Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
The Geneva Conference of 1954 represented an important event in the development of China's foreign policy. For the first time, Beijing's diplomacy became the focus of attention in an international meeting. Despite American opposition and delaying tactics, the conference was a diplomatic triumph for China. It greatly enhanced Beijing's international status. China's leaders clearly perceived their role in global rather than in regional terms. Their pride and confidence were best expressed by the Renmin ribao (People's Daily) editorial of 22 July 1954:
For the first time as one of the Big Powers, the People's Republic of China joined the other major powers in negotiations on vital international problems and made a contribution of its own that won the acclaim of wide sections of world opinion. The international status of the People's Republic of China as one of the big world powers has gained universal recognition. Its international prestige has been greatly enhanced. The Chinese people take the greatest joy and pride in the efforts and achievements of their delegation at Geneva.
Alone among the great powers, Beijing identified itself as a member of the Afro-Asian camp of newly independent nations. The Chinese leadership perceived China as the champion of the Afro-Asian cause against the oppression and exploitation of the west. It was within this context that China had played the major part in fashioning a new set of principles for world politics-the “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.” This emphasis on Afro-Asian solidarity would culminate in the Bandung Conference of 1955.
Zhou Enlai played an important role in the Geneva Conference. He excelled in playing British and French realism off against the rigidity and inflexibility of American Cold War policies. His diplomacy epitomized the “United Front” strategy which has been a distinct feature of the PRC's foreign policy: to unite with all possible forces to isolate China's most dangerous enemy. Zhou's performance at Geneva suggests that he was a shrewd practitioner of diplomacy of the possible.
1. Randle, Robert F., Geneva 1954: The Settlement of the Indochinese War (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969)Google Scholar; Cable, James, The Geneva Conference of 1954 on Indochina (New York: St Martin's Press, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hess, Gary, “Redefining the American position in Southeast Asia: the United States and the Geneva and Manila Conferences,” in Kaplan, Lawrence, Artaud, Denise and Rubin, Mark (eds.), Dien Bien Phu and the Crisis of Franco-American Relations, 1954–1955 (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Press, 1990), pp. 123–148Google Scholar; Warner, Geoffrey, “From Geneva to Manila: British policy toward Indochina and SEATO, May-September 1954,”Google Scholaribid. pp. 149–167.
2. Chen, King C., Vietnam and China, 1938–1954 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969)Google Scholar, ch. 6; Joyaux, François, La Chine et le Reglement du Premier Conflit d'Indochine: Geneva 1954 (Paris, Université de Paris, 1979)Google Scholar; Shao, Kuokang, “Zhou Enlai's diplomacy and the neutralization of Indo-China, 1954–55,” The China Quarterly, No. 107 (09 1986), pp. 483–504.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3. Duiker, William J., Vietnam: Nation in Revolution (Boulder: Westview, 1983), pp. 43–44.Google Scholar
4. Van Hoan, Hoang, A Drop in the Ocean: Hoang Van Hoan's Revolutionary Reminiscences (Beijing: Jiefangjun chubanshe, 1987), pp. 255–56.Google Scholar According to one speculation, Ho Chi Minh possibly went to Moscow with Zhou Enlai on 21 January 1950, and he certainly travelled back to Beijing in the company of Mao and Zhou in mid-February. See Smith, R. B., “China and Southeast Asia: the revolutionary perspective, 1951,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, No. 19 (03 1988), pp. 97–110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5. Nianlong, Han, chief comp., Dangdai Zhongguo waijiao (Contemporary Chinese Diplomacy) (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1987), p. 55Google Scholar; Jiefangjun jiangling zhuan (Biographies of the Generals of the Liberation Army) (Beijing: Jiefangjun chubanshe, 1986), Vol. III, p. 252Google Scholar; Huaizhi, Han, chief comp., Dangdai Zhongguo jundui de junshi gongzuo (Contemporary Military Affairs of the Chinese Army) (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1989), Vol. I, p. 520.Google Scholar
