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Relationships of the Brethren with the Mennonites and Quakers, 1708–1865
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
Extract
More than seventy-five years ago, Ludwig Keller (1849–1915), German archivist and historian, wrote to the young Mennonite immigrant to the United States, John Horsch (1867–1941), to propose that
just as in the “Evangelical Alliance” Lutherans, Methodists, Baptists, etc., meet from time to time, the Mennonites of the various branches could join with the Quakers, Schwenkfelders, … Dunkers, several branches of the General Baptists, the Hutterian Brethren, several wings of the Presbyterians, etc., in brief all the parties that grew out of old Anabaptism, in an “Old-Evangelical Alliance” [Alt-evangelischen Bunde].
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References
1. Bender, Elizabeth Horsch, ed., “The Letters of Ludwig Keller to John Horsch,” The Mennonite Quarterly Review, XXI (1947), 3:202Google Scholar, hereafter cited as “M.Q.R.”
2. E. Bender, 189–190.
3. J. H. Kurtz, whose church history was at one time highly regarded, wrote of Keller:
It is Keller's achievement to have brought out into the forefront of scholarly consideration the great significance of Anabaptism in the history of the Christian spirit in the sixteenth century, and to have called emphatic attention to the rich religious literature and remarkable organizational activity of the Anabaptists as well as the primitive Christian elements in the movement. Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte (14th ed. 1906, V, 55)Google Scholar, quoted in Neff, Chirstian, “Ludwig Keller,” The Mennonite Encyclopedia, III, 162–163Google Scholar, hereafter cited as “M. E.” The current renewal of interest in the relevance of Anabaptism as a major Reformation movement in its own right with immediate implications for the present — “the recovery of the Anabaptist vision”—flows in a kind of “apostolic succession” from Keller to Horsch to Bender to the current generation of Mennonite scholars.
The decisive influence on Horsch's interest in Mennonite history was the archivist and historian Ludwig Keller with whom he continued in close touch for ten years (1885–1895), even after his emigration to America, and who directly influenced him to dedicate his life to a revival of the ancient Anabaptist principles in the Mennonite brotherhood.
Bender, Harold S., “John Horsch,” M. E., II, 814Google Scholar; Friedmann, Robert, “John Horsch and Ludwig Keller,” M. Q. R., XXI (1947), 3: 160–174Google Scholar. Bender, late dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary, in turn was inspired in his quest by his father-in-law, John Horsch: “It was in fact, through Horsch and through his marriage to Elizabeth Horsch that Harold Bender first became interested in Anabaptism…” Dyck, Cornelius J., “Harold S. Bender: The Church Historian,” M.Q.R., XXXVIII (1964) 2: 130.Google Scholar
4. For the major recent discussions of predominant influences in the formation of the Brethren see Durnbaugh, Donald F., “Brethren Beginnings: The Origins of the Church of the Brethren in Early Eighteenth-Century Europe,” (unpub. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1960)Google Scholar; Ensign, C. David, “Radical German Pietism (c. 1675- c. 1760),” (unpub. Ph.D.dissertation, Boston University Graduate School 1955)Google Scholar; and Willoughby, William G., “The Beliefs of the Early Brethren,” (unpub. Ph.D. dissertation, Boston University Graduate School, 1951)Google Scholar. These views are analyzed and compared in Durnbaugh, Donald F., “The Genius of the Brethren,” Brethren Life and Thought, IV (1959), 1:4–34Google Scholar; 2:4–18, from which some of the material in this section of the recent article is taken; the journal shall hereafter be cited as “B.L.T.”
5. Durnbaugh, Donald F., ed., European Origins of the Brethren: A Source Book on the Beginnings of the Church of the Brethren in the Early Eighteenth Century (Elgin, III.: The Brethren Press, 1958), pp. 121–122Google Scholar. This source book will hereafter be cited as Origins.
6. Krahn, Cornelius, “Gossen Goyen,” M.E., II, 558Google Scholar; Durnbaugh, , “Brethren Beginnings,” p. 105Google Scholar; the latter contains documentation for the period of Brethren activity in Europe.
