¹ See esp. Mitter, Armin and Wolle, Stefan, Untergang auf Raten: Unbekannte Kapitel der DDR-Geschichte (Munich: Bertelsmann, 1993)Google Scholar, and Manfred Hertwig, ‘Der Umgang des Staates mit oppositionellem und widerstandigem Verhalten. Die Opposition von Intellektuellen in der SED/DDR in den fünfziger Jahren (insbesondere 1953, 1956/57), ihre Unterdrückung und Ausschaltung’, in Bundestag, Deutscher, (ed.), Materialien der Enquete-Kommission ‘Aufarbeitung von Geschichte und Folgen der SED-Diktatur in Deutschland (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1995), vii 873–95.Google Scholar Standard accounts are Wilhelm Fricke, Karl, Opposition und Widerstand in der DDR (Cologne: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1984)Google Scholar, and Jänicke, Martin, Der Dritte Weg: Die antistalinistische Opposition gegen Ulbricht seit 1953 (Cologne: Neuer Deutscher Verlag, 1964).Google Scholar

² Materialien der Enquete-Kommission, vii. 140, and Die Zeit, US ed., Vol. 51, no. 47 (1996), 8.

³ Griffith, William E., ‘The Decline and Fall of Revisionism in Eastern Europe’, in Labedz, Leopold, (ed.), Revisionism. Essays on the History of Marxist Ideas (New York: Praeger 1962), 227.Google Scholar

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⁵ The Czechoslovak liberalisation of the 1960s in many ways began in 1956. See Kusin, Vladimir V., The Intellectual Origins of the Prague Spring: The Development of Reformist Ideas in Czechoslovakia 1956–1967 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 19–27Google Scholar; the comments of A. Liehm in Kusin, V. V., The Czechoslovak Reform Movement 1968 (London: International Research Documents, 1973), 67–78.Google Scholar For accounts of student demonstrations in Prague and Bratislava, see Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 16 June, 7 July 1956; The New York Times 22 May, 15 June 1956; Hinter dem Eisemen Vorhang, July 1956; RFE Reports, item nos 5569, 5741, 5742, 5924, 7912/56.

⁶ Large majorities of writers of several generations thoughout East Central Europe warmly embraced Soviet-style socialism. See Miłeosz, Czeslaw, The Captive Mind (New York: Vintage, 1981)Google Scholar, Trznadel, Jacek, Hańba domowa. rozmowy z pisarzami (Lublin: Wydawnictwo Test, 1991)Google Scholar; Hruby, Peter, Fools and Heroes. The Changing Role of Communist Intellectuals in Czechoslovakia (Oxford: Pergamon, 1980)Google Scholar; Aczel, Tamas and Meray, Tibor, The Revolt of the Mind (New York: Praeger, 1959).Google Scholar This view contrasts with that offered by Olschowsky, Heinrich, ‘Das Jahr 1956 in der literarischen Szene der DDR’, in Henning Hahn, Hans and Olschowsky, Heinrich, (eds.), Das Jahr 1956 in Ostmitteleuropa (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1996), 133.Google Scholar

⁷ See, for example, Kenez, Peter, Varieties of Fear: Growing Up Jewish under National Socialism and Communism (Washington, DC: American University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Goldstücker, Edward, Prozesse: Erfahrungen eines Mitteleuropäers (Munich: A. Knaus, 1989)Google Scholar; Margolius Kovaly, Heda, Under a Cruel Star: A Life in Prague 1941–1968 (Cambridge, MA: Plunkett Lake Press, 1986)Google Scholar; Kott, Jan, Still Alive (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; Bauman, Janina, A Dream of Belonging: My Life in Postwar Poland (London: Virago, 1986)Google Scholar; Venclova, Tomas, Aleksander Wat: Life and Art of an Iconoclast (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996).Google Scholar

⁸ In early 1954 almost one in ten SED members had belonged to the NSDAP; fully 27 per cent were members of one of its subordinate organisations. Foitzik, Jan, ‘Die stalinistischen “Säuberungen” in den ostmitteleuropäischen kommunistischen Parteien. Ein vergleichender Überblick’, Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, Vol. 40, no. 8 (1992), 745.Google Scholar

⁹ Aczel, and Meray, , Revolt; Peter Raina, Political Opposition in Poland (London: Poets and Painters Press, 1978), 39–44Google Scholar; Friszke, Andrzej, Opozycja polityczna w PRL 1945–1980 (London: Aneks, 1994), 67.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Several scholars have posited the SED's comparative success in transforming élites. Meuschel, Legitimation, 128–9; Fulbrook, Mary, Anatomy of a Dictatorship: Inside the GDR 1949–1989 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 81.Google Scholar

¹¹ For the absence of such an intelligentsia in the GDR see Melvin Croan, ‘East German Revisionism: The Spectre and the Reality’, in Labedz, Revisionism, 240.

