No CrossRef data available.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 July 2018
This essay explores eighth- and early ninth-century Frankish understandings and experiences of churches as holy spaces, arguing that myriad textual genres demonstrate the widespread Carolingian belief in churches as highly sacred spaces as well as the significant variations in the specifics and execution of that belief. The first part of the article details how Carolingian legislation worked to define, recognize, and maintain the sacred space of churches by insisting upon specific, respectful behaviors within them. The central portion of the article considers epistolary and hagiographical texts that describe and, at times, accept transgressions of these laws, including by an elite member of the Carolingian court. The article contends that not all misbehavior and misuse of churches defiled them; rather, inappropriate behaviors often highlighted or activated the sanctity of a space in a way that legislation could not. This essay, in triangulating Carolingian legislative, hagiographical, and epistolary texts, opens a window onto the views of the laity regarding churches as sacred spaces. Ultimately, it raises questions about the extent (and limits) of Frankish beliefs regarding spatial sacrality, the reach of the Carolingian reform efforts, and the nature of lay religiosity.
The material for this article first originated in my doctoral work at the University of California, Los Angeles, and I am deeply indebted to my committee members, Sharon E.J. Gerstel, Teofilo Ruiz, David Sabean, and, above all, Patrick J. Geary, for their support, guidance, and mentorship. My thoughts about Carolingian sacred space have benefited tremendously over the years from discussions with Lisa Bitel, Warren Brown, Samuel Collins, Miriam Czock, Jennifer Davis, Albrecht Diem, Eric Goldberg, Martin Gravel, Maya Maskarinec, Margaret Mullett, Helmut Reimitz, Barbara Schedl, and Kristine Tanton. This particular essay profited greatly from the suggestions of my colleagues at Wheaton College (Mass.), especially Barbara Darling, Nancy Kendrick, Hyun Kim, Lisa Lebduska, Justin Schupp, and Aubrey Westfall; the students in my Fall 2013 and Spring 2017 senior seminars, above all, Hytham Bakir, J. Tyler Butler, Alex Cilley, Nicholas Hall, Kate Humphrey, and Hannah Lytle; the supportive and inspiring community of Wheaton College's Write Now, Right Now (WNRN) program; and the excellent suggestions and help of the two anonymous reviewers and Church History’s editorial team.
1 Alcuin, , Epistolae 245–249, ed. Dummler, Ernst, Monumenta Germaniae Historica (hereafter cited as MGH), Epistolae 4, Epistolae Karolini aevi 2 (Berlin, 1895): 393–404Google Scholar.
2 Wallach, Luitpold, Alcuin and Charlemagne: Studies in Carolingian History and Literature (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1959), 97–140Google Scholar; Nelson, Janet L., “Violence in the Carolingian World and the Ritualization of Ninth-Century Warfare,” in Violence and Society in the Early Medieval West, ed. Halsall, Guy (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1998), 90–107Google Scholar, esp. 93–94; Noizet, Hélène, “Alcuin contre Théodulphe: Un conflit producteur de normes,” Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l'Ouest, Anjou, Maine, Poitou, Touraine 111, no. 3 (September 2004): 113–129CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Driscoll, Michael S., Alcuin et la pénitence à l’époque carolingienne, Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 81 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1999), 32–35Google Scholar; and Meens, Rob, “Sanctuary, Penance, and Dispute Settlement under Charlemagne: The Conflict between Alcuin and Theodulf of Orléans over a Sinful Cleric,” Speculum 82, no. 2 (April 2007): 277–300CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Collins, Samuel W., The Carolingian Debate over Sacred Space (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 2, 90ff.
4 Collins, Carolingian Debate; Smith, Julia M. H., “Women at the Tomb: Access to Relic Shrines in the Early Middle Ages,” in The World of Gregory of Tours, ed. Mitchell, Kathleen and Wood, Ian (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 163–180Google Scholar; Smith, Julia M. H., “‘Emending Evil Ways and Praising God's Omnipotence’: Einhard and the Uses of Roman Martyrs,” in Conversion in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages: Seeing and Believing, ed. Mills, Kenneth and Grafton, Anthony (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2003), 189–223Google Scholar; and Bullough, Donald, “The Carolingian Liturgical Experience,” in Continuity and Change in Christian Worship, ed. Swanson, R. N., Studies in Church History 35 (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell, 1999), 29–64Google Scholar.
