1. Jedin, H., Contarini und Camaldoli, (Rome, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1953), 67Google Scholar folio pages, designated as an “Estratto” from the Archivio Italiano per la Storia della Pietà, vol. II (1953)Google Scholar; this volume did not actually appear, however, until 1959, then containing the letters on pp. 53–117. The “Estratto”, pp. 3–67, will be referred to in this essay and indicated as C. und C.

2. Epitomized in his collected papers, Kirche des Glaubens: Kirche der Geschichte, 2 vols. (Freiburg, 1966).Google Scholar

3. Dittrich, F., Regesten und Briefe des Cardinals Gasparo Contarini (Braunsberg, 1881)Google Scholar; Gasparo Contarini, 1483–1542; Eine Monographie (Braunsberg,1885).Google Scholar

4. As Jedin recounts in his article in La civiltà veneziana, p. 115 (see below, n. 17). For an account of his relations with Don Giuseppe as friend and publisher and of a jolly expedition to the Eremo on foot, see Jedin's tribute to his guide in Don Giuseppe De Luca: Ricordi e testimonianze, ed. Picchi, M. (Brescia, 1963), pp. 208–226.Google Scholar Concerning the location of the letters within the manuscripts of Giustiniani see C. und C., pp. 4–6.

5. C. und C., p. 3.

6. Ibid., p. 4. Only one (number 7 in C. und C.) of the 30 letters, all written in Italian, was included in selections from the correspondence between Giustiniani and his friends, especially Quirini, published in Vol. IX of the Annales Camaldulenses, ed. Mittarelli, J. B. and Costadoni, A., 9 vols. (Venice, 1755–1773)Google Scholar, referred to hereafter as A. C. One Latin letter of Contarini to Quirini published in A. C., IX, 539–543Google Scholar, was not among those found at the Sacro Eremo and hence was not included by Jedin in C. und C.; see C. und C., p. 30, n. 29.

7. Concerning the early biographies of Contarini, see the last section of Jedin's invaluable summary of his life and work, “Contarini, Gasparo”, in Dict. d'his. and de géog. eccl., XIII (1965)Google Scholar, cols. 771–784.

8. See n. 1 above, and Jedin's account in Ricordi (mentioned in n. 4), pp. 223–224.

9. Letter no. 2, to Giustiniani, 24 April 1511, C. und C., pp. 12–15.

10. Geschichte des Konzils von Trent, I (Freiburg, 1949)Google Scholar; translated by Graf, Dom E., A History of the Council of Trent, I (London, 1957), p. 167.Google Scholar

11. Kardinal Contarini als Kontroverstheologe (Münster in W., 1949), p. 9.Google Scholar

12. “Ein ‘Turmerlebnis’ des jungen Contarini”, His. Jahrbuch, LXX (1951), 115–130Google Scholar (reprinted in Kirche des Glaubens, I, 167–180).Google Scholar

13. This was later developed more fully by Heinz Mackensen (see below, n. 95).

14. This treatise (in Opera omnia, Paris, 1571, pp. 399–431)Google Scholar was inspired by the example of Pietro Barozzi, bishop of Padua (1487–1508), in Contarini's student days.

15. Jedin, , Il tipo ideale di vescovo secondo la riforma cattolica (Brescia, 1950)Google Scholar; German, original in Kirche des Glaubens, II, 75–117Google Scholar; French adaptation by Broutin, P., L'évêque dans la tradition pastorale du XVI^e siècle (Paris, 1953).Google Scholar For a brief study of the treatise, relying largely upon Jedin, see Tramontin, Don Silvio, “II De officio episcopi di Gasparo Contarini”, in Studia Patavina, XII (1965), 292–303.Google Scholar The thorough study of Dr. G. Fragnito (1969) is discussed below.

16. C. und C., p. 10.

17. “Gasparo Contarini e il contributo veneziano alla riforma cattolica”, in La civiltà veneziana del Rinascimento (Florence, 1958), pp. 103–124.Google Scholar

18. In their Libellus ad Leonem X, in A. C., IV, 612–719Google Scholar, which calls, Jedin “the boldest of all the many reform programs drawn up since the conciliar era”, (Council of Trent, I, 128).Google Scholar See the comments of Setton, K. M. in “Pope Leo X and the Turkish Peril”, Proc. of the Amer. Philos. Soc., 113 (1969), 371–372Google Scholar; also Tramontin, S., “Una programma di riforma della Chiesa per il Concilio Lateranense V: II Libellus as Leonem X”, in Venezia e i Concili (Venice, 1962), pp. 67–93Google Scholar; and Minnich, N. H., “Concepts of Reform Proposed at the Fifth Lateran Council”, Archivum Historiae Pontificiae, VII (1969), 222–227.Google Scholar

19. “Vincenzo Quirini und Pietro Bembo”, in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, IV (Vatican City, 1946), 407–424Google Scholar (reprinted in Kirche des Glaubens, I, 153–165).Google Scholar A fragment of Quirini's personal counsel to Leo X, recommending that the pope begin the task of reform with himself, is appended, pp. 165–166. The expectation voiced by Jedin, (C. und C., p. 7Google Scholar, n. 2) that he might continue his study of Quirini's life has not yet been fulfilled.

20. Contarini's letters opposing Quirini's adoption of the solitary life are nos. 5, 7, and 9, in C. und C.; his letters urging him to accept the offer of the red hat, nos. 14 and 15.

21. To become known as the Congregation of Monte Corona of which the Sacro Eremo Tuscolano is the center.

22. Leclercq, Jean, Un humaniste ermite: le bienheureux Paul Giustiniani (1476–1528), (Rome, Edizioni Camaldoli, 1951)Google Scholar, based upon a rapid survey of the unpublished letters and treatises of Giustiniani. To it is appended, pp. 147–176, an inventory of the writings of Giustiniani himself but not of the letters of his correspondents, notably Quirini, Egnazio, Tiepolo and Contarini. See also Leclercq's, article, “Giustiniani, Paul”, in Dictionnaire de spiritualité, fase. XXXIX–XL (1965),Google Scholar cols. 414–417; and Massa, E., “G., P.”, Biblioteca Sanctorum, VII (1966)Google Scholar, cols. 2–9.

23. “Paolinismo preluterano,” Rendiconti delle Sedute deli' Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Ciasse di scienze morali, storiche e jilologiche (delivered in 1955), Series 8, vol. XII (1957), pp. 3–30.Google Scholar The same ideas had been presented earlier by Cessi in his review of Jedin's C. und C. in Archivio Veneto, Series 5, vols. LIV–LV (1954), pp. 128–133.Google Scholar

24. “Paolinismo”, pp. 7–8.

