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Handmaids of the Apocalypse: Queen Gerberga, Empress Adelaide, and the Ottonian Tenth Century
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 19 March 2024
Abstract
Gerberga of Saxony, the sister of Otto I of Germany and wife of Louis IV of France, receives frequent scholarly mention in relation to a treatise by Adso of Montier-en-Der circa 950–954. The topic of this short work, presented as a letter to Gerberga in answer to a question she posed to the monk, was the life of the Antichrist, that fearful servant of Satan who would appear before Christ's Second Coming, lead whole nations into damnable error, and kill many who would not apostatize before being defeated by Jesus himself at his return. The treatise eventually become the foundation of centuries of Christian apocalyptic thought. But despite her prominence in the letter, Gerberga has received no sustained examination by historians regarding her interest and promotion of apocalyptic thought beyond being a recipient of Adso's letter. At most, scholars tend to see Gerberga as if through the eyes of Adso, that is, as a nervous queen anxious to be reassured that a universal evil is not hiding just around the corner. Such views—wholly unintentional but nevertheless present—do her a great disservice and misunderstand the motivations of both Gerberga and Adso present in the letter, as well as Gerberga's younger, apocalyptically minded in-law, the empress Adelaide. This essay examines Gerberga's life not simply as it relates to Adso's work but in relation to the very personal, family-driven politics of both East and West Francia in the tenth century. When placed in her proper context, we find Gerberga was not merely a passive recipient of apocalyptic ideas for a brief period in the early 950s but was an active patron whose interest shaped imperial politics for generations.
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References
1 Annales Fuldenses: Sive, Annales regni Francorum orientalis, ed. Friedrich Kurze and G. H. Pertz, MGH SSRG 7 (Hanover, Germany: 1891), 36–37; Reuter, Timothy, trans., The Annals of Fulda: Ninth-Century Histories, Volume II (New York: Manchester University Press, 1992), 26–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For discussion of Thiota (aka Theoda or Theuda) as a woman preacher, see Wemple, Suzanne Fonay, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister, 500–900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), 143–148Google Scholar.
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3 E. Ann Matter, “Alcuin's Questions-and-Answers Text,” Rivista di Storia della Filosofia 45, no. 4 (1990): 645–656, esp. 656; Stephen O'Leary, Arguing the Apocalypse: A Theory of Millennial Rhetoric (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 3–14; Bernard McGinn, “Introduction: John's Apocalypse and the Apocalyptic Mentality,” in The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, ed. Richard K. Emmerson and Bernard McGinn (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 3–19.
4 See Abbo Floriacensis, Apologeticus, in PL 139, cols. 461–472, at 471–472.
5 See Elizabeth Dachowski, First among Abbots: The Career of Abbo of Fleury (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2008), 52–56; David C. Van Meter, “Christian of Stavelot on Matthew 24:42 and the Tradition that the World Will End on March 25th,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 63 (1996): 68–92, especially at 68–70; and Richard Landes, “The Fear of the Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augustinian Historiography, Medieval and Modern,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950–1050, ed. Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 243–270, especially at 252–254.
6 See Byrhtferth of Ramsey, Byrhtferth's Manual, ed. and trans. S. J. Crawford (London: Oxford University Press, 1929), 232–243; and William Prideaux-Collins, “‘Satan's Bonds Are Extremely Loose’: Apocalyptic Expectation in Anglo-Saxon England during the Millennial Era,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000, ed. Landes, Gow, and Van Meter, 289–310, especially 302–303.
7 See Richard Landes, “Introduction: The Terribles espoirs of 1000 and the Tacit Fears of 2000,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000, ed. Landes, Gow, and Van Meter, 3–15.
8 The attribution of Thietland of Einsiedeln as the author of a commentary on Paul's second letter to the Thessalonians has been called into question: see Hartmut Hoffmann, Die Würzburger Paulinenkommentare der Ottonenzeit (Hannover, Germany: Hahnsche Buchhandlun, 2009), 41–42. Keeping this potential caveat about authorial identity in mind, however, I have chosen to use Thietland for convenience, as most modern scholarship still refers to him as the author.