¹² This approximates Ernst Richert's conception of a three-fold division of the East German intellectual community: students, writers and social scientists. ‘Sozialistische Universität’. Die Hochschulpolitik der SED (Berlin: Colloquium, 1967), 142.Google Scholar

¹³ For a discussion of controls over the production of art and literature in the early post-war period, see Pike, David, The Politics of Culture in Soviet-occupied Germany 1945–1949 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992).Google Scholar

¹⁴ On the purging, see Ash, Mitchell G., ‘Denazifying Scientists – and Science’, in Judt, M. and Ciesla, B., (eds.), Technology Transfer out of Germany after 1945, (Chur, 1995).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Marianne, and Erwin Müller, Egon, ‘… stürmt die Festung Wissenschaft!’ Die Sowjetisierung der mitteldeutschen Universitäten seit 1945 (Berlin: Colloquium Verlag, 1953), 65;Google Scholar Universitätsarchiv Greifs-wald, personnel file Ernst Lohmeyer.

¹⁶ Bundesarchiv, Abteilungen Potsdam, (BAAP), R2/1060/21.

¹⁷ See, for example, the faculty listings in Jordan, František, (ed.), Dějiny University v Brně, (Brno: Universita J. E. Purkyně, 1969), 370–84.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Soviet officers strongly encouraged the German administration to increase rapidly the numbers of workers at the universities. Examples in Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen im Bundesarchiv (SAPMO-BA); Zentrales Parteiarchiv (ZPA), Berlin, IV2/9.04/697 (unnumbered); Hans-Hendrik Kasper, ‘Der Kampf der SED um die Heranbildung einer Intelligenz aus der Arbeiterklasse und der werktätigen Bauemschaft über die Vorstudienanstalten an den Universitäten und Hochschulen der sowjetischen Besatzungszone Deutschlands 1945/46–1949’, PhD Thesis (Freiberg i. S., 1979), 172; BAAP, R2/4008/56.

¹⁹ BAAP, R2/900/13–14.

²⁰ The Soviet model for such courses, the rabfak, was used intensively only in the early post-revolutionary period and during the Great Break (1928–32). It was scaled down and then abandoned altogether in the 1930s. See Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union 1921–1934 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1979).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹ The East German total represents an average figure from 1952/6. The Czech and Polish numbers are from peak periods in the early 1950s. Státní ústřední archiv, Prague (SÚA) ÚPV 2481 12/3.81.43/54; Archiwum Akt Nowych, Warsaw (AAN) MSW 17/91–2; KC PZPR 237/XVI/120/43; 121/103–5; Statistisches Jahrbuch der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik 1960/61 (Berlin: VEB Deutscher Zentralverlag, 1961), 132–3.Google Scholar

²² Müller, ‘… stürmt die Festung Wissenschaft’, 364–79. By 1956 that number had grown to 579. Report of Horst Böttcher, 28 Aug. 1956, SAPMO-BA IV2/9.04/667 (unnumbered).

²³ Connelly, John, ‘East German Higher Education Policies and Student Resistance, 1945–1948’, Central European History, Vol. 28, no. 3 (1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁴ In Prague, see the Klement Gottwald papers, esp. SÚA-AÚV KSČ, f. 100/24 a.j. 956,975,978; f. 19/7 a.j. 1–346; in Warsaw, see the Party collections AAN KC PPR 295/XVII, KC PZPR 237/XVI, and the state collections of Ministerstwo Oświaty and Ministerstwo Szkolnictwa Wyzszego.

²⁵ In June 1950 Ulbricht demanded that the intake for worker-peasant faculties that year be increased from 1,500 to 4,500. BAAP, C20/1019/82–5. For other records of Ulbricht's extraordinary activism see ibid., C20/16, C20/1011; R2/1892/76, 1154/1, 1125/115, 1478/252; R3/223/5; E1/17085/60–92, 17514/6; SAPMO-BA ZPA NL 182/933; IV2/9.04/465.

