^* The Chinese is wei-chiao which means a “punitive encirclement campaign”; hence the use of quotation marks.

^* Original emphases.

^* Original emphases.

^* This is referred to in the commentary as the Fukien Crisis.

^* I-shu-ti (artistic).

^* Original emphasis.

^* It is permissible to pronounce pei (to prepare) as pi, thus driving home this ironic pun.

^* Generals Chou Hun-yüan and Hsüeh Yüeh.

¹ Hsü, Meng-ch'iu, the “official historian of the Long March,” told Nym Wales that nearly all the documents of the March had been lost. Helen Snow, Red Dust (Stanford, Calif., 1952), p. 76.Google Scholar

² For instance, Ho, Kan-chih, A History of the Modern Chinese Revolution (Peking, 1960), Ch. VI, Sec. 6Google Scholar; Schram, S. R., Mao Tse-tung (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1967), p. 181Google Scholar; and Ch'en, J., Mao and the Chinese Revolution (Oxford University Press Paperback, 1967), p. 188.Google Scholar

³ Liu, Po-ch'enget al., Hsing-huo-liao-yüan (A Single Spark Can Light a Prairie Fire) (Hong Kong, 1960), p. 30.Google Scholar

⁴ Hou Chih-tan was cashiered because of the losses. Hsüeh, Yüeh, Chiao-fei chih-shih (A true account of bandit suppression) (1937; Taipei 1962 ed.), Pt. 3, p. 9.Google Scholar

⁵ Hsing-huo liao-yüan, p. 47.Google Scholar

⁶ Chiao-fei chih-shih, Pt. 3, pp. 3 and 7.Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid. pp. 7 and 9 and Liu's memoirs in Hsing-huo liao-yüan, p. 5.

⁸ Prepared by the Cheng-fa Commune of the College of Politics and Law, No. 2, 1967 and translated in Survey of China Mainland Magazines (Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate General), No. 590.Google Scholar

⁹ Chugoku kyosanto-shih (Tokyo, 1961), Vol. IV, pp. 260–261.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See also Wang, Chien-min, Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang shih-kao (A Draft history of the CCP) (Taipei, 1965), Vol. II, p. 520Google Scholar and North, R., Kuomintang and Chinese Communist Elites (Stanford, 1952), p. 112.Google Scholar

¹¹ Hatano, , Chugoko kyosanto-shih, Vol. IV, pp. 271–276.Google Scholar According to Kuo Hua-lun in an article “Tsunyi hui-i” (“The Tsunyi Conference”) which appeared in issue X, No. 7 of Fei-ch'ing yüeh-pao (Communist Affairs Monthly) (Taipei, 31 08 1967)Google Scholar, the participants in the Conference were as follows: Full and alternate members of the Politburo: Ch'in, Pang-hsien, Chang, Wen-t'ien, Chou En, lai, Ch'en, Yun, Chu, The, Ho, k'e-ch'uan (K'ai Feng, then political commissar of the 8th Army Corps) and Wang Chia-hsiang (who may have been absent owing to a serious abdominal injury).Google ScholarMembers of the Central Committee: Mao, Tse-tung, Liu, Shao-ch'i, Lo, Mai (Li Wei-han) and P'eng, Teh-huai.Google ScholarAlternate members of the C.C.: Li, Fu-ch'un, Yang, Shang-K'un, Wang, Shou-tao, Liu, Po-ch'eng, Lin, Piao, Nieh, Jung-chen, Teng, Fa and the German Otto Braun. This list is agreed by Wei k'e-wei in his article “Tsunyi hui-i chih li-shih chen-hsiang” (“The True History of the Tsunyi Conference”) in the same journal issue XI, No. 8 of 8 September 1968.Google Scholar

Neither Kuo nor Wei cite any documentary evidence, but Kuo mentions the name of his informant, Ch'en Jan, who, under the name of Kuo Ch'ien, served as a director of regional work teams in P'eng Teh-huai's 3rd Army Corps. Ch'en took part in the Long March but not the Conference.Google Scholar

