¹ The name Judaism is now generally appropriated to the religion of this period and what came after it, in distinction from that of the preceding centuries down to the fall of the kingdom of Judah (586 B.C.), which is called the religion of Israel.

² Died early in the third century (210–220).

³ The juristic Midrash and Baraita.

⁴ More commonly called the Jerusalem Talmud.

⁵ Sukkah 20a, below. So, it is added, did Hillel when it had been forgotten again, and later still R. Ḥiyya and his sons. The saying is attributed to R. Simeon ben Laḳish, a Palestinian teacher of the third century. The rôle of Ezra as the restorer of the Law is, in a different form, the theme of 4 Esdras 14.

⁶ Sanhedrin 21b, end.

⁷ The “square” alphabet with which we are familiar in manuscripts and printed books.

⁸ Sanhedrin 21b-22a; Jer. Megillah 71b c. Cf. Origen, on Ezek. 9, 4; Jerome, Prologus Galeatus.

⁹ Baba Kamma 82a. Megillah 31b adds another.

¹⁰ Ezra 7, 8.

¹¹ Neh. 2, 1. We read that Nehemiah remained in Jerusalem for twelve years (5, 14), and after going up to court in the thirty-second year of the king returned to Judaea (13, 6 f.).

¹² The papyri from the Jewish colony in Elephantine give additional probability to this date.

¹³ Neh. 7, 73b. The year is not named, and Kuenen more cautiously put the date between 444 and 433, probably at the beginning of this period.

¹⁴ Seder ‘Olam Rabbah c. 30 (ed. Ratner, f. 71a; cf. f. 69a and note 15); ‘Abodah Zarab 8b-9a (R. Jose bar Ḥalafta, the special authority in chronology). Leaving the Medes (“Darius the Mede” in Daniel) out of the reckoning, our chronology (after Ptolemy) gives, from the first year of Cyrus as king of Babylon (538) to the end of Darius III (332), 206 years, and from the completion of the second temple (516) to the same terminus, 184 years.

¹⁵ Ezra 1–3.

¹⁶ Ezra 4–6; cf. Haggai; Zechariah 1–8.

¹⁷ The disciple and amanuensis of Jeremiah, Jer. 36; 43.

¹⁸ Megillah 16b, bottom. It is deduced from his example that the study of the Law takes precedence even of the building of the temple. Later legend has him accompany Zerubbabel and Joshua and begin with them the rebuilding of the temple (read כונים, cf. Ezra 5, 2). Pirḳe de-R. Eliezer c. 38, near the end. See also Seder ‘Olam Zuṭa: Ezra went up with a second company and fortified Jerusalem and put the temple in order. And Zerubbabel returned to Babylon and died there.

¹⁹ Abot 1, 1; cf. Abot de-R. Nathan 1.

²⁰ Keneset ha-Gedolah. A less ambiguous rendering would be ‘Great Assembly,’ or ‘Convention.’

²¹ ‘Ame ha-Areṣ.

²² Neh. 10, 31 f.; on the latter cf. Neh. 13, 15 ff.

²³ Miṣwot, ‘commandments.’

²⁴ “A fence about the Law,” Abot 1, 1.

²⁵ Kuenen, A., Over de Mannen der Groote Synagoge (1876). See W. Bacher ‘Synagogue, the Great,’ Jewish Encyclopedia, XI, 640 f.Google Scholar

²⁶ Yoma 69a. Josephus (Antt. xi. 8, 4 §§ 325 ff.) tells the story of Jaddua, the grandfather of Simeon the Righteous. Modern critics imagine that the Jews thought of the Great Synagogue as lasting two centuries or more—not the only difficulty they create for themselves by operating on Jewish tradition with Ptolemy's chronology.

²⁷ There probably was in the Persian and early Macedonian period some authoritative body—a kind of Senate—with legislative and judicial functions, but that is not the “Great Synagogue” of our sources.

²⁸ This conclusion had been anticipated in the 17th century, and some critics of that period (Spinoza, van Dale) attributed the compilation of the whole Pentateuch, as Masius had already done in 1574, to Ezra.