²⁶ See, for example, the comments of Professor W. Hauser at ‘Vierte Tagung des zentralen Hochschulausschusses der SED am 7. und 8. Februar 1948’, SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV2/9.04/6 (unnumbered), 241.

²⁷ Richert, Hochschulpolitik, 133.

²⁸ These figures may be inflated because they include everyone employed in the agricultural sector. The percentages of workers only among the student body in 1946/7 and 1947/8 were 7.2 and 6.7, respectively. SÚA ÚPV 1110, C. 211894/48.

²⁹ Stallmann, Herbert, Hochschulzugang in der SBZ/DDR (Sankt Augustin: Richarz, 1980), 305–7.Google Scholar

³⁰ AAN MO/2869/47–50.

³¹ Statystyka szkolnictwa, Aug. 1966, 40.

³² SÚA – AÚV KSČ, f. 100/1 a.j. 1155/117.

³³ AAN MSW 17/91–2.

³⁴ SÚA – AÚV KSČ, f. 19/7, a.j. 280/96.

³⁵ Statystyka szkolnictwa, Aug. 1966, 40.

³⁶ SÚA ÚPV 2481.

³⁷ Statistická ročenka Republiky Československé 1957 (Prague: Orbis, 1957), 238. The differences in Czech and Czechoslovak totals are explained by the influx of students of peasant background into the Slovak student body.

³⁸ Statistická ročenka Československé Socialistické Republiky 1962 (Prague: Státní nakladatelství technické literatury, 1962), 419.

³⁹ SÚA AÚV KSČ f. 19/7 a.j. 280/95.

⁴⁰ Historická statistická ročenka ČSSR, (Prague: SNTL – Nakladatelství technické literatury, 1985), 595, 597.

⁴¹ Rocznik statystyczny 1960 (Warsaw, 1960), 357; Rocznik statystyczny 1970 (Warsaw, 1970), 423, 439.

⁴² Statistisches Jahrbuch der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik 1960/61 (Berlin, 1961), 133; Statistisches Jahrbuch der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik 1970 (Berlin, 1970), 386.

⁴³ Kienitz, Werner, (ed.), Das Schulwesen sozialistischer Länder in Europa (Berlin: Volk und Wissen, 1962), 266–7, 352.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ BAAP, R2/1060/46; Kasper, ‘Der Kampf’, 272.

⁴⁵ Hübner, Piotr, Nauka polska po II wojnie światowej – idee i instytucje (Warsaw: Centralny Ośrodek Metodyczny Studiów Nauk Politycznych, 1987) 134, 173Google Scholar; Fijałekowska, Barbara, Polityka i twórcy (1948–1959), (Warsaw: PWN, 1985), 464.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Hübner, Nauka, 174. In 1958 the number of Polish professors and docents belonging to the Party was 11.4 per cent. Fijalkowska, Polityka, 464.

⁴⁷ Jessen, Ralph, ‘Professoren im Sozialismus. Aspekte des Strukturwandels der Hochschullehrerschaft in der Ulbricht-Ära’, in Kaelble, Harmut, Kocka, Jürgen and Zwahr, Harmut (eds.), Sozialgeschichte der DDR (Stuttgart: Klett, 1994), 241.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Connelly, John, ‘Students, Workers, and Social Change: The Limits of Czech Stalinism’, Slavic Review, Vol. 56, no. 2 (1997).CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the central role of former peasants in East European Communist élites see Bauman, Zygmunt, ‘Social Dissent in the East European Political System’, in Faber, Bernard L. (ed.), The Social Structure of Eastern Europe (New York: Praeger, 1976), 129.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ This figure pertains to students of Charles University in Prague and Masaryk University in Brno. SÚA-AÚV KSČ, f. 02/4, a.j. 120, bod 19.

⁵⁰ The Polish regime mostly scrapped the affirmative action policy in 1955, though there was a brief resurgence after 1965. Osiński, Jan, ‘Zasada preferencji społeecznej jako metoda przyspieszenia demokratizacji wyzszego wykształecenia’, in Roszkowska, Magdalena, ed., Rekrutacja mlodziezy na studia wyzsze (Warsaw: PWN, 1973), 199.Google Scholar In Hungary, the class-based quota system was relaxed in the mid-1950s. Szelényi, Sonija and Aschaffenburg, Karen, ‘Inequalities in Educational Opportunity in Hungary’, in Shavit, Yossi and Blossfeld, Hans-Peter (eds.), Persistent Inequality: Changing Educational Attainment in Thirteen Countries (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1993), 274, 295.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Kocka, Jürgen and Sabrow, Martin (eds.), Die DDR als Geschichte (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1994), 54–5.Google Scholar

