¹ ‘Malaysia forced to expand fruitless jet search’, Channel NewsAsia (14 March 2014).

² Cottey, Andrew and Forster, Anthony, Reshaping Defence Diplomacy: New Roles for Military Cooperation and Assistance, The Adelphi Papers 365 (London: Oxford University Press for the International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2004), p. 6Google Scholar.

³ Chong, Alan and Chang, Jun Yan, ‘Security competition by proxy: Asia Pacific interstate rivalry in the aftermath of the MH370 incident’, Global Change, Peace & Security, 28:1 (2016), pp. 75–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ ‘China sends pandas to Malaysia’, BBC (21 May 2014).

⁵ Montgomery, Evan Braden, ‘Signals of strength: Capability demonstrations and perceptions of military power’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 43:2 (2019), pp. 312–13Google Scholar.

⁶ For the differences between predictability, credibility, and good intentions, see Larson, Deborah Welch, ‘Trust and missed opportunities in international relations’, Political Psychology, 18:3 (1997), pp. 714–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Bhubhindar Singh and See Seng Tan, ‘Introduction: Defence diplomacy and Southeast Asia’, in Bhubhindar Singh and See Seng Tan (eds), From ‘Boots’ to ‘Brogues’: The Rise of Defence Diplomacy in Southeast Asia, RSIS Monograph No. 21 (Singapore: S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, 2011), pp. 3–10.

⁸ For instance, see Chiyuki Aoi, Cedric de Coning, and Ramesh Thakur (eds), Unintended Consequences of Peacekeeping Operations (Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2007); Maggie Dwyer, ‘Peacekeeping abroad, trouble making at home: Mutinies in West Africa’, African Affairs, 114:455 (2015), pp. 206–25; Jesse Dillon Savage and Jonathan D. Caverley, ‘When human capital threatens the Capitol: Foreign aid in the form of military training and coups’, Journal of Peace Research, 54:4 (2017), pp. 542–57.

⁹ David Capie, ‘Structures, shocks and norm change: Explaining the late rise of Asia's defence diplomacy’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 35:1 (2013), p. 3; see also Juan Emilio Cheyre, ‘Defence diplomacy’, in Andrew F. Cooper, Jorge Heine, and Ramesh Thakur (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Modern Diplomacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 369.

¹⁰ George Robertson, ‘Strategic Defence Review’, United Kingdom Ministry of Defence (July 1998), pp. 106–07.

¹¹ Cottey and Forster, Reshaping Defence Diplomacy, p. 7.

¹² For instance, Anton du Plessis, ‘Defence diplomacy: Conceptual and practical dimensions with specific reference to South Africa’, Strategic Review for Southern Africa, 30:2 (2008), pp. 87–119; Ian Storey, ‘China's bilateral defense diplomacy in Southeast Asia’, Asian Security, 8:3 (2012), pp. 287–310; Nick Bisley, ‘The possibilities and limits of defence diplomacy in Asia’, in Andrew Carr (ed.), Defence Diplomacy: Is the Game Worth the Candle?, The Centre of Gravity Series, Paper 17 (Canberra: Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, 2014), pp. 12–14; Patrick Blannin, ‘Defence Diplomay in the Long War: Beyond the Aiguilette’ (PhD thesis, Bond University, Robina, Queensland, 2018).

¹³ Jun Yan Chang, ‘Defense diplomacy in ASEAN?’, Thinking ASEAN, 17 (November 2016), p. 5. ‘Military diplomacy’ is sometimes used synonymous to ‘defence diplomacy’, for example, see B. S. Sachar, ‘Military diplomacy through arms transfers: A case study of China’, Strategic Analysis, 28:2 (2004), pp. 290–310; K. A. Muthanna, ‘Military diplomacy’, Journal of Defence Studies, 5:1 (2011), pp. 1–15. This article uses the term ‘defence diplomacy’ for consistency, which includes not only the military, but the entire defence sector.

¹⁴ Rodon Pedrason, ‘ASEAN's Defence Diplomacy: The Road to Southeast Asian Defence Community’ (PhD Thesis, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Baden-Württemberg, Germany, 2015).

¹⁵ This argument builds on the classic account of civilian supremacy in civil-military relations; see Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1957).