5 See, among others, Davies, Wendy and Fouracre, Paul, eds., The Settlement of Disputes in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and White, Stephen D., “From Peace to Power: The Study of Disputes in Medieval France,” in Medieval Transformations: Texts, Power, and Gifts in Context, ed. Cohen, Ester and de Jong, Mayke B., Cultures, Beliefs, and Traditions 11 (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 203–218Google Scholar.
6 As this essay unfolds, it will become clear that political power offers another vector in the study of Carolingian churches. Although the conclusion will raise questions of power and authority, practical constraints force me to explore such questions elsewhere.
7 Czock, Miriam, “Early Medieval Churches as Cultic Space between Material and Ethical Purity,” in Discourses of Purity in Transcultural Perspective (300–1600), ed. Bley, Matthias, Jaspert, Nikolas, and Köck, Stefan (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 23–41Google Scholar, esp. 24–27.
8 Benz, Suitbert, “Zur Geschichte der römischen Kirchweihe nach den Texten des 6.–7. Jahrhunderts,” Enkainia: Gesammelte Arbeiten zum 800 jährigen Weihegedächtnis der Abteikirche Maria Laach am 24. August 1956, ed. Emonds, Hilarius (Düsseldorf: Patmos, 1956), 62–109Google Scholar; Repsher, Brian, The Rite of Church Dedication in the Early Medieval Era (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen, 1998)Google Scholar; and Polanichka, Dana M., “Transforming Space, (Per)forming Community: Church Consecration in Carolingian Europe,” Viator 43, no. 1 (Spring 2012): 79–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 85.
9 Iogna-Prat, Dominique, La Maison Dieu: Une histoire monumentale de l’Église au Moyen Âge (v. 800– v. 1200) (Paris: Seuil, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 On these textual categories, see van Rhijn, Carine, Shepherds of the Lord: Priests and Episcopal Statutes in the Carolingian Period, Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 13–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 Tuan, Yi-Fu, Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977), 6Google Scholar, 73.
12 Eliade, Mircea, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, trans. Trask, Willard R. (San Diego: Harcourt, 1987)Google Scholar; and Markus, Robert, The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 134CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
13 Lefebvre, Henri, The Production of Space, trans. Nicholson-Smith, Donald (Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, 1992)Google Scholar; Otto, Rudolf, The Idea of the Holy: An Inquiry into the Non-rational Factor in the Idea of the Divine and its Relation to the Rational, trans. Harvey, John W. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958)Google Scholar; and Smith, Jonathan Z., To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992)Google Scholar.
14 Löw, Martina, Raumsoziologie (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2001)Google Scholar; and Markus, R. A., “How on Earth Could Places Become Holy? Origins of the Christian Idea of Holy Places,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 2, no. 3 (Fall 1994): 257–271CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
15 While differences existed between town cathedrals, rural churches, and monastic churches, legislative ideas about sacrality pertained to all churches. Bullough, “Liturgical,” 30–31. The below overview of Carolingian legislation covers texts up to 840, since the hagiographical texts under consideration here are written in the 830s at the latest. Citations to laws are representative, not exhaustive.
16 Capitula a sacerdotibus proposita, chap. 3, ed. Alfred Boretius, MGH Capitularia regum Francorum (hereafter cited as Capit. reg.) I (Hanover: s.n., 1883), 106; Ghärbald of Liège (Lüttich), Ghärbald I, chap. 1, ed. Peter Brommer, MGH Capitula Episcoporum (hereafter cited as Capit. Episc.) I (Hanover: s.n., 1984), 16; Capitula de causis cum episcopis et abbatibus tractandis, chap. 11, MGH Capit. reg. 1:164; Capitula Missorum, chap. 4, MGH Capit. reg. 1:182; Capitula vel missorum vel synodalia, chap. 8, MGH Capit. reg. 1:182; Admonitio ad omnes regni ordines, chap. 5, MGH Capit. reg. 1:304; Episcoporum ad Hludowicum imperatorem relatio, chap. VIII [11], MGH Capit. reg. II, ed. Alfred Boretius (Hanover: s.n., 1897), 33; and Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collection, bk. 2, chap. 5, MGH Capit. reg. 1:415.
17 Capitula a sacerdotibus proposita, chap. 7, MGH Capit. reg. 1:106; Statuta Rhispacensia Frisingensia Salisburgensia, chap. 13, MGH Capit. reg. 1:228; Capitulare Ecclesiasticum, chap. 14, MGH Capit. reg. 1:277–278; Capitula Italica, chap. 8, MGH Capit. reg. 1:336; Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collection, bk. 1, chap. 89, MGH Capit. reg. 1:407; Concilia Rispacense, Frisingense, Salisburgense, A.XIII (8) and B.2.VI, ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH Concilia II, Concilia aevi Karolini (hereafter cited as Conc.) I (Hanover: s.n., 1906), 209, 214; Concilium Salisburgense, MGH Conc. 1:234; Ghärbald I, chap. 5, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:17; and Capitula Frisingensia tertia, chap. 29, ed. Rudolf Pokorny, MGH Capit. Episc. III (Hanover: s.n., 1995), 229.