9 See Matthew Gabriele, An Empire of Memory: The Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks, and Jerusalem before the First Crusade (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2011).
10 The Burgundian monk Rodufus Glaber (c. 980–c. 1046), “the historian of the Millennium,” for example, wrote apocalyptically about the years surrounding 1000 and 1033, but he did not hold those precise dates as divine deadlines. Those who had set precise dates had hitherto proven incorrect. Rather, they indicated eras of increased motivation to improve society with the End in mind, which provoked activity as diverse as increased church-building projects to the burning of heretics in Orleans. See Rodulfus Glaber, Histories, in Rodulfus Glaber Opera, ed. and trans. John France, Neithard Bulst, and Paul Reynolds (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1989), xxiii, lxiv, 116–117, and 138–151. Apocalyptic interest can also be seen in the artistic achievements of the illustrated versions of the Beatus Apocalypse (a commentary, originally written by Beatus of Liébana in the late eighth century with many later extant illustrated versions dating to as early as the tenth century) and the Bamberg Apocalypse (created c. 1000–1002 during Otto III's reign, who as we will see below had strong familial and person interests in the apocalypse). See Richard K. Emmerson, Apocalypse Illuminated: The Visual Exegesis of Revelation in Medieval Illustrated Manuscripts (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2018), especially 36–82.
11 Daniel Verhelst, ed., De ortu et tempore Antichristi necnon et tractatus qui ab eo dependent, CCCM 45 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1976), 3–19.
12 Palmer, Apocalypse, 107–119.
13 In the years on either side of 2000, there was quite a number of monographs, edited volumes, and essays interested in apocalyptic themes in general and the year 1000 in particular. See, for example, Michael Frasseto, ed., The Year 1000: Religious and Social Responses to the Turning of the First Millennium (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter, eds., The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950–1050 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003); Richard Landes, “On Owls, Roosters, and Apocalyptic Time: A Historical Method for Reading a Refractory Documentation,” Union Seminary Quarterly Review 49 (1995): 49–69; and Sylvain Gouguenheim, Les fausses terreurs de l'an mil: Attente de la fin du monde ou approfondissement de la foi? (Paris: Picard, 1999), among many others.
14 See Jane T. Schulenburg, “Early Medieval Women, Prophecy, and Millennial Expectations,” in The Year 1000: Religious and Social Responses to the Turning of the First Millennium, ed. Michael Frassetto (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 237–256.
15 Simon MacLean, “Reform, Queenship and the End of the World in Tenth-Century France: Adso's ‘Letter on the Origin and Time of the Antichrist’ Reconsidered,” Revue belge de philology et d'histoire 86, nos. 3–4 (2008): 645–675.
16 Richard Landes, “Lest the Millennium Be Fulfilled: Apocalyptic Expectations and the Pattern of Western Chronography, 100–800 C.E.,” in The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages, ed. W. D. F. Verbeke, D. Verhelst, and A. Welkenhysen (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 1988), 137–211; James T. Palmer, “Calculating Time and the End of Time in the Carolingian World, c.740–820,” The English Historical Review 126, no. 523 (Dec. 2011): 1307–1331.
17 Landes, “Lest the Millennium Be Fulfilled,” 191–203.
18 James T. Palmer, Anglo-Saxons in a Frankish World, 690–900 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2009), 3.
19 Bede, Bede: Commentary on Revelation, trans. Faith Wallis (Liverpool, UK: Liverpool University Press, 2013), 1, 39–50; Peter Darby, Bede and the End of Time (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2012), 42–51.