¹⁶ Chun Sing Chan, ‘Keynote Address by Second Minister for Defence Chan Chun Sing at the 16th Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)’, Singapore Ministry of Defence (2014), available at: {https://www.mindef.gov.sg} accessed 11 August 2019. For more on APPSMO, see Keng Yong Ong, Mushahid Ali, and Bernard Chin (eds), The APPSMO Advantage: Strategic Opportunities (Singapore: World Scientific, 2016).

¹⁷ Rizal Sukma, ‘Indonesia and the tsunami: Responses and foreign policy implications’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 60:2 (2006), p. 225.

¹⁸ See Andrew H. Kydd, Trust and Mistrust in International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 12–22. For the classic security dilemma, see John H. Herz, ‘Idealist internationalism and the security dilemma’, World Politics, 2:2 (1950), pp. 157–80.

¹⁹ Brian C. Rathbun, ‘It takes all types: Social psychology, trust, and the international relations paradigm in our minds’, International Theory, 1:3 (2009), p. 348. On trust explicit in international relations, see Andrew M. Hoffman, ‘A conceptualization of trust in international relations’, European Journal of International Relations, 8:3 (2002), pp. 375–401; Jan Ruzicka and Nicholas J. Wheeler, ‘The puzzle of trusting relationships in the nuclear non-proliferation treaty’, International Affairs, 86:1 (2010), pp. 69–85; Hiski Haukkala, Carina van de Wetering, and Johanna Vuorelma (eds), Trust in International Relations: Rationalist, Constructivist and Psychological Approaches (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2018).

²⁰ Eric M. Uslaner, The Moral Foundations of Trust (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 14–21; see also Torsten Michel, ‘Time to get emotional: Phronetic reflections on the concept of trust in international relations’, European Journal of International Relations, 19:4 (2013), pp. 870–3; Rathbun, ‘It takes all types’, pp. 349–56.

²¹ See Jan Ruzicka and Vincent Charles Keating, ‘Going global: Trust research and international relations’, Journal of Trust Research, 5:1 (2015), pp. 8–26.

²² For an empirical test, see Carol Atkinson, ‘Constructivist implications of material power: Military engagement and the socialization of states, 1972–2000’, International Studies Quarterly, 50:3 (2006), pp. 509–37.

²³ Cottey and Forster, Reshaping Defence Diplomacy, pp. 6–7.

²⁴ See Seng Tan and Bhubhindar Singh, ‘Introduction’, Asian Security, 8:3 (2012), p. 221.

²⁵ Gregory Winger, ‘The velvet gauntlet: A theory of defense diplomacy’, in Lisiak N. Smolenski (ed.), What Do Ideas Do?, Vienna: IWM Junior Visiting Fellows' Conferences, Vol. 33 (2014), available at: {https://www.iwm.at/publications/5-junior-visiting-fellows-conferences/vol-xxxiii/the-velvet-gauntlet/} accessed 20 August 2019.

²⁶ Hugh White, ‘Grand expectations, little promise’, in Carr (ed.), Defence Diplomacy, pp. 10–11.

²⁷ Winger, ‘The velvet gauntlet’, emphasis removed.

²⁸ For more on ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power, see the seminal Joseph S. Nye Jr, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: PublicAffairs, 2004).

²⁹ Stephen D. Krasner, ‘Structural causes and regime consequences: Regimes as intervening variables’, International Organization, 36:2 (1982), p. 186. This article uses ‘norms’ and ‘regimes’ interchangeably.

³⁰ Brian C. Rathbun, Trust in International Cooperation: International Security Institutions, Domestic Politics and American Multilateralism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 26–9. Some distinguish generalised moralistic trust from particularised moralistic trust, but this differentiation has minimal impact on our argument.

³¹ For instance, Andrew Carr and Daniel Baldino, ‘An Indo-Pacific norm entrepreneur? Australia and defence diplomacy’, Journal of the Indian Ocean Region, 11:1 (2015), pp. 30–47; Brendan Taylor, ‘Time for a stocktake’, in Carr (ed.), Defence Diplomacy, pp. 4–6.

³² Daniel Baldino and Andrew Carr, ‘Defence diplomacy and the Australian defence force: Smokescreen or strategy?’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70:2 (2016), pp. 139–58.

³³ See for instance, Nicholas Floyd, ‘Dropping the Autopilot: Improving Australia's Defense Diplomacy’, Lowy Institute for International Policy (November 2010), p. 7.