25. Ibid., pp. 9–17.

26. Ibid., pp. 13–17.

27. Ibid., pp. 29–30.

28. Cervelli, Innocenzo, “Storiografia e problemi intorno alla vita religiosa e spirituale a Venezia nella prima metà del '500,” Studi Veneziani (formerly Bollettino dell' Istituto di Storia della Società e dello Stato Veneziano), VIII (1986), 447–476.Google Scholar

29. Ibid., pp. 452–455. For Don Giuseppe's conception of “piety” see his Introduzione alla storia della pietà (Rome, 1962).Google Scholar The titled “Blessed” rests on tradition, not on official action by the Church.

30. “Storiografia,” pp. 455–458.

31. Ibid., pp. 462–463.

32. Ibid., pp. 465–467.

33. Ibid., pp. 461–462, 468–470, 473–476.

34. Cervelli (pp. 472–473) refers to Dionisotti, Carlo, “Chierici e laici nella letteratura italiana del primo Cinquencento”, in Problemi di vita religiosa in Italia nel Cinquecento, [Atti del Convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia, Bologna, 1958]Google Scholar (Padua, 1960, pp. 167–185, esp. p. 176. Substantially the same appears in Dionisotti's Geografia e storia della letteratura italiana (Turin, 1967), pp. 47–74.Google Scholar

35. Dionisotti, pp. 175–176.

36. An earlier example of this “break” is the case of the celebrated humanist Ermolao Barbaro (1453–1493), whose acceptance of the patriarchate of Aquilea from the pope led to civic disgrace and exile from Venice, according to Dionisotti (p. 176) and Cervelli (p. 472).

37. Cantimori, Delio, “Le idee religiose del Cinquecento. La storiografia”, in Storia della letteratura italiana, vol. V, II Seicento (Milan, 1967), pp. 7–87Google Scholar; see p. 10.

38. Ibid., pp. 11–14, letters of 1510 of the first two, quoted from A. C., IX; p. 14, letters of Contarini of 1515 and 1523 (nos. 20 and 30 in Jedin, C. und C.) which are here unfortunately fused without distinction between the dates of the letters.

39. Ibid., pp. 14–15.

40. Ibid., pp. 15–17, 32. The contemporary passion for letters “vere e proprie, corrispondenze private con amid e personaggi viventi; lettere di vera communicazione personale ed intima” is noted by Elwert, W. T., “Pietro Bembo e la vita letteraria del suo tempo”, in La civiltà veneziana del Rinasoimento, p. 151.Google Scholar

41. Machiavelli, and Guicciardini, : Politics and History in Sixteenth Century Florence (Princeton, 1965).Google Scholar

42. “The Date of the Composition of Contarini's and Giannotti's Books on Venice,” Studies in the Renaissance, XIV (1967), 172–184.Google Scholar

43. Ibid., p. 183.

44. “The Venetian Constitution in Florentine Political Thought”, in Renaissance Florence, ed. Rubinstein, N. (London, 1968), pp. 463–500.Google Scholar The influence of Contarini's treatise is also noted by Fink, Z. S., The Classical Republicans, 2nd ed., (Evanston, Ill., 1962), pp. 29–51.Google Scholar

45. “Cristianesimo, umanesimo e la bolla ‘Apostolici Regiminis’ del 1513”, Rivista Storica Italiana, LXXIX (1967), 976–990.Google Scholar

46. Ibid., pp. 983–987.

47. Ibid., pp. 988–990; and also the opinion of Cantimori in his comments upon Dionisotti's essay in Conversando di storia (Bari, 1967), pp. 55–63.Google Scholar For a fuller consideration of Cantimori's ideas see the end of this essay.

48. “Contarini on Savonarola: An Unknown Document of 1516”, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, LIX (1968), 145–150.Google Scholar The same identification was made by Massa, E. in Trattati lettere… (Rome, 1968), pp. CXXIII–CXXIVGoogle Scholar (see below, n. 87).

49. Ibid., p. 146: “the first theoretical treatise by Contarini which has come down to us”.

50. “Religion and Polities in the Thought of Gasparo Contarini”, in Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Memory of E. H. Harbison, ed. Rabband, T. K. and Seigel, J. E. (Princeton, 1969), pp. 90–116.Google Scholar

51. Ibid., p. 91.

52. Ibid., p. 102. The works are: De immortalitate animae (1517), De officio episcopi (1517), Compendium primae philosophiae and De magistratibus et republica Venetorum (both the latter composed largely during the years at the court of Charles V, 1521–1525).

53. “Religion and Politics,” p. 110, also pp. 107, 113.

54. Ibid., esp. pp. 105–110.

55. Ibid., pp. 101–103. Professor Gilbert's brief analysis (pp. 94–99) of the letters edited by Jedin is occasioned by his wish to refute what he regards as the editor's erroneous assumption that Contarini “had decided to become a monk” (p. 94, n. 14) before his Easter experience of 1511. This seems to me a misunderstanding of Jedin's interpretation.

56. Bouwsma, W. J., Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty (Berkeley, Cal., 1968)Google Scholar, in some respects “a tale of three cities, ” including Florence and Rome (Preface, pp. xiii-xiv). For succinct statements of the general theme, see pp. 52f., 95f., 162f.

57. Ibid., pp. 123–128.

58. Ibid., pp. 144–153.

59. Ibid., first suggested on pp. 41 and 82, reiterated on pp. 122ff., 133, 147, and passim.

60. Ibid., pp. 124, 125, 128; acknowledgement (p. 123, n. 121) is made to Gilbert's “Religion and Polities” and to Gleason's, E. G. doctoral dissertation, “Cardinal Gasparo Contarini and the Beginning of Catholic Reform” (Berkeley, 1963)Google Scholar as well as to Jedin's C. und C.

61. Ibid., pp. 147, 123–125.

62. Ibid., p. 145.

63. Ibid., pp. 145–153.

64. Ibid., pp. 146–147.

65. “Autour de Pomponazzi: problématique de l'immortaiité de l'âme en Italie an début du XVIe siècle,” Archives d'his. doc. et lit. du moyen âge, XXVIII (1961), 163–279Google Scholar, esp. pp. 206–230. Gilson calls attention to the unwarranted neglect of Contarini's role, “pourtant capital,” in “l'affaire Pomponazzi,” p. 207, n. 2.

66. “L'affaire del l'immortalité de 1'âme à) Venise an début du XVIe siècle,”, in Umanesimo europeo e umanesimo veneziano, ed. Branca, V. (Florence, 1963), pp. 31–61Google Scholar, especially p. 38, n. 12.

67. L'immortalità dell'anima nel Rinascimento (Turin, 1963), pp. 277–297Google Scholar: “Nessuno, cattedratico o teologo che fosse, riusci a fare come lui, giovane laico, nella polemica per l'immortalità” (p. 297).

