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Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in Pentecostal History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Joe Creech
Joe Creech
Affiliation:
Mr. Creech is a doctoral candidate in history at the University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Indiana.
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Extract

As news of the great Welsh Revival of 1904 reached Southern California, Frank Bartleman, an itinerant evangelist and pastor living in Los Angeles, became convinced that God was preparing to revitalize his beloved holiness movement with a powerful, even apocalyptic, spiritual awakening. Certain that events in Wales would be duplicated in California, Bartleman reported in 1905 that “the Spirit is brooding over our land.… Los Angeles, Southern California, and the whole continent shall surely find itself ere long in the throes of a mighty revival.” In 1906 he speculated that theSan Francisco earthquake “was surely the voice of God to the people on the Pacific Coast.” Bartleman indeed witnessed such a revival, for in early April 1906, this “Latter Rain” outpouring had begun to fall on a small gathering of saints led by William J. Seymour, a black holiness preacher. At a vacant AME mission at 312 Azusa Street, countless pentecostals received the baptism of the Holy Spirit evidenced by speaking in other tongues—a “second Pentecost” replicating the first recorded in Acts 2. Bartleman, who also experienced this, would soon become integral to the revival's growth by reporting the events at Los Angeles within a vast network of holiness and higher life periodicals. As during other religious awakenings, such reports not only generated the perception of widespread divine activity but also provided an interpretive scheme for understanding the meaning of such activity. For Bartleman, Azusa was the starting point of a worldwide awakening that would initiate Christ's return. He reported: “Los Angeles seems to be the place, and this the time, in the mind of God, for the restoration of the church to her former place.”

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 65 , Issue 3 , September 1996 , pp. 405 - 424
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1996

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References

I wish to thank Edith Blumhofer, Richard Lamanna, George Marsden, Gary McGee, Russell Richey, Wayne Warner, John Wigger, and especially Grant Wacker for reading various versions of this essay, and the staff of the Assemblies of God Archives for their bibliographic assistance.

1. Quotations in Bartleman, Frank, “How Pentecost Came to Los Angeles,” in Witness to Pentecost: The Life of Frank Bartleman, ed. Dayton, Donald (New York, 1985), pp. 39, 53, 89;Google Scholarsee also , Bartleman, “From Plow to Pulpit,” in Witness to Pentecost;Google Scholar, Bartleman, “How Pentecost Came,” pp. 5–96;Google Scholar, Bartleman, My Story: The Latter Rain (Columbia, S.C., 1909), pp. 7–36, 58;Google ScholarVinson Synan's foreward to , Bartleman, Azusa Street (1925; repr. Plainfield, N.J., 1980);Google Scholar and Robeck, Cecil M.'s “Introduction” in Witness to Pentecost.Google Scholar

2. Assemblies of God, Spiritual Life Committee Report, 1991 General Council, pp. 1, 6. I am using the term “myth” to mean a sacred narrative that explains the origins and meaning of a particular religious group. For my views on the concept of “symbol,” see footnotes 26 and 28.Google Scholar

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8. Lovett, Leonard, “Black Origins of the Pentecostal Movement,” in Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, ed. Synan, Vinson (Plainfield, N.J., 1975);Google ScholarPluss, Jean-Daniel, “Azusa and Other Mythos,” Pneuma 15 (1993): 189–201; Nelson, pp. 1–28, 201–208, 271;Google Scholar, Hollenweger, “Pentecostals,” pp. 249–254;Google ScholarMacRobert, Iain, “The Black Roots of Pentecostalism,” in Pentecost, Mission and Ecumenism, ed. Jongeneel, Jan A. B. (Frankfurt, Germany, 1992), pp. 73–84;Google Scholarand , MacRobert, The Black Roots and White Racism of Early Pentecostalism in the U.S.A. (New York, 1988), pp. 81–89. While Azusa and a few congregations were interracial, they were the exceptions to the rule in early pentecostalism. It is also unclear whether or not racial equality, even where it existed, was a core theological tenet;Google Scholarsee Tyson, James L., The Early Pentecostal Revival (Hazelwood, Mo., 1992), pp. 193–195. MacRobert and Cox may rely too much on Nelson's problematic conclusions.Google Scholar

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12. , Wacker, “Playing For Keeps,” in The American Quest for the Primitive Church, ed. Hughes, Richard T. (Urbana, Ill., 1988), pp. 197–215, quotation on p. 207.Google Scholar

13. The Apostolic Faith, September 1906, pp. 1, 2, 4; October 1906, pp. 1–3; November 1906, pp. 1–2; and January 1907, p. 2;Google Scholar all issues of The Apostolic Faith have been reprinted in Like as of Fire, ed. Corum, Fred T. (Wilmington, Mass., 1981);Google Scholar“How Pentecost Came,” esp. pp. 54–61, 89;Google Scholar and Robeck, C. M. Jr,, “Azusa Street Revival,” in DPCM, pp. 31–36. Parham was considered the leader or ‘projector” of Azusa until he renounced it in July 1906;Google Scholar see , Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, pp. 55–56;Google ScholarBarratt, T. B., “When the Fire Fell,” in The Works of T. B. Barratt, ed. Dayton, Donald (New York, 1985), p. 123;Google Scholar, C. Parham, “Everlasting Gospel,” pp. 55, 70–73, 118–121;Google Scholarand S. Parham, chap. 17.Google Scholar