7. A partial English translation is found in Origins, pp. 205–206; see also “Eine Mennonitische Taufpredigt aus dem Jahre 1716,” Die Heimat [Krefeld], IV (1924), 2: 197–198.Google Scholar
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9. Origins, p. 216. There was also an earlier Dompelaar movement in Hamburg-Altona with which the Brethren had connections; see “Dompelaars,” M.E., II, 81–82.Google Scholar
10. Translations of the original documents are found in Origins, pp. 217–240; a narrative account is in Durnbaugh, , “Brethren Beginnings,” pp. 115–123Google Scholar. See also Müller, Ernst, Geschichte der Bernischen Täufer (Frauenfeld: J. Huber, 1895), pp. 226–232.Google Scholar
11. De Treytorrens wrote a book protesting the treatment given Pietists, Bernese and Anabaptists, , Letter Missive à mes Excellences à Berne ([n.p.]: 1717)Google Scholar. For assessments of De Treytorrens and the situation in Bern at this time, See Wernle, P., Der schweizerische Protestantismus im XVIII. Jahrhundert (Tübingen: J. C. Mohr, 1923), I, 114 ffGoogle Scholar., and Vuilleumier, H., Historic De l'Eglise Réformé du Pays de Faud sous le Régime Bernois (Lausanne: Editions la Concorde, 1930), III, 469–521.Google Scholar
12. Origins, pp. 228–229, 233.
13. Origins, p. 235.
14. Goebel, Max, Geschichte des christlichen Lebens (Coblenz: Karl Bädecker, 1860), III, 235–267Google Scholar; Origins, pp. 240–280; Durnbaugh, , “Brethren Beginnings,” pp. 123–135.Google Scholar
15. Blaupot ten Cate, Steven, Geschiedenis der Doopsgezinden in Friesland (Leeuwarden: W. Eckhoff, 1839), p. 200Google Scholar; Origins, pp. 292–293.
16. For fuller treatment of this point, see Durnbaugh, , “The Genius of the Brethren,” pp. 24–27.Google Scholar
17. Eberhard Ludwig Grubers Grundforschende Fragen, welche denen Neuen Täuffern, im Witgensteinischen, in sonderheit zu beantworten, vorgelegt waren. Nebst beygefügten Kurzen und cinfältigen Antworten auf diesclben… ([n.p.]: 1713); the latest translation is found in Origins, pp. 325–344. The quotations used above are found on pages 340 and 342–343.
18. Geistliche Fama, mittheilend einige neuere Nachrichten von Göttlichen Erweckungen, Wegen, Führungen, und Gerichten, ed. J. S. Carl and others (Berleburg: 1730–1744), I, 10: 86–89Google Scholar; Origins, pp. 300–301.
19. The basic works on the early history of the Church of the Brethren in America are: Brumbaugh, Martin G., A History of the German Baptist Brethren in Europe and America (Elgin, III.: Brethren Publishing House, 1899)Google Scholar; Sachse, Julius F., The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: The author, 1899–1900), 2 volsGoogle Scholar., which must, however, be used with caution. There is a list of pamphlets which influenced German Migration in Meynen's, EmilBibliography on German Settlements in Colonial North America (Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1937), pp. 23–28.Google Scholar
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21. Durnbaugh, Donald F., ed., “Two Early Letters from Germantown,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, LXXXIV (1960), 2: 219–233.Google Scholar
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23. “Einmüthiger Schlusz der General-Synodi von Pennsylvania wegen der Religionen,” in Büdingische Sammlung (Büdingen, J. C. Stohr, 1742–1744), II, 12: 815.Google Scholar
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25. Evans, Charles, American Bibliography (Chicago: 1903–1933), 5971Google Scholar; hereafter cited as “Evans.”
26. Durnbaugh, Donald F. and Shultz, Lawrence W., “A Brethren Bibliography, 1713–1963: Two Hundred Fifty Years of Brethren Literature,” B.L.T., IX (1964), 1–2: 13Google Scholar; Evans, 5957; Seidensticker, Oswald, The First Century of German Printing in America, 1728–1830 (Philadelphia: Schaefer and Koradi, 1893), p. 28Google Scholar; hereafter cited as “Seidensticker.” For a discussion of the treatise, sec Eller, Vernard, “Friends, Brethren, Separatists,” B.L.T., VII (1962), 4: 47–56.Google Scholar
27. Der durch Europa und America aufmerksame Reisende (Altona: Johann L. F. Richter, 1777), pp. 8–9Google Scholar. A portion of this work was published in English translation as Anonymous' Travels through Europe and America… (Ephrata: [the Community], 1793)Google Scholar, but did not include the descriptions, likely because of the uncomplimentary references to the Ephrata Community; Evans, 25114.
