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¹³ We recognize that what we label as “culture” is not everyone's idea of culture. If the reader feels that our use of the term is presumptuous, he or she should feel free to substitute the more precise if less felicitous phrase, “grid-group theory.”

¹⁴ The entrepreneurial character of the American farmer has been noted by many observers. See, for example, Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1969), 554Google Scholar; and Hofstadter, Richard, The Age of Reform (New York: Vintage, 1955), 38–46.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ See Duberman, Martin, “The Abolitionists and Psychology,” The Journal of Negro History (07 1962), 183–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²² Ibid., especially 63–67.

²³ Charles Folien, quoted in ibid., 44.

²⁴ Douglas, , “Cultural Bias,” 206.Google Scholar

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²⁸ See, for example, John Thomas' conclusion that Garrison's “view of the world as a vast arena for the struggle between God and the devil … disclosed the longings of an authoritarian mind” (The Liberator, 457).

²⁹ Douglas, , Natural Symbols, 107–124; and “Cultural Bias,” 206.Google Scholar

³⁰ Friedman, , Gregarious Saints, 1Google Scholar; Kraditor, Aileen S., Means and Ends in American Abolitionism: Garrison and His Critics on Strategy and Tactics, 1834–1850 (New York: Pantheon, 1969), 8Google Scholar. The distinction between abolitionism and market antislavery is forcefully argued in Duberman, Martin, “The Northern Response to Slavery,” in The Antislavery Vanguard: New Essays on the Abolitionists, Duberman, Martin, ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), 395–413.Google Scholar

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³³ Ibid., 226, 234, 237, 241.

³⁴ Ibid., 236.

³⁵ Ibid., 115–9, 235–7. See also Perry, Lewis, Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1973), 158–87.Google Scholar

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³⁸ Ibid., 234, 244.

³⁹ Ibid., 230. The abolitionists' antipathy to authority is brought out most clearly in Lewis Perry's excellent study, Radical Abolitionism. By labeling abolitionist thought as anarchism, however, Perry obscures the heavy emphasis placed by abolitionists on community. “Egalitarian collectivism” is a more accurate designation, we believe, because it captures both the abolitionists' hostility to authority and their commitment to group life.

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⁶⁰ Ibid. 148.

⁶¹ Douglas, Mary and Wildaysky, Aaron, Risk and Culture: An Essay on the Selection of Technological and Environmental Dangers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 139.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ Ibid., 63–64, 27.

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¹⁰⁵ Genovese, , “Slavery Ordained of God,” 19.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁹ Lincoln was a regular subscriber to the Richmond Enquirer and the Charlestown Mercury, two of the South's most fervently proslavery newspapers. For Lincoln's familiarity with proslav-ery writings, see Wish, Harvey, George Fitzhugh: Propagandist of the Old South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1943), 150–7.Google Scholar

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¹²⁶ Ibid., 39.

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¹³⁵ Speech at Springfield, Illinois, accepting the Republican senatorial nomination, Speeches, 76.

¹³⁶ Although the editorial was unsigned (leading Lincoln to erroneously attribute authorship to the paper's chief editor), subsequent scholarship has shown Fitzhugh to be the author (Wish, George Fitzhugh, 150–2).

¹³⁷ Dwight Dumond describes Stephen Douglas as a “master of ambiguity” (Antislavery Origins, 101). For Douglas' use (and defense) of ambiguity, see Johannsen, Robert, Douglas, Stephen A. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), esp. 427 and 440. Lincoln's insistence on shifting attention from the policy aspects of the slavery question to issues of principle is pointed out in Potter, Impending Crisis, 338–9.Google Scholar

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