68. “L'aristotelismo avicennistico di Gasparo Contarini”, in Atti del XII Congresso Inter. di Filosofia, Venice, 1958, vol. IX (Florence, 1961), pp. 109–119.Google Scholar See also the brief comments of Gilbert (“Religion and Politics,” pp. 101–107) on Contarini's philosophical ideas.

69. Fragnito, Gigliola, “Cultura umanistica e riforma religiosa: II De officio viri boni ac probi episcopi di Gasparo Contarini”, Studi Veneziani, XI (1969), 75–189Google Scholar (printed in July, 1970); and Ross, J. B., “Gasparo Contarini and his Friends,” Studies in the Renaissance, XVII (1970), 192–232.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

70. On the basis of recently discovered manuscript texts of the treatise Dr. Fragnito corrects the title; using other sources she establishes the date of composition as 1517, not 1516, the year heretofore accepted. See “Cultura”, pp. 80–82, 138–139.

71. The manuscripts found by Dr. Fragnito make clear that the original text was significantly modified in the first edition of the Opera omnia (1571) and again at the instance of the Inquisition in the editions of 1578 and 1589 (ibid., pp. 76–80).

72. Doubtless some recent American publications were not accessible, for example, Gilbert's last article (1969) and Bouwsma's work on Venice (1968).

73. “Cultura umanistica,” pp. 93–138.

74. Ibid., pp. 115–138.

75. Ibid., pp. 97–105.

76. Ibid., pp. 109–110.

77. Ibid., pp. 138ff.

78. Ibid., pp. 178–184.

79. Ibid., p. 184

80. But she also indicates her interest in his political ambitions (pp. 99–100) and her intention of editing his dispatches (1521–1525) from the court of Charles V (p. 149, n. 298).

81. See n. 69 above.

82. Pallucchini, Anna, “Considerazioni sui grandi teleri del Tintoretto della Madonna dell'-Orto,” Arte Veneta, XXIII (1969), 61–63Google Scholar; Lavin, Irving with Lavin, M. A., “Pietro da Cortona Documents from the Barberini Archive,” Burlington Magazine, CXII (07, 1970), pp. 446–449.Google Scholar

83. Concerning the available data see Ross, “G. C. and His Friends,” pp. 205–206; Fragnito, pp. 82–83.

84. See especially Nardi, B., “La scuola di Rialto e 1'umanesimo veneziano,” in Umanesimo europeo e umanesimo veneziano, pp. 93–140Google Scholar, equipped with rich documentation.

85. Resumption of publication of the essential records of the Studium has begun with the Acta graduum academicorum Gymnasii Patavini (1406–1806): III¹, Ab anno 1501 ad annum 1525, ed. Form, E. M. (Padua, 1969)Google Scholar (Fonti per la storia dell' Università di Padova, no. 2). See also the new Quaderni per la Storia dell'Università di Padova, I (1968), II (1969), III (1970);Google Scholar each volume contains a current (from 1960) and a retrospective (from 1921) bibliography, continuing the classic bibliography of Antonio Favaro (Venice, 1922) with full analysis of the items. Among other publications of the Comitato per la Storia dell 'Università di Padova see Lucchetta, F., II medico e filosofo bellunese Andrea Alpago (d. 1522) traduttore di Avicenua (Padua, 1964).Google Scholar Much unpublished material is scattered throughout Nardi's Saggi sull'aristotelismo padovano dal secolo XIV al XVI (Florence, 1958).Google Scholar The archival researches of scholars at the Istituto di Storia Medioevale dell 'Università Patavina under Professor Sambin, P. have produced important studies as “dissertazioni di laurea” which are, unfortunately, not yet published; some of these are noted in Quaderni, III, 145Google Scholar, n. 1.

86. As he himself says in his De officio episcopi, in Opera (Paris, 1571), p. 420Google Scholar: “Multa namque plerunque ab amicis, veluti ex vivis libris, decerpimus. Quae magis inhaerere animo quandoque solent, quam ea, quae ex librorum discimus lectione.”

87. For more than a decade these manuscripts have been in the hands of Professor Eugenio Massa who is editing them for the Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura under the title: Giustiniani, B. Paolo, Trattati, lettere e frammenti dai manoscritti originali dell'Archivio dei Camaldolesi di Monte Corona nell'Eremo di Frascati. To date only volume I has appeared, Descrizione analitica e indici (Rome, printed 1967, published 1968)Google Scholar, an admirable guide to the whole corpus which was to include at least nine large quarto volumes as projected by De Luca, Don Giuseppe in 1956 (Letteratura di pietd a Venezia del' 300 al '600, ed. Branca, V. (Florence, 1963), pp. 48–49).Google Scholar The inventory of manuscripts, Appendix III, to Dom Leclercq's book on Giustiniani does not include letters written to him, and Prof. Kristeller's summary in Iter Italicum, I (1962), 235–237Google Scholar, is by its nature highly selective. Two scholars have recently noted the inaccessibility of the manuscripts, Prof. Gilbert, in “Contarini on Savonarola,” Archiv für Ref., LIX (1968), p. 145Google Scholar, n. 4, and DrFragnito, in “Cultura umanistica,” Studi Veneziani, XI (1969), p. 84Google Scholar, n. 38. Of the scholars whose work has been reviewed above apparently only Jedin and Leclercq made use of the manuscripts in situ.

88. See Ross, “G. C.,” pp. 204–205.

89. The most notable diaries, all accessible, are: Malipiero, Domenico, Annali Veneti (1457–1500), Arch. Stor. Ital., VII (1843-1844)Google Scholar; Priuli, Girolamo, I Diarii (1494–1512)Google Scholar, Rerum Ital. Scriptores, 2nd ed., vol. XXIV, part III;Google ScholarDiarii di Marcantonio Michiel (1511–1520), Museo Civico-Correr, Venice, MS Cicogna 2848;Google Scholar and the incomparable, inexhaustible Diarii of Marino Sanudo, ed. Fulin, R. et al. , 58 vols. (Venice 1879–1902).Google Scholar A fine tribute to the last is Cozzi's, G. “Marino Sanudo Il Giovane: dalla cronaca alla storia,” Rivista Stor. Ital., LXXX (1968), 297–314.Google Scholar The most pessimistic voice is Priuli's; it should be noted that the third book of his diary (1506–1509) is missing.

90. For all periods of his life except the first, the guidance of Dittrich's Regesten und Briefe (1881) is essential; sources published from 1881 to c. 1956 are listed by Jedin, in “G. C.,” Dict. d'his., XIII (1956)Google Scholar, col. 784. Later additions are noted in this essay. For evidence of Contarini's slow political progress, drawn largely from Sanudo, see Ross, “G. C.,” pp. 219–221 and Fragnito, “Cultura,” pp. 99–100.