28. On the Germantown Academy, see Travis, Wm., History of the Germantown Academy (Philadelphia: Ferguson Bros., 1882)Google Scholar. Leatherman, Quintus, “Christopher Dock, Mennonite Schoolmaster, 1718–1771,” M.Q.R., XVI (1942), 1: 32–44Google Scholar. The editions of Dock's treatise are noted in Scidensticker, p. 81.
29. Evans, 5703, 6256; Seidensticker, pp. 25, 30; Funkc, Anneliese Marckwald, “Ephrata: The Printing Press of the Brotherhood,” in The Ephrata Cloisters: An Annotated Bibliography, comps. Doll, E. E. and Funke, A. M. (Philadelphia: Carl Schurz Memorial Foundation, 1944), pp. 89, 93–94Google Scholar; Bender, pp. 2–3. Irouically, those copies of theMartyrs' Mirror still on hand at the time of the Revolutionary War were seized by the American forces over the protests of the pacifist Ephrata Brethren, and used for wadding in cartridges. This occurrence is mentioned, although in garbled fashion, in Jameson, J. Franklin, The American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement (Boston: Beacon Press, 1956), pp. 57–58Google Scholar. The incident is described in the Community's chronicle, Lamech, and Agrippa [pseud.], , eds., Chronicon Ephratense; A History of the Community of Seventh Day Baptists, trans. Hark, J. Max (Lancaster, Pa.: S. H. Zahm, 1889), pp. 209–210, 213–214.Google Scholar
30. See Bender, Wilbur J., “Pacifism among the Mennonites, Amish Mennonites, and Schwenkfelders of Pennsylvania to 1783” M.Q.R., I (1927), 3:23–40Google Scholar: “Besides the Mennonites and Amish there were several other groups in Pennsylvania with similar ideals, mostly of German blood. The Moravian Brethren were generally pacifist. The Tunkers (Dunkards) believed almost exactly as the Mennonites on war and the state and, being small in numbers, before the Revolution, identified themselves with the Mennonites in most of their public actions.” (p.25).
31. Jones, Rufus M., The Quakers in the American Colonies (New York: Russell and Russell, 1962), p. 486.Google Scholar
32. Quoted in Rothermund, Dietmar, The Layman's Progress: Religious and Political Experience in Colonial Pennsylvania, 1740–1770 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1961), pp. 164–165CrossRefGoogle Scholar; hereafter cited as “Rothermund.”
33. Tappert, Theodore G. and Doberstein, John W., eds., The Notebook of a Colonial Clergyman (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1959), pp. 30, 114–115Google Scholar. See also Steckel, William R., “Pietist in Colonial Pennsylvania: Christopher Sauer, Printer” (unpub. Ph.D. Dissertation, Stanford University 1949).Google Scholar
34. The title of the pamphlet written by Smith reveals his aim: A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania, in which the Conduct of their Assemblies for several Years past is impartially examined, and the True Cause of the continual Encroachments of the French displayed, more especially the secret Design of their late unwarrantable Invasion and Settlement up the river Ohio. To which is annexed, An easy Plan for restoring Quiet in the public Measure of the Province, and defeating the ambitious Views of the French in time to come (2nd ed., London: R. Griffiths 1755), p. 26. This began a hot interchange, eulminating in Smith's arrest by the Assembly.
35. See Gegenheimer, Albert F., William Smith: Educator and Churchman, 1727–1803 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1943), pp. 124–156.Google Scholar
36. Weber, Samuel E., The Charity School Movement … (Philadelphia: W. J. Campbell, 1905)Google Scholar; Bell, Whitfield J. Jr, “Benjamin Franklin and the German Charity Schools,” Studies on Benjamin Franklin: The Two Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of his Birth, January 17, 1956 (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1955), pp. 381–387Google Scholar; and Bridenbaugh, Carl, Mitre and Sceptre: Transatlantic Faiths, Ideas, Personalities, and Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), pp. 133–135Google Scholar. Bridenbaugh quoted from a published letter of Smith's giving an excellent picture of the establishment Smith favored: As to the Political Uses of national Establishments, he must indeed be a very shallow politician who does not see them. The Statesman has always found it necessary for the Purposes of Government, to raise some one Denomination of religions above the Rest to a certain Degree, this favor'd Denomination, by these Means, becomes as it were the Creature of the Government, which is thus enabled to turn the Balance and keep all in Subjection. For as such Establishments may be made in favor of one Party as well as another, the Party that is uppermost becomes a Balance for all the tolerated Sects; and these last, in hopes of that Preference in their Turn, are always tractable. But let a Government once give away the Power of bestowing its own favors, and let all Sects and Persuasions be equally favor'd, equally independent of the Constitution, how shall they be influene'd or how rul 'd?