18 Capitula excerpta de canone, chap. 16, MGH Capit. reg. 1:133.
19 Duplex legationis edictum, chap. 33, MGH Capit. reg. 1:64
20 Ghärbald of Lüttich, Ghärbald III, chap. 9, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:39–40; and Capitula Silvanectensia secunda, chap. 8, MGH Capit. Episc. 3:87–88.
21 Capitula Parisiensia, chap. 6, MGH Capit. Episc. 3:30: “De ornamento vero ęcclesię dicit David: Domine, dilexi decorum domus tuę et locum habitacionis glorię tuę.” Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own.
22 Admonitio generalis, chap. 64, MGH Capit. reg. 1:58; Opus Caroli regis contra synodum (Libri Carolini), ed. Ann Freeman, MGH Conc. 2, Supplement 1 (Hanover: s.n., 1998); and Noble, Thomas F. X., Images, Iconoclasm, and the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
23 Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae, MGH Capit. reg. 1:68–70; Capitula e canonibus excerpta, chap. 19, MGH Capit. reg. 1:174; Capitula e conciliis excerpta, chaps. 4, 15, MGH Capit. reg. 1:312, 314; Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collectio, bk. 2, chaps. 34, 45, MGH Capit. reg. 1:422, 423; Concilium Ascheimense, chap. 2, MGH Conc. 1:57; and Concilium Arelatense, chap. 20, MGH Conc. 1:252.
24 Capitulare Francofurtense chap. 54, MGH Conc. 1:171.
25 Capitulare missorum, chap. 1, MGH Capit. reg. 1:115.
26 Admonitio generalis, chap. 71, MGH Capit. reg. 1:59; and Theodulf of Orléans, Theodulf I, chap. 8, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:108–109, referencing Matt. 21:13 (as well as Mark 11:17 and Luke 19:46), which references Isa. 56:7 and Jer. 7:11.
27 Capitula e canonibus excerpta, chap. 21, MGH Capit. reg. 1:174; Capitula missorum, chap. 8, MGH Capit. reg. 1:182; Theodulf I, chap. 8, 108–109; Haito von Basel I, chap. 11, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:213; Concilium Arelatense, chap. 22, MGH Conc. 1:253; and Concilium Turonense, chap. 39, MGH Conc. 1:291.
28 Concilium Turonense, chap. 39, MGH Conc. 1:291.
29 Capitula ad legem Baiwariorum addita, chap. 5, MGH Capit. reg. 1:158.
30 Admonitio generalis, chap. 71, MGH Capit. reg. 1:59; Capitulare missorum item speciale, chap. 36, MGH Capit. reg. 1:103; Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collectio, bk. 1, chap. 67, MGH Capit. reg. 1:403; Concilium Suessionense, chap. 4, MGH Conc. 1:35; Karoli regis mandatum ad Arnonem archiepiscopum Salisburgensem directum, chap. 4, MGH Conc. 1:213; Versio apud Dückherum Exstans, chaps. 1–2, MGH Conc. 1:216; Concilium Aquisgranense: institutio canonicorum Aquisgranensis, chaps. 59, 80, 93, MGH Conc. 1:364, 367, 370–373; Theodulf I, chap. 10, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:110; and Haito I, chap. 11, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:213.
31 Capitula legibus addenda, chap. 14, MGH Capit. reg. 1:284; and Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collection, bk. 4, chaps. 13, 26, MGH Capit. reg. 1:437–438, 440.
32 Capitula legibus addenda, chaps. 1–2, MGH Capit. reg. 1:281.
33 Concilium Moguntinense chap. 56, MGH Conc. 1:273; Karoli magni capitula e canonibus excerpta, chap. 8, MGH Conc. 1:295; Ghärbald III, chap. 10, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:40; and Karlmanni principis capitulare Liptinense, MGH Capit. reg. 1:27–28.
34 Admonitio ad omnes regni ordines, chap. 7, MGH Capit. reg. 1:304; Episcoporum ad Hludowicum imperatorem relatio chap. XX [54], MGH Capit. reg. 2:46; and Hinkmar von Reims I, chap. 5, ed. Rudolf Pokorny and Martina Stratmann, MGH Capit. Episc. 2 (Hanover: s.n., 1995), 36.