91. The best evidence for these years lies in Contarini's official dispatches (Bib. Marciana, Venezia, It. CL. VII, n. 1009, 7447) which Dr. Fragnito intends to edit (“Cultura,” p. 149, n. 298), and in his relazione of 1525 to the Senate on his return (text in Albèri, Relazioni, Ser. I, vol. II, pp. 9–74).Google Scholar Numerous excerpts from the dispacci were included by Rawdon Brown in the Cal. of State Papers: Venetian, III (1869)Google Scholar, passim. A summary account is given by Ferrara, O. in Gasparo Contarini et ses missions, tr. from Spanish by de Miomandre, F. (Paris, 1965).Google Scholar A study of his mission as oratore to Clement VII is being prepared by Dr. E. G. Gleason.

92. Documentary evidence for all aspects of his public service is available in the Archivio di Stato of Venice; some in printed sources such as Sanudo's Diarii. Contarini's appointment as one of two censors of the press by the Council of Ten in 1527 concerns an important case largely overlooked since Brown's, H. F. classic, The Venetian Printing Press (London, 1891), pp. 67–71Google Scholar; see the brief notice in Grendler, P. F., Critics of the Italian World 1530–1560 (Madison, Wise., 1969), p. 4.Google Scholar His activities as one of the three riformatori of the Studium at Padua in 1530 would throw more light on his interest in the university which is revealed in C. und C., pp. 64–65, letter no. 29, 19 April 1518.

93. For the best account see Jedin, , History of the Council of Trent, I, 376–390, 418–445Google Scholar and passim; also Dr. Gleason's dissertation (see n. 60 above).

94. The only monograph is that of Rückert, H., Die theologische Entwicklung Gasparo Contarinis (Bonn, 1926).Google Scholar The texts of four of his theological treatises are edited by Hünermann, F., G. C. Gegenreformatorische Schriften (1530–1542), (Münster in W., 1923)Google Scholar [Corpus catholicorum, vol. VIII]. (See Jedin's bibliography, “G. C.,” in Diet., cols. 782–784.) Only a few of these have been the object of recent attention, largely textual: Gaeta, F., “Sul ‘De potestate pontificis’ di G. C.,” Riv. di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, XIII (1959), 391–396Google Scholar; Stella, A., “La lettera del Cardinale G. C. sulla predestinazionc,” Riv., XV (1961), 411–441.Google Scholar More general studies include Barbaini, P., “La letteratura del Cardinale G. C. nel riformismo religioso del secolo XVI,” in Miscellanea Carlo Figini (Milan, 1964)Google Scholar, which I have not seen; and Anderson, M. V., “Biblical Humanism and Catholic Reform (1501–1542): Contarini, Pole and Giberti,” Concordia Theol. Monthly, XXXIX (1968), 686–707.Google Scholar

95. Mackensen, Heinz, “Contarini's Theological Role at Ratisbon in 1541,” Archiv für Ref., LI (1960), 36–57Google Scholar; also “The Diplomatic Role of Gasparo Cardinal Contarinj at the Colloquy of Ratisbon,” Church History, XXVII (1958), 312–337.Google Scholar On the origin of the doctrine of “double justification” see Lipgens, W., Kardinal Johannes Gropper (1508–1559) und die Anfänge der katholischen Reform in Deutschland (Münster in W., 1951).Google Scholar

96. As cardinal, Contarini was perforce largely an absentee bishop but he was deeply concerned with the reform of his diocese; see Jedin, “G. C.,” Dict., col. 777.

97. This work is discussed by Dionisotti who suggests its influence upon Paul III in “Chierici e laici,” in Problemi, pp. 178–185. Stella quotes a letter from Contarini to Paul III saying that the way “far bella la Chiesa” was not to enact more laws “ma che facesse de' libri vivi, i quali quelle legi fariano parlare e render frutto; et questo era fare cardinali et vescovi che avessero il timore di Dio et fussero dotti” (“La lettera,” Rivista, p. 415). On Cortese see Paschini, P., “Una famiglia di curiali nella Roma del Quattrocento, i Cortesi,” Rivista di Storia della Chiesa, XI (1957), 1–48.Google Scholar

98. See Ross, “G. C.,” pp. 215–217.

99. Erasmus, letter to Ulrich von Hutten, 23rd July 1519 (P. S. Allen, Opus Epistolarum, no. 999). Jedin, comments in “Ein Turmerlebins,” H. J., LXX, 121Google Scholar: “er fühlt sich nie allein vor Gott, sondern immer als Glied eines Kreises von Freunden, der in die grosse übernatürliche Gemeinschaft der Kirche eingebettet ist.”

100. Casadei, A., “Lettere del Cardinal Gasparo Contarini durante la sua legazione di Bologna, 1542,” Arch. Stor. Ital., CXVIII (1960), 77–130; 220–285.Google Scholar

101. His treatise De elementis libris V (Opera, pp. 1–90) was summarized by Thorndike, L. in A History of Magic and Experimental Science, V (N. Y., 1941), 552–556Google Scholar; the section on combustion “is discussed with no little acumen” (p. 554). Concerning his geographical interests see Ross, “G. C.,” p. 231. Of interest is Wieser's, F. “Ein Bericht des Gasparo Contarini über die Heimkehr der Victoria von den Magalhaes'schen Expedition,” Mitt. des Inst. für öster. Geschichtsforschung, V (1884), 1–4.Google Scholar A doctoral dissertation on “The Philosophical Thought of Cardinal Gasparo Contarini” by G. E. Tiffany was presented at Harvard University, 1953.

102. Comitato per la Pubblicazione delle Fonti Relative alla Venezia, Storia di, Fonti per la Storia di Venezia: 1)Google Scholar Archivi pubblici, 2) Archivi ecclesiastici, 3) Archivi notarili, 4) Archivi privati, 5) Fondi vari. The first two volumes, edited by Dr. Luigi Lanfranchi, Direttore of the Archivio di Stato, appeared in 1947–1948. This series supplements continued publications of earlier series from the archives, notably those of the Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Venezie, Monumenti Storiei.

103. Among the most valuable for our purposes are the following series: Storia della civiltà veneziana, 9 vols. (Florence, 1955–1964);Google ScholarCiviltà europea e civiltà veneziana, ed. Branca, V., 3 vols. (1963–1967);Google ScholarStudi Veneziani (formerly Bolletino dell' Istituto di Storia della Società e dello Stato Veneziano, 1959);Google Scholar and Civiltà veneziana, comprising Fonti, Testi, Studi, Saggi (1953). Complete lists will be found at the end of the volumes published by the Fondazione.