37. Regeln und Articuls zu besserer Regierung und Auführung Ihro Majestät Garden zu Pferde und zu Fusze… Auf Ihro Majestät Befehl öffentlich herausgegeben und auf Veranstaltung der General Trustees, so zur Aufrichtung englisher Schulen unter den Teutschen in Pennsylvanien verordnet sind, zum Besten der unter Ihrer Majestät regulären und Provinzialen Truppen in Nord Amerika stehenden Teutschen aus dem Englischen ins Teutsche übersetst (Philadelphia: Gedruckt von B. Fränklin und A. Armbruster, 1757). Seidensticker remarked that it “seems strange that the trustees…should use their trust funds for Printing Rules and Articles of War. But the Society,, while professedly charitable and religious, had also political aims… (p. 49). The quotation from Sauer is from a letter in the Abraham Harley Cassel Collection, Juniata College, Huntingdon, Pa., published in English translation in Rothermund, pp. 171–172.
38. Richard Hockley to Thomas Penn, November 1, 1742, quoted in Rothermund, p. 73.
39. A Brief State, p. 26.
40. Samuel Purviance to Colonel James Burd, September 20, 1765, quoted in Rothermund, pp. 187–188.
41. Hershberger, Guy F., “The Pennsylvania Quaker Experiment in Polities,” M.Q.R., X (1936), 4: 187–221Google Scholar. Tolles, Frederick B., Meeting House and Counting House: The Quaker Merchants of Colonial Philadelphia, 1682–1763 (Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1948), pp. 9–11.Google Scholar
42. The Penington quotation is found in Bainton, Roland A., Christian Attitudes toward War and Peace (New York and Nashville, 1960), P. 153.Google Scholar
43. Jones, p. 463. “The teaching of Penn was not the teaching of Tolstoy. Resist all you can with vigour and practical efficacy but do it morally, said one. Do not do anything, says the other, except your own quiet work; the truth will triumph of itself if you do not obstruct” (pp. 469–470).
44. The best analysis of this problem, based on extensive archival research, is that of James, Sydney V., A People Among Peoples: Quaker Benevolence in Eighteenth-Century America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), pp. 142–157CrossRefGoogle Scholar. James points out that Quaker influence came back in a side door through the “Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures.” In the spring of 1757, they were active in enlisting the German pacifists to their program of peaceful approaches to the Indians. See also, Davidson, Robert L. D., War comes to Quaker Pennsylvania, 1682–1756 (New York: Temple University Publications, 1957).Google Scholar
45. The split was still obvious in the Revolutionary War period when open advocates of legitimate wars of defense were to be heard. The Free Quaker schism is a case in point. Rufus Jones, however, tells the anecdote of the Friend who stood up at Yearly Meeting to support the position enunciated along this line by James Logan, who was plucked down by his coat tail with the remark “Sit thee down, Robert, thou art single in the matter.” Typologists of pacifism might consider this a case of semi-violent direct action. Sums, up Jones, “the political Quaker was dying hard, and was never beyound hope of resurrection” (p. 556).Google Scholar
46. Bainton, p. 152.
47. In the contemporary accounts, Sauer refers to himself as a Separatist and is so referred to by others. His closest smpathies were with the Church of the Brethren, but he did not actually become a member.
48. Samuel Purviance to Colonel James Burd, September. 20, 1765: The little hopes of success as well as the difficulty of engaging proper persons for the purpose, has discouraged me from attempting a project recommended by some friends, of sending some Germans to work upon their Countrymen—but that no probable means may fail, have sent up some copies of a piece lately printed by Sowers of Germantown to be dispersed and which may possibly have some effect…(Rothermund, p. 187), The pamphlet was Wertheste LandesLeute, Sonderlich in Philadelphia Bucks and Berks-Caunty: (Germantown: 1765), listed in “A Brethren Bibliography,” 23.Google Scholar
49. Anthony Benezet to Samuel Smith, 17th of 8th month, 1765, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, A.L.S.
50. Smith, Samuel, History of the Province of Pennsylvania, ed. Mervine, W. M., (Philadelphia; J. B. Lippincott Co., 1913), pp. 168–197.Google Scholar
51. Published as A Short and Sincere Declaration to our Honorable Assembly, and all others in high or Low Station of Administration, and to all Friends and Inhabitants of this Country, to whose sight this may come, be they English or Germans (Philadelphia: Henry Miller, 1775); A Brethren Bibliography,” 28. A German translation was also printed. See Bowman, Rufus D., The Church of the Brethren and War, 1708–1941 (Elgin, Ill.: Brethren Publishing House, 1944), pp. 79–81Google Scholar, with reference to the publication of the same petition in the Pennsylvania Archives. Often republished.