I have strong reservations about this list. The International faction would appear to be so weakly represented that it would have been foolish to agree to the Conference; Liu Shao-ch'i by all accounts did not take part in the Long March; if Mao was only an ordinary C.C. member, it is odd that he should have drafted the Resolutions and be elevated to Politburo rank coupled with the directorship of the Military Commission; and, finally, the possibility of Otto Braun, a foreigner, attending a Politburo meeting seems questionable.Google Scholar

¹² Wang, Chien-min, Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang shih-kao, Vol. II, p. 267.Google Scholar This is one of the points disputed in the Red Guard paper quoted above. See also Boorman's, H. L. profile of Teng in The China Quarterly, No. 21, p. 114.Google Scholar

¹³ Wang Chi-Ch'eng, Hsing-huo liao-yüan, p. 48.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Kung, Ch'u, Wo yü hung-chün (The Red Army and I) (Hong Kong, 1954), pp. 270–271.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Yang was one of the 28 Bolsheviks (erh-shih-pa hsü).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ku, Kuan-chiao, San-shih-nien lai ti Chung-kung (30 Years of the CCP) (Hong Kong, 1955), p. 78.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Mao's statement at a general report conference, 24 October 1966. See Jerome, Ch'en, Mao (Prentice-Hall, Great Lives Observed series: New York, 1969), p. 96.Google Scholar

¹⁸ In the same statement as quoted in the previous note, Mao says: “He [Chang Wen-t'ien] played a useful part (hao tso-yung) at Tsunyi.”Google Scholar See ibid., p. 95.

¹⁹ Hsiao, San, Ch'ang-cheng (The Long March)Google Scholar, quoted in Nashimoto, Yuhei, Shu Onral (Chou En-lai) (Keisoshobo: Tokyo, 1967), pp. 148–151.Google Scholar

²⁰ Schram, , Mao Tse-tung, p. 166.Google Scholar

²¹ Wang, Chien-min, Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang shih-kao, Vol. II, p. 617.Google Scholar

²² See Tou-cheng (Struggle), No. 21 (12 08 1932)Google Scholar or Hsiao, Tso-liang, Power Relations within the Chinese Communist Movement, 1930–1934 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1961), pp. 217–218. Summaries of most of the documents quoted in this commentary can be found in Hsiao.Google Scholar

²³ Tou-cheng, No. 21, pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

²⁴ Hung-hsing, No. 15 (12 11 1933), pp. 3–4.Google Scholar

²⁵ Adopted on 18 January 1934 and published in Tou-cheng, No. 47 (16 02 1934).Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibid. p. 61 and also the editorial of the same paper, No. 48 (5 May 1934), p. 9.

²⁷ See the editorial of Hung-hsing, No. 25 (21 01 1934). From the Tsunyi Resolutions, this editorial can now be attributed to Po Ku.Google Scholar

²⁸ ibid. p. 1.

²⁹ ibid.

³⁰ ibid.

³¹ “Our Victories in the 5th Campaign—on the Protracted War,” Part I, Hung-hsing, No. 33 (18 03 1934), p. 2.Google Scholar

³² “Report at the National Political Work Conference,” Hung-hsing (18 02 1934), p. 4.Google Scholar

³³ Tou-cheng, No. 46 (9 02 1934).Google Scholar

³⁴ ibid. No. 21 (12 August 1933), p. 5 and Chou En-lai's article, ibid. No. 24 (29 August 1933).

³⁵ Hung-hsing, No. 29 (18 02 1934), p. 4.Google Scholar

³⁶ ibid. p. 4.

³⁷ Chou, En-lai's article in Tou-cheng, No. 24 (29 08 1933), p. 20.Google Scholar

³⁸ Chou's report at the National Political Work Conference, Hung-hsing, No. 29 (18 02 1934), p. 4Google Scholar and Hsüeh, , Chiao-fei chih shih, Pt. 1, pp. 8 and 9.Google Scholar

³⁹ Wang, Chien-min, Chung-kuo kung ch'an-tang shih-kao, Vol. II, p. 623.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Speech at the National Political Work Conference, Hung-hsing, No. 28 (18 02 1934), p. 80.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Quoted in Wang Chia-hsiang's article in Tou-cheng, No. 28 (30 09 1933), p. 4.Google Scholar

⁴² ibid. p. 5.