³⁴ Baldino and Carr, ‘Defence diplomacy’, p. 149.

³⁵ Carr (ed.), Defence Diplomacy; Carr and Baldino, ‘An Indo-Pacific norm entrepreneur’, pp. 30–47; Beatrice Heuser and Harold Simpson, ‘The missing political dimension of military exercises’, The RUSI Journal, 162:3 (2017), pp. 20–8.

³⁶ Heuser and Simpson, ‘The missing political dimension’, pp. 20–8.

³⁷ Pankaj Kumar Jha, ‘India's defence diplomacy in Southeast Asia’, Journal of Defence Studies, 5:1 (2011), pp. 47–63.

³⁸ David Capie, ‘The United States and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) in East Asia: Connecting coercive and non-coercive uses of military power’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 38:3 (2015), p. 310.

³⁹ A few recent studies have examined competition within certain activities that may be classified under defence diplomacy, but they have not done so with specific regard to the defence diplomacy concept; see Kersti Larsdotter, ‘Military strategy and peacekeeping: An unholy alliance?’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 42:2 (2019), pp. 191–211; Montgomery, ‘Signals of strength’, pp. 309–30.

⁴⁰ For instance, see James D. Fearon, ‘Rationalist explanations for war’, International Organization, 49:3 (1995), pp. 379–414; Alexander L. George, Forceful Persuasion: Coercive Diplomacy as an Alternative to War (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1991).

⁴¹ Robert J. Art, ‘To what ends military power?’, International Security, 4:4 (1980), pp. 10–11.

⁴² Michael D. Shear and Thomas Gibbons-Neff, ‘Washington prepares for a July 4 spectacle, starring and produced by President Trump’, The New York Times (3 July 2019).

⁴³ See Brendan Rittenhouse Green and Austin Long, ‘Conceal or reveal? Managing clandestine military capabilities in peacetime competition’, International Security, 44:3 (2019/2020), pp. 48–83.

⁴⁴ See, for instance, Keith Crane et al., Modernizing China's Military: Opportunities and Constraints (Santa Monica: RAND Corporation, 2005).

⁴⁵ Richard J. Harknett, ‘The logic of conventional deterrence and the end of the Cold War’, Security Studies, 4:1 (1994), p. 89.

⁴⁶ Singapore Ministry of Defence, ‘Mission’, Singapore Government (n.d.), available at: {https://www.mindef.gov.sg/oms/content/imindef/about_us/mission.html} accessed 30 August 2019.

⁴⁷ Shu Huang Ho and Samuel Chan, Singapore Chronicles: Defence (Singapore: Institute of Policy Studies and Straits Times Press Pte Ltd, 2015), pp. 8–19.

⁴⁸ Li Huat Lee, ‘Will strengthening the SAF mean strengthening Singapore's deterrence as a non-nuclear state?’, Pointer: Journal of the Singapore Armed Forces, 41:4 (2015), p. 28.

⁴⁹ Weichong Ong, ‘Peripheral to norm? The expeditionary role of the third generation Singapore armed forces’, Defence Studies, 11:3 (2011), p. 545; for more of the SAF's use of defence and diplomacy, see See Seng Tan, ‘Mailed fists and velvet gloves: The relevance of smart power to Singapore's evolving defence and foreign policy’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 38:3 (2015), pp. 332–58.

⁵⁰ Daniel Markey, ‘Prestige and the origins of war: Returning to realism's roots’, Security Studies, 8:4 (1999), p. 126. This article does not differentiate between ‘status’ and ‘prestige’ and will use both synonymously.

⁵¹ Jonathan Renshon, Fighting for Status: Hierarchy and Conflict in World Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017), p. 1; see also T. V. Paul, Deborah Welch Larson, and William C. Wohlforth (eds), Status in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

⁵² Alan Chong and Jun Yan Chang, ‘The international politics of air disasters: Lessons for aviation disaster governance from Asia, 2014–2015’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 31:3–4 (2018), pp. 258–61, emphasis in original.

⁵³ For a discussion of ‘trust’ and ‘security communities’, see Jonathan Mercer, ‘Rationality and psychology in international politics’, International Organization, 59:1 (2005), pp. 97–8; Carina van de Wetering, ‘Mistrust amongst democracies: Constructing US-India insecurity during the Cold War’, in Haukkala, van de Wetering, and Vuorelma (eds), Trust in International Relations, pp. 57–80.