²⁹ Alttestamentliche Theologie, 1835. J. F. L. George (Die älteren jüdischen Feste, 1835) reached a similar conclusion from the side of the evolution of the cultus.

³⁰ Die geschichtlichen Bücher des Alten Testaments.—Graf had been a pupil of Eduard Reuss in Strassburg, from whom he received the germs of the thesis as Reuss had propounded it as early as 1834.

³¹ These layers are designated by numbers (P¹, P², P³, etc.) or by symbols (P^h, P^g, P^s, etc.).

³² JE+D, to use the current symbols.

³³ See De Godsdienst van Israël, II (1870), 121–152; 198–201.

^33a Kuenen's position is intelligible and on his premises reasonable. So much cannot be said of A. B. Davidson's pronouncement, “Pharisaism and Deuteronomy came into the world the same day “(Dictionary of the Bible, II, 577).

³⁴ Originally one book, written about 300 B.C.

³⁵ Historisch-kritisch Onderzoek, I, 347; cf. 350–352.

³⁶ Compare Onderzoek, 2 ed., I (1885), 215–219; (1887) 509–511.

³⁷ Cf. Ursprung und Anfänge des Christentums, II, 1.

³⁸ From Ezra's Memoirs through an intermediate source.

³⁹ The Composition and Historical Value of Ezra and Nehemiah, Giessen, 1896; Ezra Studies, Chicago, 1910. Torrey's theory has been summarily dismissed by serial commentators and compilers of historical handbooks; the searching critical work on which it is based has been generally ignored—It was early observed that Jesus son of Sirach in his eulogy of the leaders of the restoration (Ecclus. 49, 11–13) includes Nehemiah but does not name Ezra at all. It is true that he recites the merits of these worthies only in the rebuilding of the temple and of the city with its fortifications, and it does not follow that he was not acquainted with the Chronicler's story of Ezra. But it may fairly be inferred from his complete silence that the restoration by Ezra of the Law, which the kings of Judah to the very last had abandoned (49, 4), had for him no such epoch-making significance as it had for the later Jews or the modern critics.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The Jews in these centuries attributed to Ezra the restoration of the Law; to Moses its origin.

⁴¹ See Encyclopaedia Biblica, II, col. 2081.

⁴² When the anthropological material was utilized, for example by Stade, it was to illustrate similar phenomena in the early religion of Israel.

⁴³ See e.g. Isa. 1, 10 ff.

⁴⁴ Ezekiel prescribes them as a well-known species (43, 18 ff.; 44, 27ff.; 46, 20); cf. 2 Chron. 29, 20 ff.; Ezra 8, 35; Psalm 40, 7.

⁴⁵ Ezek. 43, 20; cf. 45, 18–20; Lev. 16, 16, etc.

⁴⁶ Lev. 12, 1–8. See also Lev. 15, 14 f., 29 f.

⁴⁷ Lev. 14, 81.

⁴⁸ Ezek. 44, 27.

⁴⁹ Num. 6, 8 ff.

⁵⁰ Inquiries and responses such as Haggai 2, 10–13 are typical of this Torah before the exile as well as after. They go over into the Mishnah and the Talmud.

⁵¹ Ezra 9 f.; Neh. 13, 23 ff.

⁵² Cf. Josh. 23, 12 f., etc.

⁵³ Authority for this was found in Lev. 18, 30, interpreted: “Ye shall make an injunction additional to my injunction” (Sifra, Aḥarè, end).

⁵⁴ See a collection of utterances to the same effect, Jer. Berakot 3b. This is quite logical; for the obligation of the Law was universally acknowledged, while rabbinical enactments might be disputed.

⁵⁵ We may paraphrase, Knowledge of divine revelation, worship of God, and loving kindness to men.

⁵⁶ Reverence for God.

⁵⁷ Sirach 51, 24 (Hebrew).

⁵⁸ Abot 1, 4.

⁵⁹ A midrashic legend makes Jose ben Jo‘ezer one of the company of scholars who paid with their lives for their confidence in the high priest Alcimus (162/161 B.C. 1 Mace. 7, 16). Gen. R. 65, 22; Midrash Tehillim on Psalm 11, 7.

⁶⁰ Soferim, biblical scholars.

⁶¹ Zekenimha-rishonim.