⁴³ “For land, for freedom, for the soviet regime, fight to the end!” Hung-hsing, No. 39 (29 04 1934), p. 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Main forces of the Red Army are given in Hatano, Chugoko kyosanto-shih, Vol. IV, pp. 217–218 and 444.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Hung-hsing, No. 19 (9 12 1933).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Hsüeh, , Chiao-fei chih-shih, Pt. 1, pp. 7 and 10.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ ibid. pp. 10 and 13.

⁴⁸ Hung-hsing, No. 15 (12 11 1933)Google Scholar, Liu, Po-ch'eng's memoirs in the Hsing-huo liao-yüan, p. 3Google Scholar; and Wang, Chien-min, Chung-kuo kung ch'an-tang shih-kao, Vol. II, p. 611.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Chou, En-lai's report at the National Political Work Conference, Hung-hsing, No. 29 (18 02 1934), p. 4, and also No. 43 (20 May 1934), p. 4.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Hung-hsing, Nos. 21 (23 12 1933) and 22 (31 December 1933).Google Scholar

⁵¹ Wang, Chien-min, Chung-kuo kung ch'an-tang shih-kao, Vol. II, p. 623.Google Scholar

⁵² “Fight for the defence of Kuangch'ang!” Hung-hsing, No. 38 (24 04 1934), p. 1Google Scholar

⁵³ Tou-cheng, No. 21 (12 08 1933), p. 5.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ “Although Kunagch'ang has fallen, we must still crush the enemy!” Hung-hsing, No. 40 (5 05 1934).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ “Survey of the Guerrilla Struggles along the North-western Front,” Hung-hsing, No. 48 (15 06 1934), pp. 5–8.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Editorial of Hung-hsing, No. 55 (25 07 1934), pp. 5–8.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ ibid.

⁵⁸ Red China, No. 288 (30 08 1934).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Hung-hsing, No. 62 (30 08 1934), p. 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Liu, Heng-yun, “Recall the Struggles of the 10th Red Army,” Chung-kuo kung-ch'ang-tang tsai Chiang-hsi ti-ch'ü ling-tao ke-ming tou-cheng ti li-shih tzu-liao (Historical Material of the Revolutionary Struggles in Kiangsi led by the CCP) (Kiangsi, 1958), Vol. I, pp. 256–261Google Scholar; Wang, Chien-min, Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang shih-kao, Vol. II, pp. 255–259Google Scholar; Red Dust, pp. 101 and 139Google Scholar; Miu, Ch'u-huang, “A Brief Account of the Long March of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Armies,” Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical Research) (Peking), No. 2 (1954), pp. 92–93.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Hung-hsing, No. 52 (10 07 1934), p. 1.Google Scholar

⁶² ibid. No. 54 (20 July 1934), p. 1.

⁶³ ibid. No. 47 (10 June 1934), p. 3.

⁶⁴ ibid. No. 49 (20 June 1934), p. 2.

⁶⁵ ibid. No. 49 (16 June 1934).

⁶⁶ For a map of the soviet at this time, see ibid. No. 54 (20 July 1934), p. 2.

⁶⁷ China Yearbook (Shanghai, 1934), p. 345.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ts'ai T'ing-k'ai tzu-chuan (Ts'ai's autobiography) (n.p., 1946), Vol. I, p. 378.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ ibid. Vol. II, p. 385.