104. Many of Lane's, F. C. essays are included in his collected papers, Venice and History (Baltimore, 1966)Google Scholar, which does not, however, include his valuable review article, “Recent Studies on the Economic History of Venice,” Jour. of Econ. His., XXIII (1963), 312–334.Google Scholar His classic work, Venetian Ships and Shipbuilders of the Renaissance (Baltimore, 1934)Google Scholar has been revised in the French edition, Navires et constructeurs a Venise pendant la Renaissance (Paris, 1965).Google Scholar Luzzato's last comprehensive work, Storia economica di Venezia dall' XI al XVI secolo (Venice, 1961)Google Scholar is called by Lane “a major synthesis”; see also his essay, “L'economia veneziana nel secolo XVI,” in Rinascimento europeo e rinascimento veneziano, ed. Branca, V. (Florence, 1967), pp. 345–355.Google Scholar Of Unusual graphic quality is Tenenti, A. and Vivanti's, C. “Le film d'un grand système de navigation: les galères marchandes vénetiennes, XIVe-XVIe siècles,” Annales: écon., Soc., civ., XVI (1961), 83–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with a series of small maps, 1332–1534.

105. For example, the essays in Crisis and Change in the Venetian Economy in the 16th and 17th Centuries, ed. Pullan, Brian (London, 1968).Google Scholar

106. Davis, J. W., The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as a Ruling Class (Baltimore, 1962)Google Scholar; the author is engaged on a study of “family and fortune” in Venice from 1500 to 1850.

107. The valuable essays of ProfPullan, on wage earners, prisoners, famine and charity, published in various journals, are listed in his masterly study, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: Social Institutions of a Catholic State (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar; references to Contarini's philanthropic views will be found pp. 107–108, 209–210, 226–231.

108. Chambers, D. S., The Imperial Age of Venice, 1380–1580 (London, 1970)Google Scholar [Library of European Civilization], with annotated bibliography and splendid plates. See also the sumptuous guidebook of Pignatti, T., Venice (London, 1971)Google Scholar [World Cultural Guides].

109. See Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty with extensive bibliography.

110. The best effort is that made by Prof. Chambers whom I quote, Imperial Age, p. 74. An essay by Prof. Lane on the functioning of government in Venice in the sixteenth century is anticipated. One aspect (to c. 1500) is discussed by Queller, D. E., Early Venetian Legislation on Ambassadors (Geneva, 1966)Google Scholar [Travaux d'humanisme et renaissance], but his emphasis on the “civic irresponsibility” of the patriciate does not seem entirely valid for the early sixteenth century in view of Contarini 's persistent efforts after 1515 to secure diplomatic office, not to evade it. For Venetian diplomacy at work in an important instance (1523–1525) see Gilbert, F., “Venetian Diplomacy before Pavia:from Myth to Reality,” in The Diversity of History: Essays in Honour of Sir Herbert Butterfield, ed. Elliott, J. H. and Koenigsberger, H. G. (London, 1971), pp. 79–116.Google Scholar The forthcoming Venetian Studies, ed. Hale, J. R. (London, 1972)Google Scholar, will contain an essay by Myron Gilmore on the Venetian state.

111. Here again the patrician diaries are store-houses of material, especially Sanudo 's. The impressive enterprise of the Dizionario biografico degli italiani since 1960 (Vol. XII, 1970Google Scholar, to “Borrello”) will eventually provide modern scholarly guidance to supplant that of the classic work of Cicogna, E. A., Delle iscrizioni veneziane, 6 vols. (Venice, 1824– 1853)Google Scholar. Few monographs have appeared recently; see, however, the useful study of Labalme, P. H., Bernardo Giustiniani: A Venetian of the Quattrocento (1408–1489) (Rome, 1969)Google Scholar [Uomini e Dottrine].

112. For an example of what can be done, see the unpublished Honors Thesis (Harvard, 1959) of S. L. Shushan, “The Venetian Constitution during the Italian Wars from the Diarii of Mario Sanudo.”

113. See n. 23 above. Only Cessi's suggestion concerning the importance of Ludovico Barbo seems to have been followed up; see works noted by Ross, , “G. C.,” pp. 201–202Google Scholar, and most recently Luigi Pesce, L. B.vescovo di Treviso (1437–1443)Google Scholar: cura pastorale, riforma Chiesa, della, spiritualità, 2 vols. (Padua, 1969)Google Scholar [Italia Sacra, Nos. 9–10].

114. See Petrocchi, Massimo:, Una “Devotio Moderna” nel Quattrocento Italiano? ed altri studi (Florence, 1961)Google Scholar; Knowles, David, What is Mysticism? (London, 1967), p. 137.Google Scholar

115. ProfKristeller, notes that “Erasmus' influence in Italy is a broad subject that seems to be in need of further study” (“Erasmus From an Italian Perspective,” Ren. Quarterly, XXIII, Spring, 1970, p. 7).Google Scholar The most effective argument for Erasmian influence on Contarini is developed by DrFragnito, , “Cultura,” pp. 133–138.Google Scholar The traditional theme of Italian influence on Erasmus is continued by Garin, E., “Erasmo e I 'umanesimo italiano,” Bib. d'Hum. et Ren., XXXIII (1971), 7–17.Google Scholar

116. Cessi, , “Paolinismo,” pp. 8–17, 29–30Google Scholar; Fragnito, , quoting Cessi, , “Cultura,” pp. 109–110Google Scholar, also calls attention to the interpretation of Nulli, S. A., Erasmo e il Rinascimento (Turin, 1955).Google Scholar See also Gilbert's “Cristianesimo, umanesimo” (n. 45 above). A fresh approach is offered by Kristeller, P. O. in “The Contribution of Religious Orders to Renaissance Thought and Learning,” American Benedictine Review, XXI (1970), 1–55.Google Scholar

117. In his essay “Ermolao Barbaro e l'umanesimo veneziano,” in Uman. eur. e uman. ven., Dr.Branca notes four stages, the last being “the culmination of patrician Venetian humanism” (p. 193)Google Scholar; in “Pietro Bembo e la vita letteraria del suo tempo,” La civiltà veneziana del Rinascimento (Florence, 1958)Google Scholar, W. T. Elwert stresses the importance of “cenacoli” and calls attention to certain preferences displayed by the intellectuals of Venice (pp. 129–136). See also Elwert's, Studi di letteratura veneziana (Florence, 1958)Google Scholar and Nardi's, “Letteratura e cultura veneziana” in La civiltà veneziana del Quattrocento (Florence, 1957), pp. 99–146.Google Scholar

118. Kristeller, P. O., “Il Petrarca, l'umanesimo e la seolastica a Venezia” in La civiltà veneziana del Trecento (Florence, 1956), pp. 147–178Google Scholar; Lazzarini, L., “Francesco Petrarca, e il primo umanesimo a Venezia,” in Uman. eur., pp. 63–92.Google Scholar