⁶² Shabbat 14b. Other decisions of Jose ben Jo'ezer on questions of clean and unclean are found in ‘Eduyot 8, 4; cf. Sifra, Shemini Pereḳ 9, end (ed. Weiss f. 55b).

⁶³ The רופי לש םמיכה, Temurah 16a, top; ef. 15b.

⁶⁴ Jer. Ḥagigah 77d; Tos. Ḥagigah 2, 8.

⁶⁵ Jer. Ḥagigah l.c.

⁶⁶ Ḳiddushin 66a, below.

⁶⁷ Sanhedrin 37b.

⁶⁸ Jer. Sanhedrin 23b.

⁶⁹ E.g. Lev. 14; Lev. 16.

⁷⁰ The heads of the families or family groups that made up the community.

⁷¹ This probably belongs to the plan of Deuteronomic reforms; cf. the account of Jehoshaphat's judicial institutions, 2 Chron. 19, 5–11.

⁷² חמיר שככהונה, M. Ḥagigah 2, 7.

⁷³ The theory that there were from an early time two such bodies in Jerusalem, a civil senate, or Sanhedrin, presided over by the high priest, and a rabbinical Sanhedrin with its own president (nasi) and vice president (ab bet-din), is propounded as a way of reconciling conflicting representations in the sources.

⁷⁴ In the English Bible, following the usage of the ancient church, Ecclesiasticus.

⁷⁵ Ḥakamim.

⁷⁶ On this subject see Part II.

⁷⁷ Ecclus. 50. 1 ff.

⁷⁸ Josephus, Antt. xii. 3, 3 §§ 138 ff.

⁷⁹ Frag. 18. C. Muller, Frag. Historicorum Graecorum, III, 258.

⁸⁰ Josephus, Antt. xii. 4, 1 ff.

⁸¹ 2 Mace. 4, 8f.

⁸² 1 Mace. 1, 11.

⁸³ θεωροί, such as the Athenians sent to the four great Hellenic games. It was a religious function. The ambassadors were not so completely emancipated as the high priest, and asked that the contribution be expended on the fleet. 2 Mace. 4, 18–20.

⁸⁴ With whom Melkart, the god of Tyre, was identified.

⁸⁵ In good Jewish, Menahem.

⁸⁶ According to 2 Mace. 5, 11 to punish the city for its supposed connivance in Jason's raid construed as a revolt.

⁸⁷ 1 Mace. 1, 20–24; 2 Mace. 5,15 f.; cf. Josephus, Antt. xii. 5, 3. These accounts speak of much bloodshed in the city, which according to 2 Mace, he turned over to his soldiers to sack.

⁸⁸ The essentially political motive of the religious persecution is evident from the fact that it was confined to Palestine. There is no evidence that the Jews in Syria or Babylonia were molested in the observance of their religion.

⁸⁹ The Samaritan temple on Gerizim was similarly dedicated to Zeus Xenios.

⁹⁰ The high priest Menelaus remained in office.

⁹¹ Kislev (roughly, December) 25, 165 B.C.

⁹² No high priest was appointed.

⁹³ Antiochus V, Eupator.

⁹⁴ In the spring of 160 B.C.

⁹⁵ Of the Seleucid era, equivalent to 143/2 B.C.

⁹⁶ The use of a native era was the formal attestation of independence.

⁹⁷ 1 Mace. 7, 12 ff.

⁹⁸ Antt. xiii. 5, 9 §§ 171–173.

⁹⁹ In 139 B.C.

¹⁰⁰ Antt. xiii. 10, 5.

¹⁰¹ Cf. Antt. xvii. 2, 4, § 41.

¹⁰² Bell. Jud. ii, 8, 14, § 162.

¹⁰³ The difficulties of Hyrcanus with the Pharisees are elsewhere ascribed to the jealousy of the latter. See Bell. Jud. i. 2, 8 § 67 and Antt. xiii. 10, 5 § 288 (ultimately from the same source); cf. also Antt. xiii. 10, 7.

¹⁰⁴ Jannai is a nickname for Jonathan, as is proved by his coins.

