholar. As for French history, Reddy's, William recent The Invisible Code: Honor and Sentiment in Postrevolutionary France, 1814–1848 (Berkeley, 1997)Google Scholar explores emotional management in office settings, journalism, and families.

19. Medick, Hans and Sabean, David, eds., Emotionen und materielle Interessen. Sozialanthropologische und historische Beiträge zur Familienforschung (Göttingen, 1984)Google Scholar; Trepp, Anne-Charlott, Sanfte Männlichkeit und selbständige Weiblichkeit: Frauen und Männer im Hamburger Bürgertum zwischen 1770 und 1840 (Göttingen, 1996)Google Scholar and “The Emotional Side of Men in Late Eighteenth-Century Germany (Theory and Example)” in Central European History 27, no. 2 (1994): 127–52Google Scholar.

20. Trepp, , Sanfte Männlichkeit, 399Google Scholar. Trepp's findings, supported by Rebekka Habermas's studies on the rise of male and female societies in the “saddle time” of 1750 to 1850, revise and even undermine the classical distinction between the public and private spheres. This distinction defines the family as the—predominantly female—sanctuary of privacy and emotional intimacy. See Habermas, Rebekka, Frauen und Männer des Bürgertums: Eine Familiengeschichte (1750–1850) (Göttingen, 2000), esp. 396–400Google Scholar.

21. See Lutz, Catherine, Unnatural Emotion: Everyday Sentiments on a Micronesian Atoll and Their Challenge to Western Theory (Chicago, 1988)Google Scholar for a classical argument for emotional constructionism. See also Abu-Lughod, Lila, “Shifting Politics in Bedouin Love Poetry” in Language and the Politics of Emotion, ed. Lutz, Catherine A. et al. (Cambridge, 1990), 24–25Google Scholar. Cf. Rosaldo, Michelle Z., Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life (Cambridge, 1980), esp. 222CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a critique of this position, see Reddy, William M., “Against Constructionism: The Historical Ethnography of Emotions” in Current Anthropology 38 (1997): 329–31 and the literature cited thereGoogle Scholar.

22. Reddy, , “Against Constructionism,” 329–31 and more recently Reddy, “Emotional Liberty: Politics and History in the Anthropology of Emotions” in Cultural Anthropology 14 (1999): 258–60Google Scholar. See also the early critique of emotional constructionism in Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns's article “Emotionology,” esp. 814–15. By introducing the distinction between emotionology and emotion, they attempt to clarify the epistemological differences between emotions per se and “the attitudes and standards that a society, or a definable group within a society, maintains toward basic emotions” (ibid., 813).

23. Reddy, “Against Constructionism,” 331–32. See also the subsequent discussion on Reddy's proposal, especially Lynn Hunt's comment on what she sees as Reddy's failure to reconcile the difference between the self, the “black box,” and the words that shape it (ibid., 344).

24. The historical importance of emotions is not solely a question of whether an individual or a group carries an emotional characteristic. Emotions are a part of social interaction. The question is this: how were emotions related or, rather, how did emotions relate people to one another? Jon Elster, in his essay on the Alchemies of the Mind, has taken a fresh look at emotions by virtually brushing aside modern psychological theories and reminding that, in premodern Europe, emotions were discussed in a rhetorical context. By returning to Aristotle's Rhetoric, he understands emotions, such as “regret, relief, hope, disappointment, shame, guilt, pridefulness, pride, hubris, envy, jealousy, malice, pity, indignation, wrath, hatred, contempt, joy, grief, and romantic love” as states of mind and body caused or aroused by preceding beliefs ot (normally) other persons and directed toward these persons in such a way that they cause pain and pleasure, Elster, Jon, Alchemies of the Mind: Rationality and the Emotions (Cambridge, 1999), 48, 55–58Google Scholar. Emotions are not passive states of mind but directed at others through the preceding beliefs and the implied action of pleasure and pain. Although some emotions might be more socially relevant than others, all of Aristotle's definitions of emotions include this characteristic of directedness. This observation has significant implication for a historical understanding of emotions. It seems that emotions influence not only our self-awareness of our state, but also how we relate to and interact with others. One's sense of honor and ambition in particular expresses this social dependency clearly: we feel that it is not justified unless recognized by-others, measured against what we assume they consider an appropriate sense of honor or ambition. This seems an important feature of seeing and being seen, the very principle of the spa.

25. The research on city walls and their impact on urban culture in Central Europe is still far too limited. On Germany, the best study is Grobe's, PeterDie Entfestigung Münchens (Munich, 1970)Google Scholar. Friedmann's, HelmutAlt-Mannheim im Wandel seiner Physiognomie, Struktur und Funktionen (1606–1965) (Mannheim, 1968)Google Scholar outlines the leveling of city walls in Mannheim. On Hamburg, see Bocklitz's detailed but insufficiently documented study, “Hamburgische Festungsanlagen,” in Clasen, Armin and Bocklitz's, KlausStudien zur Topographie Hamburgs. (Hamburg, 1979) 14: 94–154Google Scholar.