20 Douglas Dales, Alcuin: Theology and Thought (Cambridge, UK: James Clarke and Co., 2013), 194–195.
21 Sarah Van Der Pas, trans., Consolamini Commentary Series: Alcuin of York on Revelation, Commentary and the Questions and Answers Manual (West Monroe, LA: Consolamini Publications, 2016). While Alcuin's hand may not have written either of these works, they were certainly the result of his Continental efforts and thus demonstrate the relative quietness of apocalyptic anxieties among ninth-century Carolingian authors.
22 Matter, “Alcuin's Questions-and-Answers Text,” 656.
23 Mary Garrison, “The Bible and Alcuin's Interpretation of Current Events,” Peritia 16 (2002): 68–84.
24 Palmer, Apocalypse, 119–126.
25 O'Leary, Arguing the Apocalypse, 3–14; McGinn, “Introduction,” 3–19.
26 See Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Kingdoms Under the Carolingians, 751–987 (New York: Longman, 1983), especially 77–105, 140–168.
27 Mary Alberti, “‘Like the Army of God's Camp’: Political Theology and Apocalyptic Warfare at Charlemagne's Court,” Viator 4, no. 2 (2010): 1–20, at 2; Matthias Hardt, “Hesse, Elbe, Saale and the Frontiers of the Carolingian Empire,” in The Transformation of Frontiers from Late Antiquity to the Carolingians, ed. Walter Pohl, Ian Wood, and Helmut Reimitz (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2001), 219–232; Bernard S. Bachrach, Early Carolingian Warfare: Prelude to Empire (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 207–241.
28 David S. Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, c. 300–1215 (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2003), 62–63.
29 Katherine Allen Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell, 2011), 96–97.
30 Alberti, “Like the Army of God's Camp,” 3–5, 12, 17–20.
31 Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 13–40.
32 My dissertation, “Final Preparations: The Emergence of Human Agency in Christian Apocalyptic Speculation in the 10th and 11th Centuries” (PhD diss., University of Minnesota, 2020), is devoted to this issue.
33 See Timothy Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, c. 800–1056 (New York: Longman, 1991), 136–175; and John Bernhardt, Itinerant Kingship and Royal Monasteries in Early Medieval Germany, c. 936–1075 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 3–27. There were also challenges to Otto I's rule from his blood relatives, but his loyal family members were nevertheless invaluable for his ultimate success. See Henry Mayr-Harting, Church and Cosmos in Early Ottonian Germany: The View from Cologne (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2007), 1–2.
34 For the Liudolfings, see Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages; and for the imagined Carolingian shadow over them, see Gabriele, Empire of Memory.
35 Simon MacLean, Ottonian Queenship (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), 53–54.
36 MacLean, “Reform, Queenship and the End of the World,” 467–468.
37 Jocundus, Translatio sancti Servatii Tungrensis episcopi et miracula, ed. R. Koepke, MGH SS 12 (Hanover, Germany, 1856), 123f; and with a dispute from Winfrid Glocker, Die Verwandten der Ottonen und ihre Bedeutung in der Politik: Studien zur Familienpolitik und zur Genealogie des sächsischen Kaiserhauses (Vienna: Böhlau, 1989), 28–33.