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55. Minutes of the Annual Meetings of the Brethren (Dayton, Ohio: Christian Publishing Association, 1876), p. 6; Bowman, p. 92.Google Scholar
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57. Bowman, pp. 85–86, contains the action of the Maryland Convention. See the “Journal of the Committee of Observation of the Middle District of Frederick County, Md.” Maryland Historical Magazine, X (1915) 4:301ffGoogle Scholar., for information on how a typical committee followed the regulations. The Colonial and State Records of North Carolina have numerous references to the laws passed concerning the peace churches.
58. Edwards, Morgan, Materials toward a History of the American Baptists (Philadelphia: Joseph Crukehank and Isaac Collins, 1770), I, 66Google Scholar. Schoepf, John David, “Reise dureh eiaige der mittlern mid südlichen vereinigten Nordamericanisehen Staaten.,…” Acten, Urkunden, und Nachrichten zur neusten Kirchengeschichte (Weimar: C. L. Hoffmanu, 1791), II, 10: 23–24Google Scholar; Yoder, Don, “Plain Dutch and Gay Dutch,” The Pennsylvania Dutchman, VIII (1956), 1: 34–55Google Scholar. Yoder maintained: “From similarity in beliefs and practices, the Brethren, who came to Pennsylvania, and settled among the Mennonites, have absorbed the general ‘plain’ Mennonite patterns and dress and living from their Mennonite naighbors.” (p. 50) and Certain outward influences from the Quaker world penetrated into the German dialect-speaking plain world. The Quaker Meeting house with its two doors, its axis through the short side of the house, its shutters and general resemblance to a Georgian house rather than a church was copied by Mennonites and Brethren and spread west, south, and north with the Dutch [German] Diaspora. (p. 43).
59. [Kunze, Johann C.], Der Besiegte Wiedertauffer, in Unterredungen uber Kindertaufe und Untertauchung (Lancaster: Albert and Lahn, 1788)Google Scholar. This was a reply to Mack's publication Apologie, oder schriftmdsige Verantwortung Etlicher Wahrheiten (Ephrata: 1788)Google Scholar. Mack answered Kunze with Anhang sum Widerteyten Wiedertäufer (Eprata: 1788)Google Scholar; “A Brethren Bibliography,” 37–38.
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65. For the Mennonite books, see Bender, pp. 9, 10, 11; for the Brethren books, see “A Brethren Bibliography,” 57, 71, 75, 105.
66. For Funk's books, see Bender, pp. 23, 26, and Horst, Irvin B., “Joseph Funk, Early Mennonite Printer and Publisher,” M.Q.R., XXXI (1957), 4: 260–277Google Scholar. For Kline's pamphlets, see “A Brethren Bibliography,” 158, 163; Brunk, Harry A., History of Mennonites in Virginia, 1727–1900 (Staunton, Va.: McClure Printing Company, 1959), I, 125–134, discusses the interchange.Google Scholar
67. Funk, Benjamin, ed., Life and Labors of Elder John Kline (Elgin, Ill.: Brethren Publishing House, 1900), p. 457.Google Scholar
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69. For examples, see Brunk, pp. 21, 250, 275.
70. Bowman, pp. 101–156; Sanger, Samuel F. and Hays, Daniel, The Olive Branch of Peace and Good Will to Men. Anti-war History of the Brethren and Mennonites, the Peace People, of the South, during the Civil War, 1861–1865 (Elgin, Ill.: Brethren Publishing House, 1907)Google Scholar; Brunk, rev, ed., pp. 157–177; Hershberger, Guy F., War, Peace, and Nonresistance (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1953), pp. 101–109Google Scholar; Hirst, Margaret E., Quakers in Peace and War (New York: George H. Doran, 1923)Google Scholar; Wright, Edward N., Conscientious Objectors in the Civil War (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1931)Google Scholar, the latter dealing with all the pacifist groups, but emphasizing more the Quakers.
71. Zigler, D. H., A- History -of the Brethren in Virginia (Elgin, Ill: Brethren Publishing House, 1908), p. 98.Google Scholar
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73. Quoted in W. J. Bender, p. 37.
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