26. Also in Aachen, the Promenade was central, but not exclusively for pedestrians. A picture from 1727 shows strollers intermingling with riders and carriages. See Kasper, Ernst & Klever, Klaus, Das Kaiserbad: Der Neubau und sein historischer Hintergrund (Bratislava, 1995), 20Google Scholar.

27. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 129Google Scholar.

28. Ibid., 320–21.

29. Mehrdorf, “Geschichte des Bades Pyrmont,” 70.

30. Ibid., 72.

31. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 138Google Scholar.

32. Lehmann, , Das fürstliche Schauspielhaus, 8Google Scholar.

33. Kuhnerts, Urbanität, 53Google Scholar, and Mehrdorf's interpretation that, during the nineteenth century, Pyrmont was transformed into a therapeutic bath for the petty bourgeoisie is not tenable. It seems to be based on a misinterpretation of a comment in the Pyrmonter Zeitung of 19 July 1865, which maintained that the guests were mainly middle class using the spa for therapy; “the nobility of blood and money is not yet significantly represented.” Quoted in Mehrdorf, “Geschichte des Bades Pyrmont,” 101. This obviously refers to the situation by mid-July and the expectation is, naturally, that by the so-called Golden Sunday, the last Sunday of July, the prominent guests would appear, as they usually did.

34. See Mantey, Franz, “Pyrmont als Bauernbad” in Kleine Studien zur Pyrmonter Geschichte und Heimatkunde (Bad Pyrmont, 1939), 3:14Google Scholar. Since the recording of this early list was not cumulative, we do not know the exact number of visiting peasants, but the figures suggest that it was considerably higher than that of regular guests.

35. According to Valentiner, Theodor, Pyrmont für Kurgäste und Fremde (Kiel, 1859), 138–39Google Scholar, the 1840s were especially hard for peasants and caused a dramatic decline in their visits to Prymont. But, in 1856, there were already 1,839 peasants versus 3,128 (37 percent) regular visitors, and by 1863 the ratio was 2,122 to 3,649 (36 percent). See Table 1.

36. Strass, , Pyrmont, 52Google Scholar.

37. Valentiner, , Pyrmont, 174–76Google Scholar. Cf. Mehrdorf, “Geschichte des Bades Pyrmont,” 129. On the exemption of peasants of the music fee see, An den Gemeindevorstand zu Pyrmont, die Alleemusik in Pyrmont betr., 23. April 1859. Akten über Alleemusik, 1851–1852, 1854–1855, 1859. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. C: Zeitraum: 1848–1922. J.II.4.

38. Lyncker, E., Altes und Neues über den Kurort Pyrmont und seine Mineralquellen (Pyrmont, 1880), 23Google Scholar. Valentiner, , Pyrmont, 26Google Scholar.

39. Frankenau, Rasmus, Pyrmont und sein Gesundbrunnen im Sommer 1798: Ein Fragment zur Beherzigung und Belehrung für Badegäste, Kranke und Ärzte (Leipzig, 1799), 143Google Scholar.

40. Cf. Table 2. See also Pyrmonter Kur-Liste, 1865 (Pyrmont, 1865)Google Scholar, entries 4045–4231, which show that of all spa guests, including peasants, the proportion of aristocratic guests was 8 percent.

41. Frankenau, , Pyrmont, 143Google Scholar.

42. Lyncker, , Altes und Neues, 22Google Scholar. Cf. Mantey, “Pyrmont als Bauernbad,” 12–13.

43. See Table 3.

44. Pyrmonter Brunnen- und Bade-Liste 1838, no. 1–61. (Pyrmont, 1838).

45. Ibid., 1839, no 1–71. (Pyrmont, 1839).

46. Trepp, , in Sanfte Männlichkeit, 177, 372Google Scholar, discovers in the early nineteenth century a structure of sociability that emerged from a peculiar public sphere designed by women. König's analysis of the frequency of visits to Wildbad near Tübingen reveals a surprisingly high number of independent female visitors; in 1800/1801, women were the majority, and several of them came without a male patron, Kulturgeschichte des Spaziergangs, 192. Cf. also Kaplan, , Making, 125Google Scholar. According to MacKaman, the French spas were strongly geared toward family settings during the early nineteenth century. Arrivals, cures, bonding, pleasures, and departures were carefully orchestrated to please families. Only after the 1860s did the unmarried start to predominate in spa life, MacKaman, , Leisure, 36, 136Google Scholar. In Pyrmont, the family never had the position it assumed in French spas.

47. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 119–20Google Scholar.

48. See 1) Begleitbrief zum Antrag, 23 February 1840 and 2) Antrag für Massnahmen gegen zuwachsende jüdische Bevölkerung, 2te Februar, 1840. Gesuch der Neustadt Pyrmont und der Gemeinde Oesdotf um Erlass mehrerer Verordnungen in Bezug auf die Niederlassungsbeschränkung der Juden, die Einführung einer zweijährigen Verjährungsfrist und das Vorzugsrecht des Liedlohns. 1840–1842. SA Marburg, Best. 121, Nr. 2340. Cf. Schreiben betr. Beschränkung der Niederlassung der Juden u. deren Verhalten: 1841. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. B: Zeitraum 1648–1848. B. V.1.1. On the emancipation of Jews in Waldeck, see Berbüsse's, Volker well-argued Geschichte der Juden in Waldeck: Emanzipation und Antisemitismus vor 1900 (Wiesbaden, 1990), esp. 53–64Google Scholar.

49. On the Heines's attendance, I have consulted the Kurliste of Pyrmont from 1819, 1838, 1839, 1842, 1845, 1851, 1852, 1855, 1856, 1857, 1858 (Pyrmonter Brunnen- und Bade'=Liste/Pyrmonter Kur-Liste). The first entry of their visit was in 1819.

50. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 143–44Google Scholar. Strass, , Pyrmont, 51Google Scholar, found the presence of peasants a sign of democracy.

51. Anonymous, “Ueber Pyrmont 1798” in Journal des Luxus und der Moden (02 1799): 75Google Scholar.

52. Anonymous, “Ueber Pyrmont. Mlle Kirchgessner. Feten in Pyrmont” in ibid., November 1803, 612. In 1806, several royal and princely women were present and dancing was stiff and formal: “Whoever wanted to dance, had to be introduced beforehand,” Anonymous, “Pyrmont im Sommer 1806 (Aus dem Brief einer Dame),” in ibid., October 1806, 646.

53. Anonymous, “Bade- und Reise-Epoque: Wanderung durch die Bäder von Driburg, Pirmont und Geismar 1807” in ibid., September 1807, 585. In 1809, bad weather conditions and disturbing news from Scandinavia kept the numbers low and also the social barriers, Anonymous, “Pyrmont im Julius und August 1809” in ibid., October 1809, 616–67.

54. Anonymous, “Pyrmont im Sommer 1812,” in ibid., September 1812, 625.

55. Bühren, , Vier Wochen, 62Google Scholar.

56. Anonymous, “Aus Karlsbad. Ende Julius,” in Zeitung für die elegante Welt 164 (1833): 655–56Google Scholar; Anonymous, “Aus den Taunusbädern, Ende Julius” I, in ibid., 166 (1827): 1327.

57. Anonymous, “Pyrmont im Julius und August 1809,” in Journal des Luxus und der Moden, (10 1809): 616Google Scholar.

58. Anonymous, “Ueber Badeleben in Carlsbad während der Monate Julius und August in diesem Jahre,” in ibid., November 1815, 657.

59. “Fühlbar ist der Mangel an tonangebenden Cavalieren, an reichem Adel, an lebenslustigen Leuten, die Geschmack und Mittel genug haben, ein Centrum für die Gesellschaft zu bilden,” Anonymous, “Correspondenz aus Teplitz,” in Zeitung für die elegante Welt 133 (1842): 532Google Scholar.

60. The instructions for guards prescribed that “peasants and those (nonvisitors) who were not properly dressed do not frequent the main promenade.” Instruction für den Alleewärter zu Pyrmont, 21ten April, 1864. Staatsbad Pyrmont Archiv, Einzelabhandlungen, Nr. 7: Instruktionen II: 1823–18921. The peasants and other people of modest means were also carefully excluded from the casino. Concept zu einem neuen Pacht Contract über die Spiel Bank zu Pyrmont während der Brunnen Cur-Zeit [1834/35] §7. Staatsbad Pyrmont Archiv, Einzelabhandlungen, Nr. 31: Spielbank 1, 1812–1866. 2. The same regulation was reinforced in 1853. Spielpachtvertrag, 1853. III/II. Staatsbad Pyrmont Archiv, Einzelabhandlungen, Nr. 31: Spielbank I, 1812–1866. 5.

61. Besuch der Bälle—Bekleidungsvorschriften, 1837. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. B: Zeitraum 1648–1848. A.I.70.

62. Strass, , Pyrmont, 51–52Google Scholar; Valentiner, , Pyrmont, 139Google Scholar; Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 143–44Google Scholar.

63. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 143–44Google Scholar.