⁵² Huschner, Anke, ‘Der 17. Juni 1953 an Universitäten und Hochschulen der DDR’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, no. 5 (1991), 682;Google ScholarKowalczuk, Ilko-Sascha, ‘Volkserhebung ohne “Geistesarbeiter?” Die Intelligenz in der DDR’, in Kowalczuk, Ilko-Sascha, Mitter, Armin and Wolle, Stefan (eds.), Der Tag X 17. Juni 1953 (Berlin: Linksverlag, 1996), 153–7.Google Scholar

⁵³ The SED higher education functionary Franz X. Wohlgemuth reported at the first rectors conference after 17 June that ‘there have been no disorders [Unruhen] at any universities’. BAAP, R3/1538/30. In Halle there were some extraordinary cases of students taking part in demonstrations, but ‘in general one can say that the university and its members showed their good side during the events of 17 June 1953’. In Berlin, many students ‘show[ed] a positive attitude either by turning away from the demonstrations, or by discussing with the demonstrators instead of joining them’. BAAP R3/147/28–34.

⁵⁴ Huschner, ‘Der 17. Juni’, 690–1.

⁵⁵ Speech of 5 July 1954, in Lammel, Hans-Joachim (ed.), Dokumente zur Geschichte der Arbeiter-und-Bauem-Fakultäten der DDR, II: 1949–1966 (Berlin: Institut für Hochschulbildung, 1988), 130–43.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ By January 1952, over 14,000 ‘individual contracts’ of up to 20,000 marks monthly had been concluded with ‘members of the intelligentsia’. The average monthly wage in the GDR at that time was 308 marks. Kowalczuk, Ilko-Sascha, ‘Die Durchsetzung des Marxismus-Leninismus in der Geschichtswissenschaft der DDR (1945–1961)’, in Sabrow, Martin and Walther, Peter Th. (eds.), Historische Forschung und sozialistische Diktatur: Beiträge zur Geschichtswissenschaft der DDR (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 1995), 53.Google Scholar In 1953, over 20 per cent of professors had individual contracts, and workers believed that they also benefitted from special shops [Intelligenzläden.] Huschner, ‘Der 17. Juni’, 682.

⁵⁷ Hans Mayer, for example, was taken daily to and from university by taxi – an unimaginable luxury for Leipzig the early 1950s. Krzok, Andreas, ‘Erinnerung an Leipzig’, in Jens, Inge, (ed.), Über Hans Mayer (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1977), 126.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ RFE Report, Item no. 353/57; Luczak, Czesłeaw (ed.), University of Poznań 1919–1969 (Poznań: Drukarnia Uniwersytetu im. A. Mickiewicza, 1971), 255.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See the letter of Soviet Professor P.M. Bidulya to Z. Fierlinger in SÚA AÚV KSČ fo. 19/7 a.j. 272/99–103, and the report of a trip in the spring of 1953 of Czechoslovak higher education experts to the Soviet Union, in ibid., f. 19/7, a.j. 272/2 136–43.

⁶⁰ In 1951 7.7 per cent of East German professors were of working-class background, and 23.1 per cent belonged to the SED. In 1971 the figures were 39.1 per cent and 61.5 per cent respectively. Jessen, Ralph, hochschule ost, no. 3 (1995), 70.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Huschner mentions Halle and Jena, ‘Der 17. Juni’, 690.

⁶² Zimmermann, Hans-Dieter, Der Wahnsinn des Jahrhunderts. Die Verantwortung der Schriftsteller in der Politik (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1992).Google Scholar Yet they also found that workers possessed some legitimate complaints. See esp. the comments of Ernst and Karola Bloch, in SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV 2/9.04/426/93–95.

⁶³ SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV 2/9.04/426/97–9.

⁶⁴ On professors’ understanding for workers’ demands, see the comments on rector Hämel of Jena. Huschner, ‘Der 17. Juni’, 690.

⁶⁵ Krönig, Waldemar and Müller, Klaus-Dieter, Anpassung Widerstand Verfolgung. Hochschule und Studenten in der SBZ und DDR 1945–1961 (Cologne: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1994), 364–93.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ BAAP R3/6323/13, 19. Later, there would be reports of ‘openly hostile attitudes’ expressed at the general meeting of members of the University of Leipzig on 25 July 1953. ‘Entwurf einer Entschliessung der PO der Institute f. Philosophic und Psychologie der KMU Leipzig’, BAAP R3/4230.