35 Concilium Romanum: actorum concilii forma uberior, chaps, 3, 13, MGH Conc. 1:12–13, 18; and Concilium Romanum: decretorum synodalium forma minor, chap. 3, MGH Conc. 1:31.
36 Riculf von Soisson, chap. 23, MGH Capit. Episc. 2:111.
37 On sanctuary, see Ducloux, Anne, Ad ecclesiam confugere: Naissance du droit d'asile dans l’églises: IVe–millieu du Ve s., De l'archéologie à l'histoire (Paris: De Boccard, 1994)Google Scholar; and Shoemaker, Karl, Sanctuary and Crime in the Middle Ages, 400–1500 (New York: Fordham University Press, 2011)Google Scholar. See Capitulare Haristallense, chaps. 8–9, MGH Cap 1:48; Concilium Moguntinense, chap. 39, ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH Conc. 2:1 (Hanover: s.n., 1906), 271; and Concordia episcoporum, chap. 19, MGH Conc. 2.1:300.
38 Capitulare legibus additum, chap. 2, MGH Capit. reg. 1:113; Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collectio, bk. 1, chap. 144, bk. 4, chap. 13, MGH Capit. reg. 1:411, 437. Note, however, that the protective power of sanctuary was not specific to churches, though churches do seem to be the preferred place to seek sanctuary. Divisio Regnorum, chap. 7, MGH Capit. reg. 1:128; and Regni Divisio, chap. 3, MGH Capit. reg. 2:22.
39 Capitulare legibus additum, chap. 3, MGH Capit. reg. 1:113. Meens notes that a constitution dating to 431, a clear precedent for sanctuary, specified that “the right of sanctuary was to be extended to all the buildings belonging to the church, an extension justified by the sanctity of the building and the altar (‘ad sanctissimum Dei templum ad sacrosanctum altare’).” Meens, “Sanctuary,” 281, quoting Constitution of 431, ed. Theodor Mommsen, Theodosiani libri XVI cum Constitutionibus Sirmondianis 1/2 (Berlin, 1905), 520–524.
40 Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae, chap. 2, MGH Capit. reg. 1:68.
41 Ibid.; Capitulare legibus additum, chap. 3, MGH Capit. reg. 1:113; Capitulare Bononiense, chap. 10, MGH Capit. reg. 1:167; and Statuta Rhispacensia Frisingensia Salisburgensia, chap. 8, MGH Capit. reg. 1:227.
42 Capitulare legibus additum, chap. 3, MGH Capit. reg. 1:113
43 Capitulare Haristallense, chaps. 8–9, MGH Capit. reg. 1:48.
44 Admonitio generalis, chap. 71, MGH Capit. reg. 1:59; and Capitulare Missorum in Theodonis villa datum primum, mere ecclesiasticum, chap. 8, MGH Capit. reg. 1:121.
45 Admonitio generalis, chap. 64, MGH Capit. reg. 1:59; Capitulare missorum item speciale, chap. 39, MGH Capit. reg. 1:104; and Episcoporum de poenitentia, quam Hludowicus imperator professus est, relatio compendiensis, chap. 1, MGH Capit. reg. 2:54.
46 Admonitio generalis, chap. 17, MGH Capit. reg. 1:55; Capitulare missorum item special, chap. 6, MGH Capit. reg. 1:102; Capitula Ecclesiasticia, chap. 7, MGH Capit. reg. 1:178; Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collectio, bk. 1, chap. 17, MGH Capit. reg. 1:399; Episcoporum ad Hludowicum imperatorem relatio, chap. XVIII [52], MGH Capit. reg. 2:42; Theodulf I, chap. 6, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:107; Theodulf II, chap. 1.7, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:151; Haito I, chap. 16, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:215; and Capitula Neustrica prima, chap. XI, MGH Capit. Episc. 3:55.
47 Episcoporum ad Hludowicum imperatorem relatio, chap. XVIII [52], MGH Capit. reg. 2:42: “Ut inlicitus accessus feminarum ad altare non fiat, modis omnibus inhibuimus.”
48 Capitula ecclesiastica, chap. 7, MGH Capit. reg. 1:178; Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collectio, bk. 1, chap. 146, MGH Capit. reg. 1:412; and Haito von Basel, chap. 16, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:215.