64. MacKaman, , Leisure Settings, 43, 106–8Google Scholar.

65. On the current scholarship, see Emch-Dériaz's, Antoinette “The Non-Naturals Made Easy,” in The Popularization of Medicine, 1650–1850, ed. Porter, Roy (London, 1992), 134–59Google Scholar. She concentrates mainly on Tissot, but provides an excellent conceptualization of classical dietetics. See also Rather, J., “The ‘Six Things Non-Natural’: A Note on the Origins and Fate of a Doctrine and a Phrase,” in Clio Medica 3 (1968): 337–47Google Scholar; Berg, Fredrik, “Hygienens omfattning i äldre tider: Sex res non naturales,” in Lychnos (1962): 91–127Google Scholar. A fairly detailed analysis of the academic teaching of classical dietetics can be found in Eulner, Hans-Heinz, “Die Lehre von der Ernährung im Universitätsunterricht,” in Ernährung und Ernährungslehre im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Heischkel-Artelt, Edith (Göttingen, 1976), 76–98Google Scholar. Göckenjan, Gerd, Kurieren und Staat machen: Gesundheit und Medizin in der bürgerlichen Welt (Frankfurt am Main, 1985), 74–94Google Scholar, and Lachmund, Jens & Stollberg, Gunnar, Patientenwelten: Krankheit und Medizin vom späten 18. bis zum frühen 20. Jahrhundert im Spiegel von Autobiographien (Opladen, 1995), 37–41, 60–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar, concentrate on the social and political implications of dietetics.

66. Marcard, , Pyrmont, 2: 304–5, 310–11Google Scholar.

67. Theodor Valentiner, “Allgemeine Balneotherapie” in Handbuch der allgemeinen und speciellen Balneotherapie, ed. idem (Berlin, 1873), 12.

68. Almost ironically, Valentiner remarked that the traditional views of water therapy had retained their hold over spa regimens. “Nichts habe in der Heilkunde so sehr dem Wechsel der Systeme und der Mode widerstanden, als grade der Gebrauch der Heilquellen,” Valentiner, , Pyrmont, 9Google Scholar. Cf. idem, “Allgemeine Balneotherapie,” 12.

69. Valentiner, , Pyrmont, 3–4Google Scholar.

70. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 444Google Scholar.

71. Sponagel, , Meine viertägigen, 13Google Scholar.

72. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 445Google Scholar.

73. Schmidt-Lisber, H., Die Reise nach Pyrmont: Wahrheit und Dichtung (Braunschweig, 1828), 51Google Scholar.

74. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 144Google Scholar; Strass, , Pyrmont, 71Google Scholar; Käppel, G., Pyrmont's Merkwürdigkeiten: Eine Skizze für Reisende und Kurgäste, 2nd ed. (Pyrmont, 1810), 88Google Scholar.

75. Arnim an Bettina, Giebichenstein, 12. Juli 1806, in von Arnim, Bettina and von Arnim, Achim, Bettine und Arnim: Briefe der Freundschaft und Liebe, vol. 1, 1806–1808 (Frankfurt am Main, 1986), 68Google Scholar.

76. Bühren, , Vier Wochen, 133Google Scholar.

77. Staatsbad Pyrmont Archiv, Einzelabhandlungen, Nr. 2: Alt Pyrmont Allgemeines ab 1731, Nr. 2. Von Bülows Beschwer in Pyrmonter Wochenblatt: Zeitschrift für Leser aller Stände in Stad und Land no. 72, Sunday, 12 September 1858. The administration was quite aware of the importance of music for the spa. See Schreiben des H. v. Diringshofen, 5 May 1852. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. C: Zeitraum: 1848–1922. J.II.4: Akten über Alleemusik, 1851–1852, 1854–1855, 1859. Nr. 43.

78. An den Gemeindevorstand zu Pyrmont, die Alleemusik in Pyrmont betr., 23. April 1859. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. C: Zeitraum: 1848–1922. J.II.4: Akten über Alleemusik, 1851–1852, 1854–1855, 1859. No. 60. According to Bühren, , Vier Wochen, 42Google Scholar, peasants came to Pyrmont on Sundays especially for the music.