38 MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 55.
39 MacLean, “Reform, Queenship and the End of the World,” 653.
40 Kassius Hallinger, Gorze-Kluny: Studien zu den monastischen lebensformen und gegensätzen im hochmittelalter (Rome: Herder, 1950), 62; Anne Wagner, Gorze au XIe Siècle: Contribution á l'histoire du monachisme bénédictin dans l'Empire (Turnhout, Belgium: Artem-Brepols, 1996), 31; Verhelst, De ortu, v–vi; Richard Landes, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits of History: Ademar of Chabannes (989–1034) (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 280; John Nightingale, Monasteries and Patrons in the Gorze Reform: Lotharingia c. 850–1000 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001), 16–19, 144–145; Constance Bouchard, ed., The Cartulary of Montier-en-Der, 666–1129 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 129–130, no. 39. While Hallinger's monumental Gorze-Kluny proposed Cluny and Gorze represent two self-consciously separate, competing, and unified approaches to reform, it is either greatly qualified or completely rejected by current scholarship, yet it remains invaluable as a starting point for Gorze historians. Furthermore, scholars disagree whether the figure known as Adso of Montier-en-Der has been confused with multiple people. See Monique Goullet's introduction in Adso Dervenensis, Opera Hagiographica, CCCM 198, ed. Monique Goullet (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2003), vii–xxvi; and MacLean, “Reform, Queenship and the End of the World,” especially at 669–673. Since these (unconfirmed) doubts about the identity and life of Adso do not inherently question that the author of the letter to Gerberga was from Montier-en-Der, a Gorzian monastery, I have chosen to follow the older scholarship—as does Matthew Gabriele, “This Time. Maybe This Time. Biblical Commentary, Monastic Historiography, and Lost Cause-ism at the Turn of the First Millennium,” in Apocalypse and Reform from Late Antiquity to the Middle Ages, ed. Matthew Gabriele and James T. Palmer (New York: Routledge, 2019), 187—and assume, at my own risk, that Adso lived a respectably (but not outrageously) long life from ca. 910 to 992.
41 See Phyllis Jestice, “The Gorzian Reform and the Light under the Bushel,” Viator 24 (1993): 51–78.
42 Verhelst, De ortu, 3–19. Verhelst's work is the definitive scholarly edition. English translations of the letter exist but are, I find, wanting, such as is in John Wright, trans., The Play of Antichrist (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1967), 100–110, which renders “pro filiorum vestrorum incolumitate” as “for your children's safety,” failing to maintain the purposeful reference to her “sons,” which conveyed not simply a mother's love of children but a queen's concern about her heirs; and Bernard McGinn, Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 82–87, which omits the prologue completely.
43 Verhelst, De ortu, 3.
44 Though usually called the “Last World Emperor” prophecy, “king” (rex) more typically appears for the prophetic figure in the Latin (including in Adso's version), divorcing him from an explicit Byzantine connection. Later authors would eventually reintegrate more overt imperial language into the prophecy. Arguably, anyone claiming universal political authority over Christians might best be described as an emperor rather than a king, hence the naming convention that has developed. For simplicity and scholarly consistency, I have kept this convention, but it should be remembered that those without imperial regalia could still (in theory) aspire to this prophetic office.
45 The entirety of Adso's letter can be found in Verhelst, De ortu, 20–30.
46 Ibid., 24.
47 Ibid., 27–28.
48 Ibid., 28.
49 Ibid., 22.
50 Ibid., 25–26.
51 Ibid., 20.
52 Schulenburg, “Early Medieval Women,” 241 (emphasis mine). See also Daniel Verhelst, “Adso of Montier-en-Der and the Fear of the Year 1000,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000, ed. Landes, Gow, and Van Meter, 81–92, especially 83–85.
53 MacLean, “Reform, Queenship and the End of the World,” 656–657, 671–672, 674–675. Among Ottonian women, Gerberga was not alone in receiving and utilizing a quality education. Perhaps most famous is Hrotswita (or Hrotsvitha) of Gandersheim (c. 935–c. 975), whose plays fused Christian hagiography with classical literary precedents and who composed a history of Otto I. See Marcia L. Colish, Medieval Foundations of the Western Intellectual Tradition, 400–1400 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), 162–163; and Hrosvit, Opera Omnia, ed. Walter Berschin (Munich, Germany: K. G. Saur, 2001).
54 Verhelst, De ortu, 20.
55 Flodoard of Reims, The Annals of Flodoard of Reims, 919–966, ed. and trans. Steven Fanning and Bernard S. Bachrach (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 32–41. For the Latin text, see also Flodoardus Canonicus Remensis, Flodoardi Annales, in PL 135, cols. 417–490.
56 McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 313–319.
57 Widukind of Corvey, Deeds of the Saxons, trans. Bernard S. Bachrach and David S. Bachrach (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2014), 91.