49 Arnonis instructio pastoralis, chap. 8, MGH Conc. 1:199.
50 Concilium Romanum: argumentum concilii, MGH Conc. 2.1:10; Concilium Romanum: actorum concilii forma uberior, chap. 13, MGH Conc. 2.1:18; Concilium Romanum: decretorum synodalium forma minor, chap. 13, MGH Conc. 2.1:32; and Capitula Neustrica secunda, chap. 2, MGH Capit. Episc. 3:60.
51 Concilium Aquisgranense: institution canonicorum Aquisgranensis, chap. 75, MGH Conc. 1:367.
52 Theodulf I, chap. 8, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:108–109: “Videmus crebro in ecclesiis messes et fenum congeri. Unde volumus, ut hoc penitus observetur, ut nihil in ecclesia praeter vestimenta ecclesiastica et vasa sancta et libri recondantur, ne forte, si alia ibi, quam oportet, negotia exerceantur, a domino audiamus: Domus mea domus orationis vocabitur, vos autem fecistis eam speluncam latronum.”
53 Episcoporum ad Hludowicum imperatorem relatio, chap. XVIII [52], MGH Capit. reg. 2:42: “Quia quorundam relatu didicimus in quibusdam provinciis contra legem divinam canonicamque institutionem feminas sanctis altaribus se ultro ingerere sacrataque vasa inpudenter contingere et indumenta sacerdotalia presbiteris administrare.”
54 On Alcuin's epistolary oeuvre and its transmission, see Bullough, Donald A., Alcuin: Achievement and Reputation, Being Part of the Ford Lectures delivered in Oxford in Hilary Term, 1980 (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 43–102Google Scholar. At least nine letters and three other documents related to this dispute were written at the time. The missing texts would have included: Theodulf's initial request for Charlemagne's help; Charlemagne's order allowing for recovery of the fugitive; Theodulf's letters to Charlemagne and to Alcuin about the events at Tours; a second letter from Alcuin to Charlemagne; Charlemagne's notice to the monks; and the report of the imperial missus. Wallach, Alcuin, 99–101. But Mersiowsky, Mark, “Regierungspraxis und Schriftlichkeit im Karolingerreich: Das Fallbeispiel der Mandate und Briefe,” in Schriftkultur und Reichsverwaltung unter den Karolingern: Referate des Kolloquiums der Nordrhein-Westfälischen Akademie der Wissenschaften am 17./.18 Februar 1994 in Bonn, ed. Schieffer, Rudolf (Opladen: Westdeutscher, 1996), 109–166CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 152n201, questions some of Wallach's assertions.
55 The unidentified bishop may be Arn of Salzburg or Hildebold of Cologne. Meens, “Sanctuary,” 277.
56 Wallach describes this letter, Epistola 247, as a placitum. Alcuin, 100–101. See ibid., 109, 113; and Meens, “Sanctuary,” 287–288, on the tone of the letter.
57 [Charlemagne], Epistola 247, MGH Epp. 4:400, lines 6–8. See Wallach, Alcuin, 111, on Charlemagne's legal use of “cum iracundia.”
58 Epistola 247, MGH Epp. 4:400, lines 40–42: “et diabolus vos quasi ministros suos ad seminandam discordiam, inter quos minime decebat, invenit.”
59 Alcuin supports his argument with universals while Charlemagne responds in concrete details. Collins, Carolingian Debate, 99.
60 [Charlemagne], Epistola 247, MGH Epp. 4:400, lines 2–5, 27–45, 4:401, lines 1–4.
61 Ibid., 400, lines 18–20: “Hic vero infamis clericus, et accusatus et iudicatus et in custodiam missus et de custodia elapsus, basilicam, quam nisi post paenitentiam ingredi non debuerat, contra legem ingressus.”
62 Capitulare legibus additum, chap. 2, MGH Capit. reg. 1:111–114: “ipse comes veniens licentiam habeat ipsum hominem infra emunitatem quaerendi, ubicumque eum invenire potuerit.”
63 Meens, “Sanctuary,” 292–293; and Collins, Carolingian Debate, 93. On immunity, see Meens, “Sanctuary,” 292; and Rosenwein, Barbara H., Negotiating Space: Power, Restraint, and Privileges of Immunity in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 227–228Google Scholar.
64 Capitulare legibus additum, chap. 3, MGH Capit. reg. 1:113: “Si quis ad ecclesiam confugium fecerit, in atrio ipsius ecclesiae pacem habeat, nec sit ei necesse ecclesiam ingredi, et nullus cum inde per vim abstrahere praesumat.” Note, too, that chapter three concludes with: “sed liceat ei confiteri quod fecit et inde per manus bonorum hominum ad discussionem in publico perducatur.” Ibid. Meens links this emphasis on confession to Alcuin's epistolary arguments. “Sanctuary,” 293.