79. Kümmel, Werner Friedrich, “Tafelmusik aus medizin- und musikhistorischer Sicht,” in Ernährung und Ernährmgslehre im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Heischkel-Artelt, Edith (Göttingen, 1976), esp. 389–91Google Scholar. According to their contract, the musicians of the Pyrmont spa were obliged to provide music for the guests on the boulevard, for theater, concerts, and balls: “besides, the musicians themselves can decide whether they want to play at a lunch or dinner table.” Die Uebernahme der Allee-Musik während der Cursaison in Pyrmont durch das Musik-Korps des Bataillons betr., 29. Januar 1850. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. C: Zeitraum: 1848–1922. J.II.1: Akten über die Alleemusik, 1848–1852. No. 7. The array of popular music and music-making that furnished the everyday culture of the nineteenth century, from lunch-time music to salon music and Hausmusik is still surprisingly sparsely researched. Kümmel's article is a rare example of how a sensitive and stimulating analysis of a musical genre is made possible by combining fields that for us hardly have any conceptual connection but in the contemporary context were logical and essential, in this case medical dietetics and music. Ballstaedt, Andreas and Widmaier, Tobias have shown in their Salonmusik: Zur Geschichte und Funktion einer bürgerlichen Musikpraxis (Stuttgart, 1989), esp. 56–65, 306Google Scholar, how some of this music-making was incorporated into, and even essentially contributed to, the rise of the music industry, such as the popular enterprises of Johann Strauss and Joseph Lanner in Vienna.

80. Mehrdorf, “Geschichte des Bades Pyrmont,” 231. According to a report of 1834, the instruments were violin, bass, contra-bass, clarinet, and oboe, see Von der Musik, 1829 (1834). Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. Ntr B: 1648–1848. J.II.5. The contract of the conductor and the orchestra stipulated in its §9 that the music on the boulevard especially should be good and use new compositions. See Verträge mit Kapellmeistern und Orchestern No. 1. Zwischen der Fürstl. Waldeckischen Polizei Direction in Pyrmont und den unterzeichneten Mitgliedern der Allée Musik, ist in Gemäss seit seither gnädigsten Resolution vom 30. August 1834 nachstehender Contract abgeschlossen worden. Staatsbad Pyrmont Archiv, Einzelabhandlungen, Nr. 46. We do not know exactly when the spa music started in Pyrmont. It must have been established well before the most popular composer of his time, Georg Philipp Telemann (1681–1767), composed his Pyrmonter Kurwoche in 1734.

81. As a consequence of the change, the two brothers Büchner, prominent local musicians, were about to lose their livelihood, of which they complained, remaining vocal critics of the military orchestra that was hired in 1850. In response to their accusations—see, Eingabe der Gebrüder Büchner u. Söhne an d. Vorstand, die Missverhältnisse zwischen den Musicis während der Saison betr., 17 December 1850. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. C: Zeitraum: 1848–1922. J.II.1: Akten über die Alleemusik, 1848–1852, No. 19.—the administration bluntly noticed the mediocre level of the previous playing contributing only to “afternoon music (string-music) occasionally as we know by experience, and the results are rather mediocre.” Musikcassen-Verwaltungs-Commissions-Bericht, 6 February 1851. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. C: Zeitraum: 1848–1922. J.II.1: Akten über die Alleemusik, 1848–1852, No. 22.

82. A reporter explains how in Wiesbaden his group was accompanied on a walking tour by an orchestra, see sig, C. B. T. K., “Auszug des Tagebuchs meiner Reise durch die Bäder Wiesbaden, Schlangenbad, Langenschwalbach, Ems, Aachen und Spaa im Monat Junius und August 1805,” Journal des Luxus und der Moden, 12 1805, 790Google Scholar.

83. Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 353Google Scholar; Schmidt-Lisber's, protagonist in Reise nach Pyrmont, 42Google Scholar, was asked by her friend to use the spa step (Brunnenschritt) because it was prescribed by doctors and was a custom. See also Bühren, , Vier Wochen, 25Google Scholar.

84. Meyer, Anton Johann Heinrich, Hamburg und Altona nebst Umgegend: Topographisch-statistisch-historisches Handbuch für Einheimische und Fremde: Mit einem neuen Plan der Stadt nebst Wall-Anlagen (Hamburg, 1836), 421Google Scholar. See also the description of the Prater in Wien's öffentliche Gärten und Bäder (Vienna, ca. 1828), 8Google Scholar: “In einem halben Zirkel gehen mehrere Alleen von dem Lusthause aus, an deren Ende in der schönsten Perspective sich dem Auge einige Parthien des hinter Wien liegenden Kahlengebiges zeigen.”

85. Anon., “Gesundbrunnen in Liebenstein,” in Journal des Luxus und der Moden, (10 1799): 505Google Scholar.

86. Kinder- und Jugenderinnerungen der Julie Mayer geb. Gmelin (1817–1896), der Tochter Leopold Gmelins, page 20. Stadtarchiv Tübingen. E 204/B56.

87. Anon., “Das Ronneburger Bad im Herzogthum Altenburg,” in Journal des Luxus und der Moden (10 1812): 670Google Scholar.