6. Huaizhi, Han, Contemporary Military Affairs, p. 519.Google Scholar
7. Ibid. p. 526.
8. Xin, Mu (ed.), Ji Chen Geng jiangjun (Commemorating General Chen Geng) (Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 1984), pp. 248–49Google Scholar; Van Hoan, Hoang, A Drop in the Ocean, pp. 273–74.Google Scholar
9. Huaizhi, Han, Contemporary Military Affairs, pp. 527–29.Google Scholar
10. Ibid. pp. 530–31.
11. Ibid. pp. 532–34.
12. Xiuquan, Wu, Zai waijiaobu banian de jingli (Eight-Year Experience in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) (Beijing: Shijie zhishi chubanshe, 1983), p. 13.Google Scholar
13. Van Hoan, Hoang, A Drop in the Ocean, p. 259.Google Scholar
14. Huaizhi, Han, Contemporary Military Affairs, pp. 520–22, 576.Google Scholar
15. Gurtov, Melvin, The First Vietnam Crisis: Chinese Communist Strategy and United States Involvements, 1953–1954 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), p. 9Google Scholar; Ross, Robert S., The Indochina Tangle: China's Vietnam Policy, 1975–1979 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), p. 19.Google Scholar
16. Nianlong, Han, Contemporary Chinese Diplomacy, pp. 80–81.Google Scholar
17. Ibid. p. 56.
18. For the text of the Berlin communiqué, see State Department Press Release, 19 February 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, p. 415.Google Scholar
19. Nianlong, Han, Contemporary Chinese Diplomacy, pp. 64–65.Google Scholar
20. Shi Zhe participated in Zhou's three visits to the Soviet Union. See Zhe, Shi, “Rineiwa huiyi sanji” (“Random recollections of the Geneva Conference”), Renwu (01 1989), p. 37Google Scholar; Khrushchev wrote in his memoirs that before the Geneva Conference the Soviet Union, China and North Vietnam held a preparatory meeting in Moscow “to work out the position” they would take at Geneva. China was represented by Zhou Enlai, Vietnam by Ho Chi Minh and the prime minister Van Dong, Pham. Khrushchev, Nikita S., Khrushchev Remembers (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), p. 481.Google Scholar
21. Zhe, Shi, “Random recollections,” p. 38Google Scholar; Zhou even included two master cooks in the Chinese delegation so that at Geneva he could hold Chinese banquets to “make friends.” See Bingnan, Wang, Zhong Mei huitan jiunian huigu (Recollections of the Nine-Year Sino-American Talks) (Beijing: Shijie zhishi chubanshe, 1985), p. 7.Google Scholar
22. Ibid. pp. 5–7.
23. Ibid. p. 6.
24. Zhe, Shi, “Random recollections,” p. 38.Google Scholar
25. Han Nianlong, , Contemporary Chinese Diplomacy, pp. 51–52Google Scholar; Keith, Ronald C., The Diplomacy of Zhou Enlai (New York: St Martin's Press, 1989), p. 61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
26. Khrushchev, , Khrushchev Remembers, p. 482Google Scholar; China's desire to focus on domestic reconstruction was also noted by western observers in China. The British chargé in Beijing, Humphrey Trevelyan, told the American delegation at Geneva on 14 May that “the Chinese communist regime is not interested in pushing forward externally for the time being but wishes to concentrate on internal developments.” See memorandum of conversation with Trevelyan, by Martin, Edwin (adviser to the U.S. delegation to the Geneva Conference), 14 05 1954Google Scholar, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, p. 804.Google Scholar
27. Nianlong, Han, Contemporary Chinese Diplomacy, p. 67Google Scholar; Bingnan, Wang, Recollections, p. 11Google Scholar. Kuo-kang Shao has argued that a key element in Zhou Enlai's diplomacy in Indo-China during 1954–55 was his effort to “neutralize” the area. Shao, Kuo-kang, “Zhou Enlai's diplomacy and the neutralization of Indo-China, 1954–55,” The China Quarterly, No. 107 (09 1986), pp. 483–504.Google Scholar
28. “Shixian Yazhou heping he anquan de genben daolu,” (“The basic route to the realization of peace and security in Asia”), Shijie zhishi, No. 10 (20 05 1954), p. 3Google Scholar; “Yazhou renmin de yuan wang shi juedui burong hushi de,” (“The aspiration of the Asian people cannot absolutely be ignored”), ibid. No. 11 (5 June 1954), p. 3.