⁶⁷ ibid. This report from early 1954 is typical of the return to the Stalinist practices of intimidation and crushing of dissent. Now it was noted that ‘the Party organisation stands unanimously behind the Central Committee decisions and thanks the Central Committee for the annihilation of the traitorous Hermstadt–Zaisser Group’.

⁶⁸ Heider, Magdalena, Politik–Kultur–Kulturbund: Zur Gründungs- und Frühgeschichte des Kulturbundes zur demokratischen Erneuerung Deutschlands 1945–1954 in der SBZ/DDR (Cologne: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik), 184.Google Scholar In 1956 Ulbricht would demonstrate a similar adeptness at staying one step ahead of a popular mass movement by himself inaugurating the formation of ‘workers’ councils’, fearing that East German workers might follow the Hungarian example. Heym, Stefan, Nachruf (Berlin: Der Morgen, 1990), 605–6.Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ Deutsches Tagebuch, zweiter Teil (Munich: Kindler, 1961), 553.

⁷¹ See Pike, Politics, x.

⁷² On the behaviour of these ‘writers in uniform’ in comparison with that of Hungarian writers, see Kantorowicz, Deutsches Tagebuch, zweiter Teil, 682.

⁷³ Krüger, Horst (ed.), Das Ende einer Utopie: Hingabe und Selbstbefreiung früherer Kommunisten (Freiburg: Walter-Verlag), 183.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Neues Deutschland, 3 Nov. 1956, cited in Richert, , Hochschulpolitik, 139.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ These were to be accepted at university SED organisations without deliberation. Kantorowicz, , Tagebuch, 603.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Mitter, and Wolle, , Untergang, 231.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Krönig and Müller, Hochschule, 294–5. On the re-instatement see Aktennotiz für Gen. Hager, 4. Juni 1956. SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV2/9.04/46/19–21; Politbureau meeting of 23 April 1957, in SAPMO-BA, ZPAIV2/2/538.

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⁸² ibid., 263.

⁸³ Richert, , Hochschulpolitik, 133.Google Scholar For the greater personal continuity among professors of medical faculties, see Jessen, Ralph, ‘Vom Ordinarius zum sozialistischen Professor. Die Neukonstruktion des Hochschullehrerberufs in der SBZ/DDR, 1945–1969’, in Bessel, Richard and Jessen, Ralph (eds.), Die Grenzen der Diktatur: Staat und Gesellschaft in der DDR (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1996), 92–3.Google Scholar

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⁸⁷ Kantorowicz, , Tagebuch, 684, 686–8Google Scholar; Krönig, and Müller, , Hochschule, 291–2.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Beginning in early 1957, a group of seven to eight students formed in Halle for free discussion of ‘political and world view problems’. They were moved by the ‘growth of intolerance in political life after the suppression of the Hungarian Uprising’. Two of the founders were sentenced to seven years in prison for ‘state treason’. Kronig, and Müller, , Hochschule, 296–300.Google Scholar In 1958 four students in Magdeburg were given prison sentences of several years for protesting at the founding of a medical academy there. ibid., 300. A group of students formed in Jena in 1954 at the Eisenberg high school, and considered themselves a true resistance group in the tradition of Stauffenberg. They continued meeting as students in Jena, until discovered in 1958. ibid., 301–4. In 1959, a trial took place in Dresden of five students of the Technical University who had formed a school group in 1956 to protest the limitations on political freedom. They received a sentence of five to ten years. ibid., 305–8. On Eisenberg, see also Patrik von zur Mühlen, , Der ‘Eisenberger Kreis’: Jugendwiderstand und Verfolgung in der DDR 1953–1958 (Bonn: Dietz, 1995).Google Scholar

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⁹¹ Ulbricht's major rival, Karl Schirdewan, claims to have represented a socialist alternative to Ulbricht. See his Aufstand gegen Ulbricht: Im Kampf urn politische Kurskorrektur, gegen stalinistische, dogmatische Politik (Berlin, 1994), 100, 114. Yet, in the decisive days of 1956, he played the resolute hardliner, telling students that to advocate change to ‘social science’ revealed a ‘reactionary petty bourgeois lifestyle’. Richert, , Hochschulpolitik, 138.Google Scholar

⁹² ibid., 108–9. For Janka's recollections, see Schwierigkeiten mit der Wahrheit (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1989). Harich's response is Keine Schwierigkeiten mit der Wahrheit (Berlin: Dietz, 1993).