88. The examples are revealing: “Daher sagt man Partie machen, mit von der Partie seyn, einer solchen Gesellschaft beytreten; welche Ausdrücke auch wohl in weiterm Verstande von dem Beytritte zu einer jeden gemeinschaftlichen Bemühung gebraucht werden. Besonders bedeutet dieses Wort in manchen Spielen, z.B. im Billiard, im Kegelspiele u.s.f. ein ganzes Spiel,” Adelung, Johann Christoph, Grammatisch-Kritisches Wörterbuch der hochdeutschen Mundart mit beständiger Vergleichung der übrigen Mundarten, besonders aber der Oberdeutschen (Vienna, 1808), 3:661Google Scholar. See also the definition in Krünitz, Johann Georg, Ökonomisch-technologische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats-, Stadt-, Haus- und Landwirthschaft, und der Kunstgeschichte, in alphabetischer Ordnung (Berlin, 1773–1858), 107:660Google Scholar, which is in accordance with this interpretation.

89. Heinsius's, TheodorVolksthümliches Wörterbuch der Deutschen Sprache mit Bezeichnung der Aussprache und Betonung für die Geschäfts- und Lesewelt (Hanover, 1820), 3:792Google Scholar, captured this specific use, which obviously was well-known among a wider audience. Heinsius understood Partie as “einer Gesellschaft zu einem Vergnügen beitreten; besonders vom Spiel: eine Partie Billard, L'hombre, wo denn eine Partie machen heisst, ein Spiel machen; eine Landpartie, eine Lustfahrt auf's Land; auch von den ehelichen Verbindungen; eine vortheilhafte Partie machen, eine gute Partie thun, treffen, sich vortheilhaft verheirathen; in der Kunstspr., die einzelnen Theile einer Rede, eines Vortrages, eines Gemähldes: diese Partie sollte kräftiger, dunkler, heller seyn; in der Tonkunst sind die Partien die einzelnen Stimmen, welche aus der Partitur besonders abgeschrieben sind.”

90. Fischer, G. M. S., “Part, Partei, Partie” in Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste in alphabetischer Folge, ed. Ersch, J. S. et al. (Leipzig, 1838), 334Google Scholar.

91. Sponagel, , Meine viertägigen, 232–33Google Scholar.

92. Bühren, in his Vier Wochen, 165Google Scholar has his main character find the company for a walk to the caves of Dunsthöhle during the morning promenade. We have similar testimonies from the Karlsbad spa: “In the morning people socialize there [by the spring] without any consideration for rank and order. There one can already make arrangements for the afternoon recreation as happened often during my visit. Here, by the spring, the lover of beautiful, wild nature, the indefatigable walker can already make appointments with kindred spirits.” Anon., “Carlsbad und Töplitz,” in Journal des Luxus und der Moden, 11 1798, 628Google Scholar.

93. Bühren, , Vier Wochen, 46, 50–51, 125Google Scholar; Käppel, , Pyrmont's Merkwürdigkeiten, 88, 93Google Scholar; Strass, , Pyrmont, 45Google Scholar.

94. Cf. Käppel, , Pyrmont's Merkwürdigkeiten, 87Google Scholar. In the eighteenth century, the peasants came, according to Marcard, as early as at three in the morning, Marcard, Henrich Matthias, Beschreibung von Pyrmont (Leipzig, 1784), 1:56Google Scholar.

95. Strass, , Pyrmont, 50Google Scholar. Cf. Marcard, , Pyrmont, 1:53Google Scholar.

96. Strass, , Pyrmont, 49Google Scholar.

97. Koenig, Heinrich, Eine Pyrmonter Nachcur: Roman (Leipzig, 1869), 20Google Scholar.

98. Ibid., 41–45.

99. Strass, , Pyrmont, 50Google Scholar. In 1796, von Florencourt, Wilhelm Ferdinand Chassot, Sittliche Schilderungen entworfen auf einer Reise von Braunschweig, über Pyrmont, Rinteln etc. nach Cassel in Briefen an einen Freund (Berlin, 1801), 100Google Scholar, saw the social life in Pyrmont as dominated by the aristocrats whose invitation was the only way for a bourgeois to join an aristocratic Partie. Ten years later, Käppel, in many ways critical of Pyrmont, noticed increasing bonding between the bourgeoisie and nobility, Käppel, , Pyrmont's Merkwürdigkeiten, 83–84Google Scholar.

100. Bühren, , Vier Wochen, 59Google Scholar. Schmidt-Lisber, , Reise nach Pyrmont, 51Google Scholar.

101. Strass, , Pyrmont, 87Google Scholar.

102. My interpretation is from Janke's, Wolfgang “Anerkennung: Fichtes Grundlegung des Rechtsgrundes,” in Selbstbehauptung und Anerkennung: Spinoza—Kant—Fichte—Hegel, ed. Girndt, Helmut (Sankt Augustin, 1990), 96–98Google Scholar. I have also consulted Williams, Robert R., who in his Hegel's Ethics of Recognition (Berkeley, 1997), 10–11Google Scholar, correctly reminds us that mutual recognition was in Hegel not limited to the coercive relationship between master and slave, as the French reception of Hegel's category falsely maintains. On the growing literature on Hegel's notion of Anerkennung see Williams.