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15. , Lawrence wrote: “It is a significant fact that all the great impulses toward Bible order and unity have emanated from…this old ‘Apostolic Faith Movement’” (p. 55).Google ScholarSee also Goff, pp. 108–110, 129;Google Scholar, Blumhofer, “Assemblies of God,” DPCM, p. 26; Carothers, pp. 13–18, 39–47, 52–54, 58;Google ScholarGoss, pp. 245–247, 258–282;Google Scholar and Word and Witness, 20 March 1913, p. 2; 20 June 1913, p. 2; 20 January 1914, p. 2; 20 May 1914, p. 1.Google Scholar

16. , Gee, pp. 13–14;Google ScholarThe Apostolic Faith, 02/03 1907, p. 3;Google Scholar, Corum, pp. 24–25, 54–63, 110–133, 146–182;Google ScholarGoss, pp. 98–99;Google ScholarLawrence, p. 66;Google ScholarRiss, R. M., “Cook, Glenn A.,” DPCM, pp. 224–225;Google Scholar, Robeck, “Farrow, Lucy F.,” DPCM, pp. 302–303;Google Scholar and , Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, pp. 73–74. This same process took place, more or less, in the international pentecostal movement;Google Scholarsee McGee, Gary, “Missions, Overseas (North America),” DPCM, pp. 610–614; Lawrence, pp. 96–112; Nelson, pp. 73, 213, 252–253;Google ScholarBarratt, T. B., “In the Days of Latter Rain,” in Works, p. 144;Google Scholarand Barratt, “When the Fire,” pp. 103–105.Google Scholar

17. Synan, Vinson, “Cashwell, Gaston Barnabas,” DPCM, pp. 109–110;Google Scholar, Synan, “International Pentecostal Holiness Church,” DPCM, pp. 467–468;Google ScholarThe Apostolic Faith, 12 1906, p. 3;Google Scholar, Taylor, pp. 39, 94–96;Google Scholarand , Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, pp. 74–77.Google Scholar

18. Actually, the COG claims to be the sole progenitor of the pentecostal movement, purporting to have practiced glossolalia since a revival in Camp Creek, North Carolina, in 1896.Google Scholar

19. Crews, Mickey, The Church of God: A Social History (Knoxville, Tenn., 1990), pp. 3–20, 92–94, 163–167;Google ScholarRoebuck, David, “Perfect Liberty to Preach the Gospel,” Pneuma 17 (1995): 25–32; Conn, p. 25;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Tomlinson, Homer, ed., Diary of A. J. Tomlinson, vol. 1, 1901–1923 (New York, 1949), pp. 5–9, 24–25, 68, 75–77.Google Scholar

20. On history, see , Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, pp. 72–73, 79–81;Google ScholarGoff, pp. 120–127;Google ScholarS. Parham, chap. 16;Google ScholarLawrence, p. 56;Google ScholarGoss, pp. 200–204;Google ScholarThe Apostolic Faith, 02/03 1907, pp. 1, 4;Google ScholarPentecostal Testimony, 01 1912, pp. 6–8;Google ScholarLatter Rain Evangel, 01 1910, pp. 2–7, and June 1911, p. 15;Google Scholarand Word and Witness, 20 August 1913, p. 1.Google Scholar For theology see Pentecostal Testimony, January 1912, pp. 1–6, 8–10, and July 1910, pp. 1–4;Google Scholar and Latter Rain Evangel, January 1909, pp. 3–5, December 1909, pp. 7–8, and September 1912, p. 12.Google ScholarHarlan, Rolvix describes Dowie's followers as “lower bourgeoisie” and of “below average intelligence,” and his leaders as well educated (as was Dowie) and upper class;Google Scholarsee , Harlan, John Alexander Dowie and the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion (Evansville, Wise, 1906; repr. of Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago), pp. 14, 80, 177, and also pp. 3–17, 31–33, 150;Google Scholar and Wacker, Grant, “Marching to Zion”. Church History 54 (1985): 502–505.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For ethos, see Latter Rain Evangel, December 1908, pp. 9–10, 15–18; June 1911, p. 15; July 1912, p. 12; November 1912, pp. 6–7; and March 1913, p. 2;Google Scholaralso Pentecostal Testimony, July 1910, p. 9.Google ScholarDemographic sources on Chicago pentecostals are scarce. My assessment is thus impressionistic and drawn mostly from the writings of pentecostals of Anglo and Northern European origin. Durham's congregation contained numerous Italians of occupations ranging from general laborers to mostly artisans and small business owners who may have held different views;Google Scholar see Riss, R. M., “Durham, William H.,” DPCM, pp. 255–256;Google Scholar and Colletti, Joe, “Sociological Study of Italian Pentecostals in Chicago, 1900–1930,” Papers of the Sixteenth Annual Meeting of the Society of Pentecostal Studies (n.p., 1986), pp. 6–22.Google Scholar