119. Geanakoplos, D. J., Greek Scholars in Venice (Cambridge, Mass., 1962)Google Scholar, including a chapter on Erasmus; also chapters 4 and 5 in his Byzantine East and Latin West (N. Y., 1966).Google Scholar

120. Dionisotti, C., “Aldo Manuzio umanista,” in Uman. eur., pp. 213–244Google Scholar; Dazzi, M., Aldo Manuzio e il dialogo veneziano di Erasmo (Padua, 1969)Google Scholar; Minio-Paluello, L., “Attività filosofico-editoriale aristotelica dell 'umanesimo,” in Uman. eur., pp. 245–262Google Scholar; Molin, V.,“Venise berceau de l'imprimerie glagolityque. e cirilhique,” Studi Veneziani, VIII (1966), 347–447.Google Scholar

121. Cozzi, G., “Cultura politica e religiosa nella ‘publica storiografia’ veneziana del'500,” Boll. dell'Istituto …, V-VI (1963–1964), 215–294.Google Scholar

122. Ricci, P. G., “Umanesimo filologico in Toscana e nel Veneto,” in Uman. eur., pp. 159–172Google Scholar; F. Simone, “Il contributo degli umanisti veneti al primo sviluppo dell' umanesimo francese,” ibid., pp. 295–316.

123. The works edited by Drinclude, BrancaEpistolae, orationes et carmina, 2 vols. (Florence, 1942–1943)Google Scholar and De coelibatu. De officio legati (Florence, 1969)Google Scholar, both in Nuova Collezione di Testi Umanistici Inediti o Rari. His essay, “Ermolao Barbaro” in Uman. eur. includes an outline of Barbaro's life, p. 194Google Scholar, n. 1; see also Bigi, E., Diz. biog., VI, 96–99Google Scholar, and Diller, A., “The Library of Francesco and Ermolao Barbaro,” in Italia medioevale e umanistica, V (1963), 253–262.Google Scholar

124. Lists of memorable “letterati” and “scrittori” are given by Sansovino, Francesco in Dlle cose notabili della città di Venezia (Venice, 1587), pp. 179ffGoogle Scholar, and in Venezia città nobilissima et singolare (Venice, enlarged edition of 1663), pp. 594–595.Google Scholar Except for brief references to Ermolao, modern Italian Renaissance scholars pay scant attention to Venetian intellectual life. I cite only a few examples: Garin, E., L'umanesimo italiano:filosofia e vita civile nel Rinascimento (Bari, 1952)Google Scholar, La cultura filosofica del Rinascimento italiano: richerche e documenti (Florence, 1961)Google Scholar; Kristeller, P. O., Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters (Rome, 1956)Google Scholar; Ullman, B. L., Studies in the Italian Renaissance (Rome, 1955);Google ScholarWeiss, R., “Learning and Education in Western Europe from 1470 to 1520,” in The New Cambridge Modern History, II, 95–126Google Scholar; Italian Renaissance Studies, ed. Jacob, E. F. (London, 1960);Google ScholarTrinkhaus, C., In Our Image and Likeness: Humanity and Divinity in Italian Humanist Thought, 2 vols. (London, 1970).Google Scholar A compilation of Venetian names from the encyclopedic work of Cosenza, Mario would be fruitful: Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy, 1300–1800, 2nd ed., 6 vols. (Boston, 1962– 1967).Google Scholar

125. Relevant material is widely scattered, but there is much in Sanudo's, Diarii and some in his Cronachetta, ed. Fulin, R. (Venice, 1880)Google Scholar, which contains extensive parts of his unpublished Cronaca. Nardi's essay, “La scuola di Rialto,” in Uman. eur., serves as guide to many sources, and so do essays of eminent scholars of the past buried in learned journals such as the Archivio Veneto. Sources edited by scholars per nozze are worth examining. Venetian art is another little-used source in such media as portraits, tombs, and the like.

126. Cronachetta, pp. 50–51. Statistics could be complied from data in the Acta graduum.

127. In “Storiografia,” Studi Veneziani, VIII, 448Google Scholar n. 1, Cervelli calls for systematic research on Venetian society of the Cinquecento, noting that “la mentalità” remains very obscure. For suggestive lines of inquiry see Leicht, P. S., “Ideali di vita dei veneziani nel Cinquecento,” Arch. Ven., XIV (1938), 217–231Google Scholar; and Luzzato, , “Les activités économiques du patriciat vénitien (XI-XTV siècle), Annales d'his. écon. et soc., IX (1937), 25–27Google Scholar, reprinted in Studi di storia econ. ven. (Padua, 1954).Google Scholar For a recent picture of mingled political and intellectual activities in a patrician of the Quattrocento see Labalme, Bernardo Giustiniani (n. 111 above). The most striking case of artistic interests is that of the diarist Marcantonio Michiel (see Williamson, G. C., ed., The Anonimo, London, 1903).Google Scholar Another serious lack in the Venetian background is a general survey of Venetian painting in the early Cinquecento, as noted by the anonymous reviewer of a monograph on Giorgione in the T. L. S., London, 30. 4. 71, pp. 503–504.Google Scholar

128. Much of Volume I of Jedin 's History of the Council of Trent is devoted to this span of time, seen primarily from the point of view of ecclesiastical history.

129. A short essay, based on unedited manuscripts, concerning “the relations between Contarini and Ochino on the eve of the latter's flight” will soon be published by Dr. Fragnito.

130. Prof. Eric Cochrane calls attention to similar treatment of the Italian “Counter-Reformation”; see his invaluable essay, “New Light on Post-Tridentine Italy,” Cath. His. Rev., LVI (1970), 291–319.Google Scholar

131. In The New Cambridge Modern History, vol. I, The Renaissance, 1493–150 (1957)Google Scholar contains only a chapter on the papacy; in vol. II, The Reformation, 1520–1559 (1958), Cantimori's chapter on “Italy and the Papacy” deals primarily with the diffusion of “Protestantism” (heresy) in Italy while Evennett, H. O. surveys “The New Orders”. Of nine papers in Courants religieux et humanisme à la fin du XV^e et au début du XVI^e siècle (Paris, 1959) (Colloque de Strasbourg, 1957)Google Scholar only one concerns Italian material. Of three relevant volumes in the more popular and recent Library of European Civilization, The Fifteenth Century (1968) by Aston, Margaret, The Reformation and Society (1966)Google Scholar and The Counter Reformation (1968) both by A. G. Dickens, only the third contains any substantial Italian material (pp. 53–55, 97–106). The most explicit recognition of Italian “traditions of protest and renewal that went back well into the fifteenth century and in themselves owed nothing to the Protestant revolution” appears in Elton's, G. R.Reformation Europe 1517–1559 (London, 1963), pp. 180–186Google Scholar [History of Europe Series].