⁵⁴ Erik Lin-Greenberg, ‘Non-traditional security dilemmas: Can military operations other than war intensify security competition in Asia?’, Asian Security, 14:3 (2018), p. 4. While we agree this is a dilemma, we disagree that such a ‘non-traditional security dilemma’ is comparable to the unknowns driving the vicious spiral of the classic ‘security dilemma’ as Lin-Greenberg claims.

⁵⁵ Kees Homan and Susanne Kamerling, ‘Operational challenges to counterpiracy operations off the coast of Somalia’, in Bibi van Ginkel and Frans-Paul van der Putten (eds), The International Response to Somali Piracy: Challenges and Opportunities (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2010), pp. 85–9.

⁵⁶ Timothy C. Shea, ‘Transforming military diplomacy’, Joint Force Quaterly, 38 (2005), p. 50.

⁵⁷ Lin-Greenberg, ‘Non-traditional security dilemmas’, p. 2.

⁵⁸ Ruzicka and Wheeler, ‘The puzzle of trusting relationships’, p. 72; Hoffman, ‘A conceptualization of trust’, pp. 377, 385.

⁵⁹ Vincent Charles Keating and Jan Ruzicka, ‘Trusting relationships in international politics: No need to hedge’, Review of International Studies, 40:4 (2014), pp. 753–70.

⁶⁰ Randall L. Schweller, ‘Unanswered threats: A neoclassical realist theory of underbalancing’, International Security, 29:2 (2004), pp. 159–201.

⁶¹ Keating and Ruzicka, ‘Trusting relationships in international politics’, p. 761.

⁶² Capie, ‘Structures, shocks and norm change’, pp. 1–26; See Seng Tan, ‘“Talking their walk”? The evolution of defense regionalism in Southeast Asia’, Asian Security, 8:3 (2012), pp. 232–50.

⁶³ ASEAN Secretariat, ‘About the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM)’ (6 February 2017), available at: {https://admm.asean.org/index.php/about-admm/about-admm.html} accessed 18 August 2018.

⁶⁴ Singh and Tan, ‘Introduction: Defence diplomacy and Southeast Asia’, p. 3. The title From ‘Boots’ to ‘Brogues’ underlines the ‘not-so-improbable image of soldiers shedding their combat boots for leather brogues’ in defence diplomacy activities, as one of the editors write; see See Seng Tan, ‘From talkshop to workshop: ASEAN's quest for practical security cooperation through the ADMM and ADMM-plus processes’, in Singh and Seng Tan (eds), From ‘Boots’ to ‘Brogues’: The Rise of Defence Diplomacy in Southeast Asia, p. 29.

⁶⁵ International Institute of Strategic Studies, ‘About the Shangri-La Dialogue’, available at: {https://www.iiss.org/en/events/shangri-la-dialogue/about-s-shangri-la-s-dialogue} accessed 21 December 2017; see also David Capie and Brendan Taylor, ‘The Shangri-La dialogue and the institutionalization of defence diplomacy in Asia’, The Pacific Review, 23:3 (2010), pp. 359–76.

⁶⁶ Tan and Singh, ‘Introduction’, p. 225; see also Singh and Tan, ‘Introduction: Defence diplomacy and Southeast Asia’, pp. 1–17.

⁶⁷ For instance, see Amitav Acharya, Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order (London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 57–60; see also Lee Jones, ‘ASEAN's unchanged melody? The theory and practice of “non-interference” in Southeast Asia’, The Pacific Review, 23:4 (2010), pp. 479–502.

⁶⁸ Ralf Emmers, ‘Enduring mistrust and conflict management in Southeast Asia: An assessment of ASEAN as a security community’, TRaNS: Trans-Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia, 5:1 (2017), p. 75; see also David Martin Jones and Nicole Jenne, ‘Weak states' regionalism: ASEAN and the limits of security cooperation in Pacific Asia’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 16:2 (2015), pp. 209–40; Jun Yan Chang, ‘Essence of security communities: Explaining ASEAN’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 16:3 (2016), pp. 335–69.