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23. On Keswick and its relationship to pentecostals, see Marsden, George, Fundamentalism and American Culture (Oxford, 1980), pp. 72–80;Google ScholarTorrey, Reuben A., The Baptism With the Holy Spirit (New York, 1895);Google Scholar, Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism, chaps. 3–5;Google Scholarand Anderson, chap. 2.Google Scholar For historical consciousness, see Simpson, A. B., The Coming One (New York, 1912), pp. 213–214;Google Scholar, Simpson, The Gospel of the Kingdom (New York, 1890), pp. 10–11;Google ScholarDixon, A. C., Evangelism Old and New (New York, 1905), pp. 34–40;Google ScholarPierson, A. T., Forward Movements of the Last Half Century (New York, 1900), pp. v–viii, 223–224;Google Scholar and Gordon, A. J., The Ministry of the Spirit (New York, 1894), pp. x–xi.Google Scholar

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26. , Shaw, for example, reported that, “a wave of power, without any human instrumentality, or anything external to cause it, would sweep over the mass of people”;Google Scholarsee Shaw, S. B., The Great Revival in Wales (Chicago, 1905), p. 14. Quotations from Shaw, pp. 5, 43, 40.Google Scholar See also Shaw, pp. 5, 127; Goodrich, Arthur, et al. , The Story of the Welsh Revival (New York, 1905);Google Scholar and Stead, W. T. and Morgan, G. Campbell, The Welsh Revival (Boston, 1905).Google Scholar

27. , Blumhofer, “Restoration as Revival,” in Modern Christian Revivals, Blumhofer, and Balmer, Randall, eds. (Urbana, Ill., 1993), pp. 150–152.Google Scholar

28. My thinking on the symbolic role of Azusa has been shaped in part by Geertz, Clifford, Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973), pp. 89–98;Google Scholarquotations from p. 91. I have made use of Geertz's ideas that symbols “function to synthesize a people's ethos…and their world view” (p. 89), that symbols function as both a “model of” and a “model for” a particular world view (p. 93), and that symbols are inherently motivational.Google ScholarOn this latter point I have also been influenced by O'Brien, pp. 811–815, and Crawford, pp. 98–99.Google ScholarOn glossolalia, see , Wacker, “Functions,” pp. 358–361;Google Scholar, Wacker, “Playing for Keeps,” pp. 204–205;Google Scholarand , Blumhofer, “Restoration as Revival,” pp. 145–148.Google Scholar

29. For quotations see, in order, , Bartleman, “How Pentecost Came,” p. 89;Google Scholarand The Apostolic Faith, January 1907, p. 4;Google Scholarsee also Taylor, pp. 96–99.Google ScholarFor Bartleman's mimicry of Shaw, see citations in note 12. For pentecostal premillennialism, see Pentecostal Testimony, June 1910, pp. 1–4;Google ScholarTaylor, pp. 95–99Google Scholar; The Apostolic Faith, January 1907, pp. 1–2;Google ScholarWord and Witness, 20 November 1913, p. 1;Google Scholar and , Cox, Fire from Heaven, chap. 6.Google Scholar

30. , Frodsham, pp. 7–8;Google ScholarBaker, Elizabeth V., Chronicles of a Faith Life, ed. Dayton, Donald (New York, 1984), pp. 134–136, 141–143.Google Scholar For more accounts, see Flower, J. Roswell, “Introduction,” in Winehouse, Irwin, The Assemblies of God (New York, 1959), pp. 13–14; Pentecost in My Soul, p. 57;Google ScholarCarrie Judd Montgomery, “Under His Wings,” in The Life and Teachings of Carrie Judd Montgomery, ed. Dayton, Donald (New York, 1985), pp. 163–165, 170; Latter Rain Evangel, 07 1910, pp. 2–4, 6;Google Scholar, Bartleman, ‘How Pentecost Came,” pp. 20–21, 39, 53, 56, 62–64, 89–91; Baker, pp. 34, 96–97;Google ScholarBerends, Kurt O., “Cultivating for a Harvest: The Early Life of Alice Belle Garrigus,” Pneuma 17 (1995): 42–48;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Wacker, , “Playing for Keeps,” pp. 204–205. My stress on the reciprocal nature of theology and experience has been influenced by Geertz, pp. 91–98Google Scholar; , Crawford, pp. 3–6;Google Scholar, Wacker, “Functions,” pp. 366–370;Google ScholarLawson, E. Thomas and McCauley, Robert, Rethinking Religion (Cambridge, U.K., 1990), chaps. 1, 4, 7;Google Scholar and Lindbeck, George, The Nature of Doctrine (Philadelphia, Pa., 1984), pp. 18, 30–45, 79–84.Google Scholar, Wacker has written in “Playing for Keeps” (p. 204) that for pentecostals, in the “elaborate scheme called dispensational premillennialism…powerful religious experiences and the theological interpretation of those experiences became functionally inseparable.”Google Scholar