132. The same triad of “Christian humanists” is found in most accounts (Erasmus, Colet or More, Lefèvre d'Etaples). has recently been revived in a provocative sense by Oberman, H. A. in his introduction to Forerunners of the Reformation (N. Y., 1966)Google Scholar; included are Pius II, Cardinal Cajetan (Thomas de Vio) and Sylvester Prierias.

133. Jedin, , Trent, I, 364Google Scholar, n. 4; see pp. 364–369 in general.

134. For Italian adoption of the term see the introduction to the now classic essay of Jung, Eva- Maria,“On the Nature of Evangelism in Sixteenth-Century Italy,” Journ. of the His. of Ideas, XIV (1953), 511–527CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who regards the term as “a not very happy choice” (p. 512). One of the best attempts to define “l'evangelismo” is that of Brezzi, Paolo, in Le riforme cattoliche dei secoli XV e XVI (Rome, 1945), pp. 59–63.Google Scholar Prof. Bouwsma recently used the conception of “Venetian Evangelism” as a key to Contarini 's development (see n. 59 above).

135. See, for example, Tavard, G. H. in his bibliographical survey, “The Catholic Reform in the Sixteenth Century,” Church History, XXVI (1957), 278–280;Google Scholar he stresses the Erasmian influence upon “Pre-Tridentine Catholic ‘Evangelism’”, while deploring the “vague connotations” of the term. It is used in a broad sense also by Logan, O. M. T., “Grace and Justification. Some Italian Views of the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Century,” Journ. of Eccl. His., XX (1969), 67–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who notes that “the growth in importance of the ‘Augustinian’ religious outlook may even have begun before Luther first attracted public notice” (p. 68). The case for “evangelism” as an indigenous Catholic phenomenon independent of Lutheranism is assulted vigorously but unconvincingly by McNair, Philip, Peter Martyr in ltaly (Cambridge, 1967)Google Scholar, chap. 1; the author equates it with the doctrine of justification by faith, “discovered” by Luther (pp. 6–8). In a recent review Prof. Logan warns against describing “evangelism” as either “specifically Protestant or specifically Catholic” (Journ. of Eccl. His., XXII, 1971, 1993).Google Scholar

136. For Cessi's essay, see above, n. 23. Evennett, H. O., The spirit of the Counter-Reformation, ed. with a postscript by Bossy, John (Cambridge, 1968)Google Scholar, chapters 1 and 2. A fresh approach of another kind is a panorama of the age by Bainton, R. H. built around brief biographies of notable women; vol. I, Women of the Reformation (Minneapolis, 1971)Google Scholar contains eight figures from Germany and six from Italy.

137. The two are: Reformers in Profile: Advocates of Reform, 1300–1600, ed. Gerrish, B. A. (Phil., 1967)Google Scholar in which “Roman Catholic Reform” is represented by Loyola, (The title, Advocates of Reform: From Wyclif to Erasmus, ed. Spinka, M., London, 1953,Google Scholar was used for vol. XIV of The Library of Christian Classics in which no Italians are included); and The Catholic Reformation: Savonarola to Ignatius Loyola: Reform in the Church 1495–1540, ed. Olin, J. C. (N. Y., 1969).Google Scholar

138. See Cochrane, , “New Light,” p. 293Google Scholar, n. 7.

139. Among many discussions see Jedin, H., Katholische Reformation oder Gegenreformation? (Lucerne, 1946)Google Scholar and Camaiani's, P. G. indispensable historiographical essay and anthology, “Interpretazioni della Riforma Cattolica e della Controriforma” in Grande Antologia Filosofica, ed. Sciacca, M. F., VI (Milan, 1964), 329–492.Google Scholar

140. On the adoption of this nomenclature see Cochrane, , “New Light,” p., 293Google Scholar, n. 7. In the masterly Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, ed. Jedin, H., vol. IVGoogle Scholar by Iserloh, B. et al. bears the title Reformation, Katholische Reform und Gegenreforrnation (Freiburg im B., 1967)Google Scholar; in the Nouvelle histoire de l'Église, ed. L. J. Rogier et al, vol. IIIGoogle Scholar by Tüchle, A. is called La Reforme et la Coiztre-Réforme (Paris, 1968).Google Scholar In a review of other volumes in these series Génicot, L. calls for a history of “catholicisme,” Revue d 'his. ecclés., LXX (1970), 78–79.Google Scholar

141. Prosperi, A., Tra evangelismo e controriforma: G. M. Giberti (1493–1543) (Rome, 1969)Google Scholar [Uomini e Dottrine], a critical work of great value.

142. Jedin, , Trent, I, 364–365.Google Scholar

143. Bossy, John in a review of Olin's anthology, Cath. His. Rev., LVI (1970), 376.Google Scholar

144. Chambers, D. S. in a review of the same, Ren. Quarterly, XXIII (Autumn, 1970), 292.Google Scholar

145. Cantimori gave a brief outline of his periodization in a booklet of short essays, Prospective di storia ereticale italiana del Cinquecento (Bari, 1960), pp. 28–30Google Scholar; of four divisions (to 1624), the first to 1541–1542 is called “I 'evangelismo.” In other works of his later years, however, Cantimori seems to have avoided the use of “evangelismo”; see for example his essay, “Studi” (n. 146 below).

146. Prospettive, pp. 9–10. For a fuller definition of terms see the essay, “Studi di storia della Riforma e dell'eresia in Italia e studi sulla storia della vita religiosa nella prima metá del 500: rapporto fra i due tipi di ricerca,” Boll. della Società di Studi Valdesi, LXXVI (1957), 29–38Google Scholar (reproduced more briefly in Prospettive, pp. 17–26). The original essay, translated by ProfCochrane, , is included in his anthology, The Late Italian Benaissance (N. Y., 1970), pp. 211–225Google Scholar; Cantimori's revision, in process, could not be found after his death in 1966. See also Cantimori's preface to Albergio, G., I vescovi italiani al Concilio di Trento (1545–1547) (Florence, 1959), pp. v–vi.Google Scholar

147. For a biographical sketch see Cochrane, E. and Tedeschi, J., “Delio Cantimori: Historian (1904–1966),” Journ. of Mod. His., XXXIX (1967), 438–445.CrossRefGoogle Scholar A complete bibliography is included in Riv. Stor. Ital., LXXIX (1967)Google Scholar, fascicle IV, entitled “Omaggio a Delio Cantimori.” His classic work, Eretici italiani del Cinquecento (Florence, 1939)Google Scholar was reprinted in 1967 but never revised.