29. Nianlong, Han, Contemporary Chinese Diplomacy, pp. 65–66Google Scholar; Bingnan, Wang, Recollections, p. 12.Google Scholar
30. Renmin ribao, 14 05 1954.Google Scholar
31. Chen, , Vietnam and China, p. 309.Google Scholar
32. Zhe, Shi, “Random recollections,” p. 42.Google Scholar
33. Dillon, (U.S. ambassador to France) to State Department, 24 06 1954Google Scholar, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, pp. 1240–41.Google Scholar
34. Zhe, Shi, “Random recollections,” p. 43.Google Scholar
35. Nianlong, Han, Contemporary Chinese Diplomacy, pp. 66–67.Google Scholar
36. For a complete text of the Geneva Agreements, see Chen, , Vietnam and China, appendix IV, pp. 375–405.Google Scholar
37. Bingnan, Wang, Recollections, p. 13.Google Scholar
38. For Zhou's statement to Reston, see Topping, Seymour, Journey Between Two Chinas (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), p. 152Google Scholar; for Zhou's remarks to Salisbury, see Salisbury, Harrison E., To Peking and Beyond: A Report on the New Asia (New York: Quadrangle, 1973), pp. 225–26Google Scholar. In 1979, the Vietnamese government issued a White Paper on Sino-Vietnamese relations, which charged that “the Chinese leaders betrayed the revolutionary struggle of the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea.” See Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, The Truth about Vietnam-China Relations over the Last Thirty Years (Hanoi, 1979), p. 23Google Scholar. In his memoirs, Wang refuted the Vietnamese charge as “a vicious, untruthful attack and slander.” Bingnan, Wang, Recollections, p. 12.Google Scholar
39. Dallin, David J., Soviet Foreign Policy After Stalin (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1961), p. 153Google Scholar; Nogee, Joseph L. and Donaldson, Robert H., Soviet Foreign Policy since World War II (New York: Pergamon Press, 1988 (3rd ed.)), p. 111.Google Scholar
40. Smith, to State Department, 21 05 1954Google Scholar, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, p. 875.Google Scholar
41. Dulles, to State Department, 30 01 1954Google Scholar, ibid. Vol. XIV, part 1, pp. 353–54.
42. Smith, to State Department, 21 05 1954Google Scholar, ibid. Vol. XVI, p. 898.
43. Ibid. pp. 898–99; according to Shi Zhe, the Chinese, Soviet and Vietminh delegations maintained frequent consultations during the Geneva Conference. The Soviet delegation stayed in a house they owned in Geneva, and most important Sino-Soviet discussions were conducted there. Every couple of days, Zhou would go there to have talks. When the Soviet foreign minister returned Zhou's visits, they never discussed important issues at the villa the Chinese delegation rented for fear that the building might have been bugged. Zhe, Shi, “Random recollections,” p. 39.Google Scholar
44. Ibid. p. 41.
45. Dulles, to State Department, 1 05 1954Google Scholar, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, p. 648.Google Scholar
46. Zhe, Shi, “Random recollections,” pp. 37–38.Google Scholar
47. Khrushchev, , Khrushchev Remembers, pp. 482–83Google Scholar; Smith, to State Department, 21 05 1954Google Scholar, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, p. 875.Google Scholar
48. Shuckburgh diary entry, 5 05 1954Google Scholar, Shuckburgh, Evelyn, Descent to Suez: Diaries 1951–56 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1986), p. 193.Google Scholar