⁶⁹ Nicole Jenne, ‘The domestic origins of no-war communities’, Journal of International Relations and Development (2020), available at: {doi: 10.1057/s41268-020-00188-7}.

⁷⁰ Marty Natalegawa, Does ASEAN Matter? A View from Within (Singapore: ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, 2018), p. 53.

⁷¹ Cottey and Forster, Reshaping Defence Diplomacy, pp. 9–12.

⁷² Alex J. Bellamy, Paul D. Williams, and Stuart Griffin, Understanding Peacekeeping (2^nd edn, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010), pp. 58–9.

⁷³ ASEAN Secretariat, ASEAN Regional Forum: Documents Series 1994–2006 (Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat, 2007), pp. 40–4.

⁷⁴ ASEAN Secretariat, ASEAN Political-Security Community Blueprint 2025 (Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat, 2016), pp. 11, 24.

⁷⁵ See Alex J. Bellamy and Paul D. Williams, Providing Peacekeepers: The Politics, Challenges, and Future of United Nations Peacekeeping Contributions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).

⁷⁶ Dian Septiari, ‘Indonesia committed to greater peacekeeping contribution: FM Retno’, The Jakarta Post (24 January 2019), available at: {https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/01/24/indonesia-committed-to-greater-peacekeeping-contribution-fm-retno.html} accessed 6 July 2020.

⁷⁷ Brunei Ministry of Defence, Defending the Nation's Sovereignty: Expanding Roles in Wider Horizons, Defence White Paper 2011 (Bandar Seri Begawan: Brunei Ministry of Defence, 2011), p. 20.

⁷⁸ Yee-Kuang Heng and Weichong Ong, ‘The quest for relevance in times of peace: Operations other than war and the third-generation Singapore armed forces’, in Chiuyuki Aoi and Yee-Kuang Heng (eds), Asia-Pacific Nations in International Peace Support and Stability Operations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), p. 144.

⁷⁹ Quoted in Michael Leifer, Singapore's Foreign Policy: Coping with Vulnerability (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 24.

⁸⁰ Quoted in Heng and Ong, ‘The quest for relevance’, p. 144.

⁸¹ ‘A Question & Answer with Royal Thai Armed Forces Rear Adm. Nuttapong Ketsumboon’, Indo-Pacific Defense Forum (22 April 2019), available at: {http://apdf-magazine.com/thailand-deploys-peacekeeping-forces/} accessed 6 September 2019.

⁸² Alistair D. B. Cook, ‘Southeast Asian perspectives on UN peacekeeping: Indonesia and Malaysia’, Journal of International Peacekeeping, 18:3–4 (2014), p. 171.

⁸³ Nicole Jenne, ‘Indonesia Must Look Beyond Peacekeeping to Impress at the UN’, East Asia Forum (23 February 2019), available at: {https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2019/02/23/indonesia-must-look-beyond-peacekeeping-to-impress-at-the-un/} accessed 2 September 2019; see also Evan A. Laksmana, ‘Indonesia's rising regional and global profile: Does size really matter?’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 33:2 (2011), pp. 170–1; Capie, ‘Indonesia as an emerging peacekeeping power’, pp. 1–27.

⁸⁴ Dewi Fortuna Anwar, ‘Indonesia's peacekeeping operations: History, practice, and future trend’, in Aoi and Heng (eds), Asia-Pacific Nations in International Peace Support and Stability Operations, p. 189.

⁸⁵ Moch Faisal Karim, ‘Middle power, status-seeking and role conceptions: The cases of Indonesia and South Korea’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 72:4 (2018), pp. 343–63.

⁸⁶ Thomas Lum et al., ‘Comparing Global Influence: China's and U.S. Diplomacy, Foreign Aid, Trade, and Investment in the Developing World’, Congressional Research Service Report for Congress (15 August 2008), p. 41.

⁸⁷ Catherine Jones, ‘South East Asian powers and contributions to peacekeeping operations: UN-ASEAN partnering for peace?’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 74:1 (2020), pp. 89–107.

⁸⁸ Siew Mun Tang, ‘Asean peacekeeping force? Points to ponder’, The Straits Times (28 May 2015).

⁸⁹ ASEAN Secretariat, ‘ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting: Concept Paper on the Establishment of ASEAN's Peacekeeping Centres Network’ (2011), available at: {https://www.asean.org/storage/images/archive/document/18471-j.pdf} accessed 2 September 2019.