148. Prospettive, pp. 10–11; “Studi,” pp. 30–31. The latter should not be confused with the large volume of his collected papers, Studi di storia (Turin, 1959).Google Scholar

149. Prospettive, p. 16. See Cochrane and Tedeschi, “D. C.,” p. 444.

150. “Studi,” pp. 34–36.

151. Ibid., pp. 31, 33–34; he notes among others the work of Don Giuseppe De Luca. The most recent response is by Cracco, Giorgio, “La spiritualità italiana del Tre-Quattrocento:linee interpretative,” Studia Patavina, XVIII (1971), 74–116.Google Scholar

152. His review-letters (1960–1964) to the editor of Itinerari are collected in Conversando di storia, ed. Rossi, F. C. (Bari, 1967).Google Scholar

153. Problemi di vita religiosa in Italia nel Cinquecento (Padua, 1960)Google Scholar [Italia Sacra, no. 2].

154. Meersseman, G. G., “La riforma delle confraternite laicali in Italia prima del Concilio di Trento,” Problemi, pp. 17–30.Google Scholar

155. Dionisotti, “Chierici e laici,” Ibid. (see above, n. 34).

156. I vescovi italiani, p. vii.

157. “Le idee religiose,” pp. 14–15 (see above, n. 37). With reference to this group of young men Cantimori does not use the term “evangelismo' Jedin does not treat them under this “movement” but rather as an aspect of the emergence of pious lay groups which paved the way for the Catholic reform (Treat, I, 147).

158. I vescovi italiani, pp. 382–394.

159. Ibid., pp. 388–390. The author avoids the use of “evangelismo” and deplores its indiscriminate use as implying a predominantly Erasmian inspiration, “che certo in Italia non ebbe” (p. 384, n. 1).

160. Ibid., pp. 390–391.

161. Cochrane and Tedeschi, “D. C.,” p. 445.

162. “Avvertenze al collaboratori” (Florence, 1969), p. 7.Google Scholar The Corpus, directed by L. Firpo and G. Spini with the collaboration of A. Rotondò and J. A. Tedeschi, published by Sansoni, Florence, and the Newberry Library, Chicago, has issued as vol. I (1968) the Opera of Camillo Renato, c. 1500–1575. This series will supersede the two volumes in the Scrittori d' Italia entitled Opuscoli e lettere di riformatori italiani del Cinquecento, ed. Paladino, G., (Bari, 1913 and 1927).Google Scholar Closely related to this project is the anthology of essays and translations, Italian Reformation Studies in Honor of Laelius Socinus, ed. Tedesehi, J. A. (Florence, 1965).Google Scholar Also consistent with this emphasis upon the “heretical” thinkers of the later sixteenth century are recent works such as Nicolini, B., Ideali e passioni nell' Italia religiosa del Cinquecento (Bologna, 1962)Google Scholar; Ortolani, O., Per la storia della vita religiosa italiana nel Cinquecento: Pietro Carnesecchi (Florence, 1963)Google Scholar; Stella, A., Dall' anabattismo al Socinianismo nel Cinquecento veneto: ricerche storiche (Padua, 1967)Google Scholar; McNair, P., Peter Martyr in Italy (Oxford, 1967)Google Scholar; and articles too numerous to mention. In his encyclopedic work The Radical Reformation (Phil., 1962)Google Scholar, Williams, G. H. treats “Evangelism” within “Stirrings of Reform and Dissent in Italy before Valdesianism” (pp. 17–18)Google Scholar and more fully in “Northern Italian Evangelism, 1530–1542; Cardinal Contarini and Bernadine Ochino” (pp. 536–541). “Evangelical Catholicism” is represented by Juan de Valdés in Spiritual and Anabaptist Writers, ed. Williams, G. H. and Mergal, A. M. (Phil., 1957)Google Scholar [Library of Christian Classics, vol. XXV].

163. That Lutheran opera, unnamed, were on sale in Venice in August of 1520 is evident from the Diarii of Sanudo who owned one (XXIX, col. 135). Perhaps the author of the Beneficio di Cristo, the Benedictine Benedetto da Mantova, here first became aware of the Lutheran doctrine of justification. Since he was at the abbey of San Giorgio Maggiore from c. 1519 to c. 1534 he may have encountered Contarini, also in Venice during most of the decade 1525–1535. If so, Contarini may have indirectly influenced Valdés, as suggested by de Sta, Fra. Domingo. Teresa, Juan de Valdés (1498?–1541): Eu pensamiento religioso y las corrientes espirituales de su tiempo (Rome, 1957), pp. 260–61Google Scholar [Analecta Gregoriana, vol. LXXXV]. On these intricate problems see the excellent introduction to her translation of the Beneficio by Prelowski, Ruth in Ital. Ref. Studies, pp. 23–44Google Scholar; Vinay, Valdo, “Die Schrift ‘Ii Beneficio di Giesu Christo’ und ihre Verbreitung in Europa nach der neueren Forschung,” Archiv für Ref., LVIII (1967), 29–72Google Scholar; and the forthcoming edition of the Benefiew by Caponetto, Saivatore in the Corpus Ref. Ital. (I have not been able to see the two new works on Valdés by Nieto, J. C. and van den Brink, J. N. Bakhuizen, both published in Geneva, 1969).Google Scholar

164. Such an attitude is apparent in Contarini 's letter to Giustiniani from Spain in 1523 (C. und C., no. 30, pp. 65–67) and in his Canfutatio articutorum seu questionum. Lutheranarum, after 1530, tr. into German by Jedin (see above n. 11).

165. This suggestion, made by Prof. Bouwsma in his review of volume one of the Corpus (Cath. His. Riv., LVI, 1970, 398)Google Scholar, would of course necessitate a redefinition of “Italian reformers” and some consensus concerning “evangelism” as an Italian phenomenon. While recently some historians (for example Cantimori, Alberigo, Evennett) seem to avoid or reject the term, others reaffirm its utility, for example Prosperi in his monograph on Giberti (p. 216, n. 97), and Bouwsma in his interpretation of Contarini (in Venice, see above notes 59, 60).

166. As indicated by Cochrane in “New Light”, p. 302; “something like the one already done by the Görresgesellsehaft for German Catholicism.”

167. “Storia generale,” Itinerari, VI (1958), 202Google Scholar; this essay is reprinted in Studi di storia (Turin, 1959).Google Scholar His own words are: “… confrontare il Turmerlebnis di Lutero con quello di Gasparo Contarini, e ritiene che l'erudizione e la filologia, l'amore per la yenta e lo spirito critico possano servirgli, senza estasi, e senza parenesi, non per edificare, ma per capire e far capire.” An analysis and synthesis of Cantimori's thought is greatly needed, especially in view of the scattered condition of his publications and the dynamic development of his ideas.