⁷⁰ For instance, Tou-cheng, Nos. 38 (12 12 1933) and 45 (2 February 1934).Google Scholar

⁷¹ P. 371.Google Scholar

⁷² Hsin-ssu-chün man-chi (Jottings on the New Fourth Army) (Shanghai, 1939 ed.), p. 185.Google Scholar

⁷³ No. 48 (23 February 1934), p. 8.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Wang, Chien-min, Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang shih-kao, Vol. II, pp. 601–602Google Scholar. See also Dorrill, W. F., “The Fukien Rebellion and the CCP: A case of Maoist Revisionism,” The China Quarterly, No. 37 (01–03 1969), p. 35 and n. 3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁵ See Slyke, L. P. van, Enemies and Friends, the United Front in Chinese Communist History (Stanford, 1967), pp. 43–45, and Dorrill, “The Fukien Rebellion and the CCP,” loc. cit.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Liu, and Li, , see Hsing-huo liao-yüan, pp. 4 and 19 respectively and Miu's paper in the Li-shih yen-chiu, No. 2 (1954), p. 88.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ ibid.

⁸⁰ Liu, loc. cit. pp. 3–4.Google Scholar

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⁸³ Chiao-fei chih-shih, Map II, p. 4.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Red Dust, p. 65.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ The defence lines were: (1) along the Anyüan, Hsinfeng and Kanchow highways in Kiangsi; (2) from Jenhua in Kwangtung to Juch'eng in south-east Hunan; (3) from Chuchow to Ch'üchiang along the Hankow-Canton Railway; and (4) along the high-ways parallel to the Hsiang. Miu's paper in the Li-shih yen-chiu, No. 2 (1954), p. 88Google Scholar and Chin, Fan, Tsai hun-chün ch'ang-cheng ti tao-lu shang (On the Route of the Red Army's Long March) (Peking, 1957), p. 45.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Hsüeh, , Chiao-fei chih-shih, Pt. 2, p. 3.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Garavente, A. (“The Long March,” The China Quarterly, No. 22, p. 104) says: “Somewhere around Hsinfeng the Communists divided their force into two sections.…”Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Nym, Wales, Red Dust, p. 65.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Hsüeh, , Chiao-fei chih-shih, Pt. 2, p. 3. My italics.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ No. 99, p. 14.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Woodhead, H. G. W., China Yearbook (Shanghai, 1935), p. 99Google Scholaret seq. There is no satisfactory source of information concerning this. Garavente's reference to Lien, Ch'en (Ts'ung tung-nan tao hsi-pei, 1938, p. 5; see “The Long March,” The China Quarterly, No. 22, p. 105) is no improvement.Google Scholar

⁹² Loc. cit. pp. 62–64.Google Scholar

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⁹⁵ ibid.

⁹⁶ Liu, , Memoirs, p. 4.Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ For example, Sheng, Yu-li, Chung-kuo jen-min chieh-fang-chün san-shih-nien shih-hua (30 Years' History of the Chinese PLA) (Tientsin, 1959), p. 23.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Chou, has also been known as Wu Hao and Shao-shan, but never as Hua Fu. See his biography in H. L. Boorman, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China (Colombia, 1967), Vol. I.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Chou En-lai, China's Gray Eminence (New York: Doubleday, 1968), p. 112.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ See Boorman, H. L., Biographical Dictionary of Republican China.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Chou remained on the Military Commission as its Deputy Chairman, but under Mao this sems to have become a titular post. See Snow, E., Red Star Over China (London: Gollancz, 1937), p. 413.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁴ Chan-pao (Battle), a Red Guard newspaper of 24 02 1967Google Scholar, accuses Chu Teh of supporting Wang Ming's dogmatism and opposing Mao's correct line. “[He] adopted the principle of passive defence with the result that 90 per cent. of the strength of the Red Army was lost and that the Red Army was forced to take the Long March of 6,000 miles. At the Tsunyi Conference, Chu Teh persisted [with his defence] of the reactionary bourgeois military line.” See the Ming-pao Monthly, No. 18 (06 1967), p. 32.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁶ See North's, R. interview with Chang Kuo-t'ao on 3 November 1950 which is to be found in North's introduction to Nym Wales, Red Dust, p. 14. Liu Ning, I-ko (1938), p. 12, also refers to Chang's view on setting up a soviet. No doubt Chang himself will say a good deal more as the instalments of his autobiography are drawing nearer to this subject.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Smedley, A., The Great Road (London: John Calder, 1958), pp. xi and 3.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Ch'en, Mao, pp. 93 and 96. This division into two lines occurred in either 1950 or 1954.Google Scholar

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