65 Ansegisi abbatis capitularium collectio, bk. 1, chap. 144, MGH Capit. reg. 1:411.
66 Theodulf I, MGH Capit. Episc. I:73–142; Meens, “Sanctuary,” 293–294; and Collins, Carolingian Debate, 103. His second capitulary also reflects the dispute. Theodulf II, chap. 7.8, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:166–167; and Meens, “Sanctuary,” 299. On the dating of the first capitulary, see McKitterick, Rosamond, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1977), 52Google Scholar.
67 Theodulf I, chap. 10, MGH Capit. Episc. 1:110: “Non debere ad ecclesiam ob aliam causam convenire nisis ad laudandum deum et eius servitium faciendum. Disceptationes vero et tumultus et vaniloquia et ceteras actiones ab eodem sancto loco penitus prohibenda sunt. Ubi enim dei nomen invocatur, deo sacrificium offertur, angelorum frequentia inesse non dubitatur. Periculosum est tale aliquid dicere vel agere, quod loco non convenit. Si enim dominus illos de templo eiecit, qui victimas, quae sibi offerentur, emebant vel vendebant, quanto magis illos iratus inde abiciat, qui mendaciis, vaniloquiis, risibus et huiuscemodi nugis locum divino cultui mancipatum foedant?”
68 Collins, Carolingian Debate, 102–113, 123–125.
69 Ibid., 104; de Jong, Mayke, “Imitatio Morum: The Cloister and Clerical Purity in the Carolingian World,” in Medieval Purity and Piety: Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform, ed. Frassetto, Michael (New York: Garland, 1998), 49–80Google Scholar, 53; and Angenendt, Arnold, “‘Mit reinen Händen’: Das Motiv der kultischen Reinheit in der abenländischen Askese,” in Herrschaft, Kirche, Kultur: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, Festschrift für Friedrich Prinz zu seinem 65. Geburtstag, ed. Jenal, Georg and Haarländer, Stephanie, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 37 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1993), 297–316Google Scholar.
70 Theodulf II, chap. 2.2, MGH Capit. reg. 1:154. Collins, Carolingian Debate, 104: “De incestis omni studio perquirendum est sacerdotibus per homines veraces et timorem dei ante oculos habentes. Et si repertum fuerit, statim aut per se emendare studeant aut cum adiutorio archidiaconi. Et episcopi hoc ipsum extirpare satagant, ne tanto flagitii scelere et illi polluantur et pereant et alii eorum vicinitate omnipotentis dei iram incurrant.” Likewise, see Capitulare missorum generale, chap. 17, MGH Capit. reg. 1:94–95.
71 Alcuin, Episola 246, MGH Epp. 4:399, lines 8–11; and Collins, Carolingian Debate, 101.
72 Collins, Carolingian Debate, 113.
73 Ibid., 96–97, 113–120, discussing Alcuin's references to five sixth-century councils in Gaul, three of which were held in Orléans—a connection that Alcuin explicitly makes.
74 Ibid., 101.
75 Alcuin, Epistola 245, MGH Epp. 4:393, lines 34–36: “ad ecclesiam confugit sancti Martini, praecipui confessoris Christi; confitens peccata sua; reconciliationem deposcens.”
76 Ibid., 4:394, lines 35–39.
77 Ibid., 4:397, lines 21–24: “An fas est apud christianos minoris esse honoris ecclesiam Christi quam templum Iovis apud paganos; vel beate Mariae genetricis Dei domum quam impie Iunonis asylum inferioris venerationis haberi?”
78 Alcuin, Epistola 249, MGH Epp. 4:403, lines 9–10: “Deinde secundo loco incitatores esse huius tumultus intellego qui armati venerunt maiori numero, quam opus esset, de civitate Aureliana in civitatem Tyronicam.”
79 Alcuin, Epistola 245, MGH Epp. 4:393, lines 39–40, 4:394, lines 1–7; Alcuin, Epistola 246, MGH Epp. 4:398, lines 23–25; and Alcuin, Epistola 249, MGH Epp. 4:403, lines 11–12.