⁹³ Gerhard Zwerenz has called Harich an ‘adventurer’. Der Widerspruch, 212–3.

⁹⁴ SAPMO-BA IV/2/1/183/18ff. Cited in Mitter and Wolle, Untergang, 288. For the judgement that Ulbricht ‘overreacted’, see Wilhelm Fricke, Karl, ‘Widerstand und Opposition von 1945 bis Ende der fünfziger Jahre’, in Materialien der Enquete-Kommission, Vol. 7, 24.Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ In the words of Kantorowicz, to mention the Petöfi-Club ‘called forth the same reaction among party functionaries as did the mention of the devil among believers in the Middle Ages’. Tagebuch, 692.

⁹⁷ Herzberg, Guntolf, ‘Ernst Bloch in Leipzig: Der operative Vorgang “Wild”’, Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, Vol. 42, no. 8 (1994), 686.Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ ibid., p. 309.

¹⁰⁴ See, for example, the report of Jürgen Kuczynski's trip to Poland in April 1956. SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV2/9.04/147/14.

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¹⁰⁹ Aktennotiz of 18 March 1957, SAPMO-BA IV2/90.4/148.

¹¹⁰ Kuczynski, Jürgen, ‘Ein linientreuer Dissident’, Memoiren 1945–1989 (Berlin: Aufbau, 1992), 104–29.Google Scholar For a discussion of revisionist ideas in the social sciences, see Jänicke, , Der dritte Weg, 104–54.Google Scholar

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¹²¹ In a discussion with Central Committee functionaries on 25 Jan. 1957, Bloch quickly distanced himself from students Zehm and Kleine, professing he could not be held ‘responsible for their thinking’. SAPMO IV2/9.04/163/28. Three days earlier he wrote to the Rector of Karl-Marx-University, G. Mayer, that when: ‘the Horthy regime was on the rise in Hungary, I told the head of the institute: “It's high time now. When will the Red Army finally march in?”’ He further wrote of his ‘deep differences’ with the arrested Wolfgang Harich, and emphasised the care he had taken to hire only graduate students who belonged to the SED, ‘this in distinct contrast to other institutes at the Karl-Marx-University’. ibid., IV2/9.04/163/15–26. In Dec. 1957, Bloch wrote to the SED leadership: ‘If Zwerenz calls himself my student, then this is incorrect’.ibid., IV2/2/569. For the view that Bloch remained loyal to his students, see Grebing, Helga, Der Revisionismus: Von Bernstein bis zum ‘Prager Frühling’ (Beck: Munich, 1977), 165.Google Scholar

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¹²⁵ See in this regard esp. the interview with Zbigniew Herbert, in Trznadel, , Hańba, and Tyrmand, Leopold, Dziennik 1954 (Warsaw: Res Publica, 1989).Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Gella, Aleksander, Development of Class Structure in Eastern Europe: Poland and her Southern Neighbors (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1989).Google Scholar

¹²⁷ For the famous critique, see Chalasinski, Józef, Społeeczna genealogia inteligencji polskiej (Łeódź: Czytelnik, 1946).Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Raina, , Opposition, 74–82Google Scholar; Friszke, , Opozycja, 178–9.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Grunenberg, Antonia, Antifaschismus – ein deutscher Mythos (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1993), esp. 113–19.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ ‘Stenographische Niederschrift des Referats des Genossen Anton Ackermann auf der Arbeitstagung über die Frage der Auswahl und Zulassung zum Hochschulstudium’, 6 May 1949. SAPMO-BA ZPA IV2/9.04/464 (unnumbered). Dietrich Staritz argues that the regime welcomed the flight of many farmers in the early 1950s, as they left behind land used to form agricultural collectives. Geschichte der DDR 1949–1985 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1985), 92.

¹³¹ ‘Notiz über das Auftreten des Gen. Havemann am 18. Juni 1957 in der Wahlversammlung bei Prof. Neunhöffer’, SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV2/9.04/164/105.

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¹³⁶ In 1961 3.4 per cent of the male population of West Germany was university-educated. Of the male refugees from East Germany, the percentage was 7.2. Heidemeyer, Helge, Flucht und Zuwanderung aus der SBZ/DDR 1945/1949–1961 (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1994), 50.Google Scholar

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