103. Wilhelm, Georg Friedrich, Phänomenologie des Geistes (Frankfurt am Main, 1973), 147–48Google Scholar.

104. On Hegel's juridical notion of recognition, see chapters in Helmut Girndt, ed., Selbstbehauptung und Anerkennung by Dieter Suhr, “Dialektik der Anerkennung in Hegels bürgerlicher Gesellschaft,” esp. the chapter “Anerkennung des konkreten Menschen.” A concise but excellent introduction to the current discussion on mutual recognition in the same volume is Klaus Roth's “Selbstbehauptung und Anerkennung bei G. W. F. Hegel,” esp. 177–80.

105. Campe, Joachim Heinrich, in Wörterbuch der Deutschen Sprache. (Braunschweig, 1807), 1:135Google Scholar, limited the meaning of Anerkennen to physical objects or legal recognition of documents. Adelung, , in his Grammatisch-Kritisches Wörterbuch, 1:285Google Scholar, understands the meaning of Anerkennung as an intersubjective relationship: “Die Ehre ist äussere Anerkennung unserer Vorzüge.” By the middle of the nineteenth century, both personal and material meanings of Anerkennung were recognized. Meyer's Neues Konversations-Lexikon, ein Wörterbuch des allgemeinen Wissens. 2nd ed. (Hildburghausen, 1861), 1:745Google Scholar, saw Anerkennung as “die bejahende Erklärung über die Wirklichkeit, Wahrheit und Identität einer Person oder Sache, oder eines Verhältnisses, vorzüglich in sofern die eigene Mitwirkung dabei in Rede gestellt ist.” Yet already Deutsch-amerikanisches Conversations-Lexicon (New York, 1869), 1:489Google Scholar, ignored the philosophical and social meanings of the term and adopted the juridical and constitutional ones, as did Broekhaus' Conversations-Lexikon (Leipzig, 1882), 1:636Google Scholar.

106. Helmke, Eduard David, Neue Tanz- und Bildungsschule: Ein gründlicher Leitfaden für Eltern und Lehrer bei der Erziehung der Kinder und für die erwachsene Jugend, um sich einen hohen Grad der feinen Bildung zu verschaffen und sich zu kunstfertigen und ausgezeichneten Tänzern zu bilden (Leipzig, 1829), 10Google Scholar.

107. Werner, Johann Adolph Ludwig, Gymnastik für die weibliche Jugend: Oder weibliche Körperbildung für Gesundheit, Kraft und Anmuth (Meissen, 1834), 114Google Scholar.

108. Honneth, Axel, The Struggle for Recognition: Tlie Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts (Cambridge, 1995), 95–128Google Scholar.

109. On the contemporary understanding of the relationship between ambition and recognition, see Birch, Christian, Mensch in der Gesellschaft oder die Kunst des Umgangs mit Menschen von dem heutigen Standpunkte der Cultur und Civilization als Lehr- und Lesebuch für Jung und Alt, Reich und Arm jedes Standes und jedes Geschlechts (Stuttgart, 1847), 194Google Scholar.

110. Sponagel, , Meine viertägigen, 21Google Scholar.

111. Ibid., 22.

112. The sample of visitors' lists between 1827 and 1865 shows increasing reluctance to reveal one's professional status. Where the sample from 1827 shows 28 percent without a title, in 1836 the percentage was 13, and in 1845 it was 5, but ten years later it was already 18 and in 1865 as high as 62. See Table 2.

113. A princely directive concerning funerals from 1786 forbade luxurious dresses and confined the signs of sorrow to a black ribbon. Verordnung des Fürsten Friedr. betr. zu üppiger Kleidung: 1786. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. B: Zeitraum 1648–1848. B.V.1. 10.

114. See Menke, , Pyrmont 1840, 143–44Google Scholar.

115. Sponagel, , Meine viertägigen, 198Google Scholar.

116. Instruction für den Alleewärter zu Pyrmont, 21ten April, 1864, §3. Staatsbad Pyrmont Archiv, Einzelabhandlungen, Nr. 7: Instruktionen II 1823–1892.1. See also Instruction für den Alleewärter zu Pyrmont. 4. April, 1868, §4. Staatsbad Pyrmont Archiv, Einzelabhandlungen, Nr. 7: Instruktionen II 1823–1892. 2.