⁹⁰ United Nations Department of Political Affairs, ‘Information Note on High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations’ (16 June 2015), available at: {https://www.un.org/undpa/en/speeches-statements/16062015/HIPPO-report} accessed 6 September 2019.

⁹¹ Amitav Acharya, ‘The Association of Southeast Asian Nations: “Security community” or “defence community”?’, Pacific Affairs, 64:2 (1991), p. 161.

⁹² Mely Caballero-Anthony, ‘Introduction: UN peace operations and Asian security’, International Peacekeeping, 12:1 (2005), p. 8.

⁹³ Adrian Kuah, ‘The ASEAN security community: Struggling with the details’, RSIS Commentary, 21 (2004).

⁹⁴ Quoted in Belinda Helmke, ‘The absence of ASEAN: Peacekeeping in Southeast Asia’, Pacific News, 31 (2009), pp. 4–6.

⁹⁵ Chanintira Na Thalang and Pinn Siraprapasiri, ‘ASEAN's (non-)role in managing ethnic conflicts in Southeast Asia: Obstacles to institutionalization’, in Alice D. Ba, Cheng-Chwee Kuik, and Sueo Sudo (eds), Institutionalizing East Asia: Mapping and Reconfiguring Regional Cooperation (New York: Routledge, 2016), pp. 131–55.

⁹⁶ Songphol Sukchan, ‘New normal of Indonesia-Thailand relations’, The Jakarta Post (27 February 2020), available at: {https://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2020/02/27/new-normal-of-indonesia-thailand-relations.html} accessed 6 July 2020.

⁹⁷ Nicole Jenne, ‘The Thai-Cambodian border dispute: An agency-centred perspective on the management of interstate conflict’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 39:2 (2017), p. 335.

⁹⁸ Interview with a high-ranking military officer, Bangkok (5 September 2014).

⁹⁹ David Capie, ‘Evolving Attitudes to Peacekeeping in ASEAN’, in The National Institute for Defense Studies (ed.), Maintaining Order in the Asia-Pacific, NIDS International Symposium on Security Affairs 2017 (Tokyo: The National Institute for Defense Studies, 2018).

¹⁰⁰ See also Kyawt Kyawt Khine, ‘The making of Indonesia's concept of ASEAN security community’, Universities Research Journal, 4:7 (2011), pp. 247–50.

¹⁰¹ Prashanth Parameswaran, ‘Malaysia wants an ASEAN peacekeeping force’, The Diplomat (21 February 2015), available at: {https://thediplomat.com/2015/02/malaysia-wants-an-asean-peacekeeping-force/} accessed 6 September 2019.

¹⁰² Cook, ‘Southeast Asian perspectives on UN peacekeeping’, p. 172.

¹⁰³ See Indonesia Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ‘Indonesia and the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission’ (2018), available at: {https://kemlu.go.id/portal/en/read/91/halaman_list_lainnya/indonesia-and-the-united-nations-peacekeeping-mission} accessed 7 September 2019; United Nations Development Programme in Malaysia Singapore & Brunei Darussalam, ‘Enhancing And Strengthening Civil And Military Coordination During Peacekeeping Operations’ (n.d.), available at: {http://www.my.undp.org/content/malaysia/en/home/ourwork/crisispreventionandrecovery/successstories/74732_Peacekeeping.html} accessed 3 September 2019.

¹⁰⁴ Tang, ‘Asean peacekeeping force?’

¹⁰⁵ Ibid.

¹⁰⁶ Lina A. Alexandra, ‘Consider peacekeeping operations in Myanmar’, The Jakarta Post (22 September 2017).

¹⁰⁷ Editorial, ‘Don't ignore the Rohingya’, Bangkok Post (2 November 2019), available at: {https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/1785294/dont-ignore-the-rohingya} accessed 6 July 2020.

¹⁰⁸ Heng, Yee-Kuang, ‘Confessions of a small state: Singapore's evolving approach to peace operations’, Journal of International Peacekeeping, 16:1–2 (2012), p. 134CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thalang and Siraprapasiri, ‘ASEAN's (Non-)role’, pp. 131–55.

¹⁰⁹ Booth, and Wheeler, , The Security Dilemma: Fear, Cooperation, and Trust in World Politics (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 234–57Google Scholar.