49. Ibid.
50. Shuckburgh diary entry, 9 May 1954, ibid. p. 198.
51. Smith to State Department, 2 June 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, p. 1011.Google Scholar
52. Trevelyan, Humphrey, Living with the Communists (Boston: Gambit, 1971), p. 83Google Scholar; Eden disclosed in his memoirs that, at a dinner he held for Zhou at Geneva when he “twitted” the Chinese foreign minister with not sending a representative to London, Zhou immediately expressed a willingness to do so. The Chinese clearly left a favourable impression on his host, as Eden wrote: “Zhou is poised and firm in negotiation. He works for the fine point, even by the standard of his country.” Eden, Anthony, Full Circle (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), p. 138.Google Scholar
53. Trevelyan, , Living with the Communists, pp. 82–83.Google Scholar During his negotiations with the Chinese at Geneva, Trevelyan also inquired on behalf of the United States the condition of detained Americans in China. Smith to State Department, 17 May 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XIV, part 1, pp. 417–18.Google Scholar
54. Martin memorandum of conversation with Trevelyan, 14 May 1954, ibid. Vol. XVI, pp. 803–806.
55. Phillips, Morgan, East Meets West (London: Lincolns-Praeger, 1954), p. 42Google Scholar; Trevelyan, , Living with the Communists, pp. 118–19.Google Scholar
56. Zhaoding, Ji, “Kuozhan ZhongYing maoyi de juda kenengxing,” (“The great opportunity in expanding Sino-British trade”), Shijie zhishi, No. 16 (20 08 1954), pp. 5–6.Google Scholar
57. Chao, Su, “Zhanwang ZhongYing guanxi,” (“Forecasting Sino-British relations”) Shijie zhishi, No. 17 (5 09 1954), pp. 10–12.Google Scholar
58. For British attitudes toward Indo-China, see Warner, Geoffrey, “Britain and the crisis over Dien Bien Phu, April 1954: the failure of united action,”Google Scholar and “From Geneva to Malina: British policy toward Indochina and SEATO, May-September, 1954,” in Kaplan, , Artaud, and Rubin, , Dien Bien Phu and the Crisis of Franco-American Relations, 1954–1955, pp. 55–77, 149–167.Google Scholar
59. Hess, Gary, “Redefining the American position in Southeast Asia: the United States and the Geneva and Malina Conferences,”Google Scholaribid. p. 126.
60. Dulles to State Department, 18 February 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, p. 17.Google Scholar
61. State Department Press Release, 19 February 1954, ibid. p. 415.
62. Mayers, David A., Cracking the Monolith: U.S. Policy Against the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949–1955 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987), p. 130.Google Scholar
63. Congressional Record, 14 01 1954, pp. 250–51.Google Scholar
64. For Dulles' statement, see Sulzberger, C. L., A Long Row of Candles (New York: Macmillan, 1969), p. 1003Google Scholar; In his memoirs, Wang Bingnan denied the occurrence of Dulles' refusal to shake hands with Zhou Enlai. Bingnan, Wang, Recollections, pp. 21–22.Google Scholar
65. Johnson memorandum of conversation, 13 July 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XVI, p. 1352.Google Scholar
66. Johnson to State Department, 2 June 1954, ibid. p. 1251.
67. Godley (first secretary of Embassy in France) to State Department, 21 April 1954, ibid. Vol. XIII, p. 1334.
68. Eden, , Full Circle, p. 136.Google Scholar
69. Dulles, to Knowland, , 30 06 1954Google Scholar, Dulles Papers, Box 79, “China, 1954” folder, Mudd Library, Princeton University.
70. For detailed treatments of Dulles' “wedge” strategy, see Gaddis, John L., The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 147–194Google Scholar; Mayers, , Craeking the Monolith; Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies: the United States, China, and the Soviet Union, 1948–1972 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990).Google Scholar
71. Bingnan, Wang, Recollections, pp. 23–24Google Scholar; Johnson, U. Alexis, The Right Hand of Power (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1984), pp. 233–34.Google Scholar
72. Hagerty diary, 3 June 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XIV, p. 442.Google Scholar
73. For documentation on these negotiations, see FRUS, 1952–1954, Vol. XIV, part 1, pp. 414–15, 416–421, 427, 434–443, 462–480, 501–505.Google Scholar
74. Renmin ribao, 22 07 1954.Google Scholar