117. Frankenau, , Pyrmont, 27Google Scholar. See Käppel's description from 1810, “as far as the guards of the promenade are concerned, Frankenau's claims of them, whom he calls guards of dogs, are unfounded. It is, however, possible that this man, against his duties and whimsically, went beyond his powers against the peasants.” Käppel, , Pyrmont's Merkwürdigkeiten, 74–75Google Scholar. See also Sponagel's depiction of the treatment of unallowed visitors, Sponagel, , Meine viertägigen, 203Google Scholar. The records of Staatsbad Pyrmont include different instructions for virtually all administrators and employees from 1823 to 1892. The paragraphs on service and politeness can be found, however, only after 1864. See, for instance, Instruction für den Alleewärter zu Pyrmont, 21 ten April, 1864, §4 and Dienst. Instruction für den Saalwärter Heinrich Reinecke zu Pyrmont, 13. Juni 1850, §1. Staatsbad Pyrmont Archiv, Einzelabhandlungen, Nr. 7: Instruktionen II 1823–1892. 1 and 3.

118. According to Käppel, , Pyrmont's Merkwürdigkeiten, 90–92Google Scholar, this started at 3 P.M. and reached its high point between 4 and 5 p.m.

119. Anonymous, “Pyrmont im Jahr 1797: Mein Vermächtniss für das Moden-Journal,” in Journal des Luxus und der Moden, 09 1798, 507–9Google Scholar. Anon., “Ueber Pyrmont” in ibid., October 1802, 581–83.

120. Strass, , Pyrmont, 51Google Scholar.

121. Anon., “Pyrmont im Sommer 1812,” in Journal des Luxus und der Moden (09 1812): 625Google Scholar. Kuhnert, Urbanität auf dem Lande, does not pay any attention to the social function of the Hauptallee (Main Boulevard). Cf. Fuhs, , Mondäne Orte, 55Google Scholar, who correctly notices its commercial aspect.

122. Sponagel, , Meine viertägigen, 42–69Google Scholar. On the increasing use of a uniform-type of dress by men since the late eighteenth-century, see Purdy, Daniel, The Tyranny of Elegance: Consumer Cosmopolitanism in the Era of Goethe (Baltimore, 1998), 180–216Google Scholar. Purdy's thesis that the years between 1770 and 1820 saw a shift from “the presumption that clothes served primarily as signs of their possessor's identity” to “the idea that clothes were part of an economic and political calculus of production” applies well to the avant-garde of fashion discourse but hardly captures the development of everyday dress culture in such tradition-bound spaces as spas.

123. Besuch der Bälle—Bekleidungsvorschriften, 1837. Stadtarchiv Bad Pyrmont. B: Zeitraum 1648–1848. A.1.70.

124. According to Purdy, eighteenth-century writers associated fashion with its feminine deity, Queen Mode, thus placing women in the vanguard of dress culture. Yet the rule of this culture was the personalization of attire and not the mimicking of prominent persons, Purdy, , Tyranny of Elegance, 77–78, 236–38Google Scholar.

125. MacKaman, , Leisure Settings, 52, 154Google Scholar.

126. Mehrdorf, “Geschichte des Bades Pyrmont,” 110.

127. Currently, at least a dissertation and one major reasearch project are under way to shed further light on the history of German spas in the nineteenth century. Karl Wood from the University of Illinois at Chicago is working on a major German spa and a major research project on German spas between 1800 and 1914 is being planned in the Seminar für geschichtliche Landeskunde at the University of Mainz (cf. Karl Wood's e-mail to author, 6 June 2000).

128. Kuhnert, , Urbanität auf dem Lande, 149Google Scholar.

129. As in Teplitz in the summer of 1842: “how graphic is the lack of cavaliers who would set the tone, how much we are missing rich aristocrats, buoyant people who have taste and resources to create a center for social life.” Anon., “Correspondenz aus Teplitz” in Zeitung für die elegante Welt 133 (1842): 532Google Scholar. See also the anonymous description from the spa of Ems from 1841, Anonymous, “Correspondenz aus Ems” in Zeitung für die elegante Welt 219 (1841), 875Google Scholar. On the spa of Radeberg see, Anon., “Das Augustusbad bei Radeberg” in Journal des Luxus und der Moden (10 1805): 681Google Scholar.

130. On dancing, see Fink's, MonikaDer Ball: Eine Kulturgeschichte des Gesellschaftstanzes im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert (Innsbruck, 1996), 59–64Google Scholar and Braun, and Gugerli's, Macht des Tanzes, 274–305Google Scholar, which provide an excellent account of the ambivalent relationship of the bourgeoisie toward court dance during the Wilhelmian era. On public promenading as an art of self-representation, see König's Kulturgeschichte des Spazierganges, 262–68. A glance at France shows that the endurance of feudal structures was not a German peculiarity. William Reddy's excellent analysis of “the rhetoric of honor” in a French bureau during the early nineteenth century depicts how the logic of asymmetric relationships retained its power as the political power of the bourgeoisie increased, Reddy, Invisible Code, 254–58.