58 Glocker, Die Verwandten der Ottonen, 28–33.
59 Flodoard, Annals, 41–43; Flodoardi Annales, 462–464.
60 Flodoard, Annals, 44–45; Flodoardi Annales, 464–466.
61 Flodoard, Annals, 45–46; Flodoardi Annales, 466–467.
62 Flodoard, Annals, 46–51; Flodoardi Annales, 467–474.
63 Flodoard, Annals, 52–53; Flodoardi Annales, 474–475.
64 Flodoard, Annals, 54–57; Flodoardi Annales, 476–479.
65 Flodoard, Annals, 57–58; Flodoardi Annales,479–480.
66 Flodoard, Annals, 59–60; Flodoardi Annales, 481.
67 Flodoard, Annals, 61; Flodoardi Annales, 482.
68 Flodoard, Annals, 62; Flodoardi Annales, 483.
69 Flodoard, Annals, 62; Flodoardi Annales, 483.
70 Flodoard, Annals, 62–68; Flodoardi Annales, 483–488.
71 Flodoard, Annals, 68; Flodoardi Annales, 488.
72 Flodoard, Annals, 68; Flodoardi Annales, 488.
73 Simon MacLean, Ottonian Queenship (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), 87–89, especially 86n71. Royal charters at this time generally lacked witness lists: MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 57. For other charters, see those referencing Gerberga during the reign of Louis IV in Recueil des Actes de Louis IV Roi de France (936–954), ed. Philippe Lauer (Paris: Imprimiere Nationale, 1914), 78, 88, 103; and during the regency and kingship of her son in Recueil des Actes de Lothaire et de Louis V Rois de France (954–987), ed. Louis Halpen (Paris: Imprimiere Nationale, 1908), 7, 9–10, 14, 23, 26, 31, 61, 64, and 76.
74 See Glocker, Die Verwandten der Ottonen, 272; and MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 51.
75 Levi Roach, “Emperor Otto III and the End of Time,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, 23 (2003): 75–102, at 78.
76 Flodoard, Annals, 57–58, 62; Flodoardi Annales, 479–480, 483.
77 Odilo of Cluny, Vita Sanctae Adalheidis Imperatricis, in Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, ed. Martinus Marrier and Andreas Quercenatus (Paris: Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1915), 361; in English, see Sean Gilsdorf, trans., Queenship and Sanctity: The Lives of Mathilda and the Epitaph of Adelheid (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2004), 128–143, at 142.
78 Schulenburg, “Early Medieval Women,” 243; less explicitly, Gerd Althoff, Otto III, trans. Phyllis G. Jestice (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003), 52–53.
79 See discussion of apocalyptic influence on Otto III below.
80 Flodoard, Annals, 56–57; Flodoardi Annales, 478–479.
81 Flodoard, Annals, 57–58, 61, Flodoardi Annales, 479–480, 482.
82 Heinrich Fichtenau, Living in the Tenth Century: Mentalities and Social Orders, trans. Patrick J. Geary (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 204.
83 See the letter William, Archbishop of Mainz, wrote to Pope Agapetus II in Philipp Jaffé, ed., Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum, Monumenta Moguntina, 3 (Berlin: 1886), 347–350. As Mayr-Harting notes, Ruotger's Life of Bruno sought to dispute critics of Bruno's appointment by portraying him as worthy of the office by his own educational and spiritual merits. See Mayr-Harting, Church and Cosmos, 27.
84 Ruotger, Ruotgeri Vita Brunonis Archiepiscopi Coloniensis, ed. Irene Ott, MGH SSRG, Nova Series, 10 (Cologne, Germany: 1958).
85 Mayr-Harting, Church and Cosmos, 2–48.
86 Widukind, Deeds, 127. Other signs and disastrous portents accompany Widukind's account of the Battle of Lechfeld, though one cannot easily attribute to them a specifically apocalyptic significance. For more on Lechfeld (despite a dubious understanding of projectile physics), see Charles R. Bowlus, Battle of Lechfeld and Its Aftermath, August 955: The End of the Age of Migrations in the West (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2006). Longinus was the name attributed to the Roman soldier who stabbed Jesus on the cross.