80 Alcuin, Epistola 249, MGH Epp. 4:403, lines 1–2.
81 Ibid., 4:402, lines 18–20.
82 Ibid., 4:402, lines 31–33: “Sed verissime absque omni dubitatione fateor: nec tantum me mereri velle auri, quantum tota habet Francia, ut ex meo consilio vel preparatione tam periculosus tumultus in ecclesia Christi esset adunatus.” Translation from Allott, Stephen, Alcuin of York, c. A.D. 732 to 804—His Life and Letters (York: William Sessions, 1974), 124Google Scholar.
83 Alcuin, Epistola 245, MGH Epp. 4:394, lines 8–11: “Sonuit siquidem ante civitatem venisse hostem Aurelianensem ad profananda sancti Martini suffragia; quia sciebant commanentes per villulas homines, exinde venientes. Concursus fuit in civitate subito mendicorum ex omni parte, suum parati defensorem defendere.” Translation from Allott, Alcuin of York, 120.
84 Alcuin, Epistola 249, MGH Epp. 4:403, lines 12–13, 16–21: “Illud etiam commune est omnibus ubique, quod moleste ferant suos dehonorare sanctos.” Translation from Allott, Alcuin of York, 125.
85 Alcuin, Epistola 249, MGH Epp. 4:403, lines 19–20: “vulgus indoctum, qui semper res inconvenientes sine consilio agere solet.” Cf. Charlemagne in Epistola 247, Epp. 4:400, lines 37–42. This is not the interpretation presented by Wallach, Alcuin, 104; Meens, “Sanctuary,” 290; or Collins, Carolingian Debate, 117–118.
86 [Charlemagne], Epistola 247, MGH Epp. 4:400, lines 40–42: “et diabolus vos quasi ministros suos ad seminandam discordiam, inter quos minime decebat, invenit: scilicet inter sapientes et doctores ecclesiae.” Translation from Allott, Alcuin of York, 123.
87 Collins, Carolingian Debate, 118.
88 Miraculorum s. Huberti post mortem, 1.6, Acta Sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur, Nov. 1 (Paris: s.n., 1887), 820–829, cols. 820E–821A.
89 Ermentarius, De translationibus et miraculis sancti Filiberti 1.2, in Monuments de l'histoire des abbayes de Saint-Philibert (Noirmoutier, Grandlieu, Tournus), ed. René Poupardin, Collection de textes pour servir a l’étude et a l'enseignement de l'histoire 38 (Paris: Alphonse Picard et Fils, 1905), 26.
90 Ibid., 1.4–8; in Poupardin, Monuments, 26–28.
91 Ibid., 1.9–10, 12, 13–23; in Poupardin, Monuments, 28–33.
92 Ibid., 1.28; in Poupardin, Monuments, 34: “Interdum venerandum sepulchrum cum sacratissimo pignore de scala deponitur et in dextro cornu ecclesiae quae, sixut diximus, in modum crucis constructa est, collocatur, atque in sinistro latere ecclesiae scala ipsa appenditur.” Crook, John, The Architectural Setting of the Cult of Saints in the Early Christian West, c.300–1200 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2000), 138Google Scholar. Similarly, Milo, Vita Amandi, ed. B. Krusch, MGH Scriptorum Rerum Merovingicarum 5 (Hanover: s.n., 1910), 472, discussed by Smith, “Women,” 172–173.
93 Ermentarius, De translationibus 1.29, 68, 70, 71; in Poupardin, Monuments, 35, 48–50; and Smith, “Women,” 177.
94 Dutton, Paul Edward, “An Introduction to Einhard,” in Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard, ed. Dutton, Paul Edward (Ontario: Broadview, 1998), xi–xliGoogle Scholar, xvii; Smith, “Emending,” 193; and Annales regni Francorum a. 827, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz and Friedrich Kurze, MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum (hereafter cited as Ss. rer. Germ.) 6 (Hanover: s.n., 1895), 174.
95 Einhard, Translatio et miracula sanctorum Marcellini et Petri, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH Scriptorum, vol. 15.1 (Hanover: s.n., 1887): 238–264, here 3.6, p. 250.
96 Ibid., 3.5, p. 249.
97 Ibid., 3.5, pp. 249–250: “Ubi cum Ratleicum inter alios clericos, qui iuxta altare constiterant, stantem ac se respicientem cerneret, protinus in haec verba prorupit: ‘Tu es’, inquit, ‘Ratleicus’; ‘tu’, ait, ‘hoc nomine vocitaris, tu es servus horum sanctorum.’” Translation from Dutton, Charlemagne's Courtier, 95.