¹⁰⁵ They slew all the leading scholars of Israel, and the world was upside down until Simeon ben Shaṭaḥ came and restored the law to its old place.” This restoration took place under Queen Alexandra. Ḳiddushin 66a. Cf. Josephus, Antt. xiii. 13, 5 § 372; 14, 2 § 383.

¹⁰⁶ Yoma 9a also gives him 80 years.

¹⁰⁷ Berakot 29a.

¹⁰⁸ Literally, the Pious, or the Religious.

¹⁰⁹ The name Asidaean does not occur in this narrative. 1 Mace. 2, 29–38.

¹¹⁰ 1 Mace. 2, 42–44: τότε συνἠχθησαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς συναγωγὴ Ἀσιδαίων, ἰσχυροἰ δυνάμει ἀπὸ Ἰσραήλ, πᾶς ὁ ἑκουσιαζόμενος τῷ νόμῳ. This reading (Cod. A al., Vulg.) is obviously right; see 1 Mace. 7, 13; 2 Mace. 14, 6.

¹¹¹ 1 Mace. 2, 40 f.

¹¹² 1 Mace. 7, 13 ff.

¹¹³ Cf. 2 Mace. 14, 6.

¹¹⁴ Φαρισαῖος, Pharisaeus.

¹¹⁵ In rabbinical texts it appears only in the equivalent Hebrew form, Parush.

¹¹⁶ “Separatist,” which is sometimes used as an equivalent, is objectionable, because, through its English associations, it may suggest that the Pharisees separated themselves as a sect from the body of the Jewish church.

¹¹⁷ So Wellhausen, Pharisäer und Sadducäer, pp. 76 ff. Schürer, Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes, u. s. w., II, 398 f.

¹¹⁸ See Schürer, l.c.

¹¹⁹ A lexicon to the Talmud by Nathan ben Jeḥiel of Rome (died 1106).

¹²⁰ Shemini Perek 12 (ed. Weiss f. 57 b). Exactly so also on 20, 26 (Ḳedoshim, end, f. 93d, top), in a similar connection.

¹²¹ Ed. Friedmann f. 63a; ed. Weiss f. 71a.

¹²² See above, p. 344.

¹²³ Meyer, E., Ursprung und Anfänge des Christentums, II, 283 f. (1921).Google Scholar The same theory of the origin of the name was propounded by Professor Hussey, Mary I. in the Journal of Biblical Literature, XXXIX (1920), 66–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹²⁴ Bell. Jud. i. 5, 2 § 110; ii. 8, 14 § 162; Antt. xvii. 2, 4 § 41.

¹²⁵ This explanation was, so far as I know, first advanced by Graetz. It has recently found an advocate in Leszynsky, Die Sadduzäer (1912) pp. 27 ff., 105 ff.

¹²⁶ Bell. Jud. i. 2, 8 § 67. It is generally recognized that Josephus here reproduces the statements and judgment of his source, presumably Nicolaus of Damascus.

¹²⁷ Antt. xiii. 10, 5 § 288.

¹²⁸ Above, p. 342.

¹²⁹ Antt. xiii. 10, 7 § 299. Cf. Jer. Soṭah 24b; Soṭah 33a.

¹³⁰ Etrogim.

¹³¹ Like all the tyrants of the time, the Asmonaean princes maintained a guard corps of foreigners.

¹³² Josephus, Bell. Jud. i. 4, 3–6; Antt. xiii. 13, 5–14, 2. However greatly some or all the numbers may be exaggerated, the ferocity of the long-continued struggle is beyond question.

¹³³ This notion results from a combination of Josephus with the commentary on Megillat Ta‘anit.

¹³⁴ Bell. Jud. i. 4, 7–5, 1.

¹³⁵ Bell. Jud. i. 5, 2 §§ 110 f. This is the first mention of the Pharisees in the War. The characterization and the depreciatory judgment are taken bodily from Josephus' source in this part of the book, the historian Nicolaus of Damascus.

¹³⁶ Antt. xiii. 15, 5. Note also the king's directions about what was to be done with his body, and the effect of this stratagem.

¹³⁷ Antt. xiii. 16, 2 § 408; (cf. 16, 1 § 405).