87 Abbo Floriacensis, Apologeticus, in PL 139, cols. 461–472, at 471–472
88 Flodoard, Annals, 68; Flodoardi Annales, 488; Ruotger, Vita Brunonis, 44–45; MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 75.
89 Gilsdorf, Queenship and Sanctity, 83, 117–118.
90 MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 64–65; Verhelst, De ortu, 20.
91 MacLean, “Reform, Queenship and the End of the World,” 658–659, 666–668.
92 MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 74–94.
93 Schulenburg, “Early Medieval Women,” 241–243.
94 Notably, Adelaide was also Lothair's mother-in-law. Her daughter, Emma, from her first marriage was Lothair's queen. Thus, Gerberga and Adelaide were sisters-in-law twice over: once through Otto I and again through their children.
95 See Paolo Squatriti, “Introduction,” in The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona, trans. Paolo Squatriti (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2007), 3–8, 29–37.
96 Liudprand of Cremona, The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona, trans. Paolo Squatriti (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2007), 262; Liutprandus Cremonensis Episcopus, Relatio De Legatione Constantinopolitana, in PL 136, cols. 924–925.
97 Liudprand, The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona, 262–264; Relatio De Legatione Constantinopolitana, 925–926.
98 Liudprand, Complete Works, 264, Relatio De Legatione Constantinopolitana, 925–926.
99 Liudprand, Complete Works, 265; Relatio De Legatione Constantinopolitana, 926–927.
100 Antoni Grabowski, The Construction of Ottonian Kingship: Narratives and Myth in Tenth-Century Germany (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2018), 197–221.
101 Palmer, Apocalypse, 198–199.
102 Ibid., 199–200.
103 Ibid., 200–201; McGinn, Visions, 43–44, 49–50. See also Ernst Sackur, ed., Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen: Pseudomethodius, Adso und Die Tiburtinische Sibylle (Halle, Germany: Niemeyer, 1898), 177–187.
104 Squatriti, “Introduction,” 30–31.
105 Leyser, Karl, “Theophanu divina gratia imperatrix augusta: Western and Eastern Emperorship in the Later Tenth Century,” in The Empress Theophanu: Byzantium and the West at the Turn of the First Millennium, ed. Davids, Adelbert (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1–27Google Scholar, at 21. See also Althoff, Otto III, 40–51; and McKitterick, Rosamond, “Ottonian Intellectual Culture in the Tenth Century and the Role of Theaphanu,” in The Empress Theophanu: Byzantium and the West at the Turn of the First Millennium, ed. Davids, Adelbert (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 169–193Google Scholar, especially 183–189.
106 See Glocker, Die Verwandten der Ottonen, 272.
107 See Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 97–128.
108 Ibid., 110.
109 Schulenburg, “Early Medieval Women,” 241–243.
110 Palmer, Apocalypse, 202.
111 Roach, “Emperor Otto III,” 94.
112 Ibid., 78; Koziol, Geoffrey, Begging Pardon and Favor: Ritual and Political Order in Early Medieval France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 163Google Scholar; Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 105.
113 Gerbert of Aurillac (Pope Sylvester II), The Letters of Gerbert of Aurillac: With His Papal Privileges as Sylvester II, trans. Lattin, Harriet Pratt (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), 271Google Scholar. Gerbert became Pope Sylvester II in 999.
114 Odilo of Cluny, Vita Sanctae Adalheidis Imperatricis, 361.
115 Palmer, Apocalypse, 201–208.
116 See Gerbert, Letters, 296–298.
117 Palmer, Apocalypse, 201–202; Roach, “Emperor Otto III,” 94.
118 Roach, “Emperor Otto III,” 98–99.
119 Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 120–128.