98 Einhard, Translatio 3.1, 14, pp. 249, 253–254.
99 Ibid., 3.17, p. 254: “in die natalicio beatorum martyrum . . . Puer quidam surdus et mutus, qui ante triennium illuc venerat et in domo custodis ecclesiae ostiarius ab eo fuerat constitutus, festo die iam finito et officio vespertino consummato, cum iuxta ostium sederet, repente consurgens, basilicam intravit et a dextris altaris pronus corruit. Cumque eum aedituus, qui candelabrum cum caereo ante altare ponebat, ibi iacentem invenisset, continuo mihi hoc indicare curavit. Nos autem qui tunc una eramus ecclesiam celeriter ingressi, eundem, sicut ab aedituo repertus est, iacentem invenimus. Quem cum levare iuberemus, velut gravissimo sopore depressus, excitari non potuit. Tandem igitur quasi evigilans, erexit se, cernensque nos circumstantes, surrexit atque ad eos qui prope sibi adsistebant Latine locutus est.” Translation from Dutton, Charlemagne's Courtier, 106–107.
100 For such challenges to the pervasiveness of the Carolingian reform movement, see, among others, Sullivan, Richard E., “The Carolingian Age: Reflections on Its Place in the History of the Middle Ages,” Speculum 64, no. 2 (April 1989): 267–306CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hen, Yitzhak, The Royal Patronage of Liturgy in Frankish Gaul to the Death of Charles the Bald (877) (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 2001), 148–151Google Scholar.
101 Smith, “Emending,” 192–193.
102 Einhard, Vita Karoli magni, chap. 26, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH Ss. rer. Germ. 25 (Hanover: s.n., 1911), 31: “curabatque magnopere, ut omnia quae in ea gerebantur cum qua maxima fierent honestate, aedituos creberrime commonens, ne quid indecens aut sordidum aut inferri aut in ea remanere permitterent.” Translation from Einhard and Notker the Stammerer, Two Lives of Charlemagne, trans. David Ganz (London: Penguin, 2008), 37.
103 Einhard, Translatio, preface, 239, and 1.11, 244; and Smith, “Emending,” 192, 197–198.
104 Dutton, “Introduction,” xxiv–xxvii; and Smith, “Emending,” 205.
105 Bullough, “Liturgical,” 30; and McKitterick, Frankish Church, 116–117, 142.
106 On relic translations, see Heinzelmann, Martin, Translationsberichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkultes, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental 33 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979)Google Scholar; and Röckelein, Hedwig, Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen im 9. Jahrhundert: Über Kommunikation, Mobilität und Öffentlichkeit im Frühmittelalter, Beihefte der Francia 48 (Stuttgart: Jan Thorbecke, 2002)Google Scholar.
107 Hen, Yitzhak, Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, A.D. 481–751 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 110Google Scholar.
108 MacCormack, Sabine G., Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 64–65Google Scholar.
109 Dutton, “Introduction,” xxvii–xxviii.
110 This echoes the description of earlier triumphal entries of Charlemagne in 774 and Louis, King of Aquitaine, in 801. Annales Fuldenses a. 774, ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH Ss. rer. Germ. 7 (Hanover: s.n., 1891), 9; the Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 13, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH Ss. rer. Germ. 64 (Hanover: s.n., 1995), 318–321; and McCormick, Michael, Eternal Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium, and the Early Medieval West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 362–384Google Scholar, esp. 374–375.
111 Smith, “Emending,” 200.
112 Adrevald, Miraculorum Sancti Benedicti: Liber Primus, chap. 28, in Les miracles de Saint Benoît écrits par Adrevald, Aimoin, André, Raoul Tortaire et Hugues de Sainte Maire, Moines de Fleury, vol. 1, ed. E. de Certain (Paris: s.n., 1858), 64: “Sequebatur autem reliquias sanctorum non minima multitudo virorum ac mulierum, summa cum devotione, ob quaedam miraculorum beneficia a Domino, per beatos martyres, patrata.” Smith, “Women,” 163.
113 Adrevald, Miraculorum, chap. 28, p. 64: “Illis vero in prece perdurantibus, coepere etiam quique nobiliores, causa tanti rumoris excitati, ad tam venerabile undecumque confluere spectaculum; junctisque precibus vix extorquere quoquomodo ab abbate et fratribus potuerunt, ut extra portam monasterii, ad orientalem plagam, in loco nemoribus consito.”
114 Adrevald, Miraculorum, chap. 28, p. 65; discussed by Jane Tibbetts Schulenberg, “Gender, Celibacy, and Proscriptions of Sacred Space: Symbol and Practice,” in Medieval Purity, ed. Frassetto, 353–376, 366–367.
115 Tuan, Space and Place, 17.