¹³⁸ The historical value of the story of the king's dying counsels in the Antiquities may be zero; but the same inference regarding the power of the Pharisees may be drawn from the account of their relations with Alexandra in the War.

¹³⁹ ὐπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας in Josephus' source is meant in a derogatory sense, “out of superstition.”

¹⁴⁰ οἰ δυνατοί.

¹⁴¹ Bell. Jud. i. 5, 3 § 114. In the parallel account in Antt. xiii. 16, 2 f. §§ 411–417 they set forth the peril they are in, plead their services to the king and their loyalty to his house, and beg that if the queen was resolved to prefer the Pharisees, she would assign them to garrison duty in the fortresses.

¹⁴² Bell. Jud. i. 8, 14 § 162; cf. Antt. xvi. 2, 4 § 41; xviii. 1, 3 § 12.

¹⁴³ See above, p. 348.

¹⁴⁴ Soferim, γραμματεῖς.

¹⁴⁵ Note οἱ γραμματεῖς τῶν Φαρισαῖων, Mark 2, 16.

¹⁴⁶ Bell. Jud. ii. 8, 14 § 162; Antt. xvii. 2, 4 § 41; Vita c. 38 § 191. How they were abrogated by John Hyrcanus (Antt. xiii. 10, 6 § 296) and reënacted by Alexandra (xiii. 16, 2 § 408) has already been told.

¹⁴⁷ Antt. xiii. 10, 6 §§ 297 f. This is confirmed by the Mishnah.

¹⁴⁸ Josephus, Antt. xiii. 10, 6 § 297; xviii. 1, 4 § 16. The παράδοσις τῶν πατέρων, Matt. 15, 1 ff.; Mark 7, 1 ff.

¹⁴⁹ Antt. xx. 9, 1 § 199; cf. xiii. 10, 6 § 204.

¹⁵⁰ Antt. xviii. 1, 3 § 12; 1, 4 § 16. Josephus is probably describing things as they were in his own time.

¹⁵¹ In the end they came by an inevitable logic to assert that the written and the unwritten Law were both completely revealed to Moses at Sinai. As in Christianity or in Mohammedanism, tradition was indispensable not only as a complement to Scripture but as its authoritative interpreter.

¹⁵² Bell. Jud. ii, 8, 14 § 175; Antt. xviii. 1, 4 § 16. Cf. Mark 12, 18–27 (Matt. 22. 23–33; Luke 20, 27–40); Acts 23, 6–9. For specimens of the rabbinical proofs, see Sanhedrin 90b; cf. also Matt, l.s.c.

¹⁵³ Take the Book of Enoch for an example. For the esoteric lore of the Essenes about the names of angels, see Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 8, 7 § 142.

¹⁵⁴ , Σαδδουκ

¹⁵⁵ 1 Kings 2, 35. So A. Geiger, Urschrift und Uebersetzungen der Bibel, 1857; Sadducäer und Pharisäer, 1863; Wellhausen, Pharisäer und Sadducäer, 1874.

¹⁵⁶ Ezek. 44,10–16; 48, 11; 43, 19; 40, 46. Cf. 2 Kings 23, 8–9; Deut. 18, 6–8.

¹⁵⁷ 1 Chron. 24, 1–6. The author, there as elsewhere, makes the conditions existing in his own time an institution of David. See also the Hebrew text of Sirach, 51, 12 (in a psalm-like passage to which there is no Greek or Syriac counterpart), and the writing of the Damascene sect, ed. Schechter, page 4, lines 2 f.

¹⁵⁸ There is a strong probability that the Boethusians really got their name from a high priest of Herod's creation.

¹⁵⁹ So most recently Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Anfänge des Christentums, II, 290 f.

¹⁶⁰ Josephus, Antt. xiii. 10, 6 § 298; xviii. 1, 4 § 17. “Their doctrine reaches only a few men, but those who hold the highest offices.”

¹⁶¹ The text of the manuscript sometimes appears to be corrupt or defective, or the reading uncertain, and the interpretation is correspondingly dubious.

¹⁶² The height of the sun above the horizon, which must have been given here in some way, cannot be made out from the text. The important thing is that, as in rabbinical Judaism, the sabbath was made to begin some time before sunset—a portion of secular time is added to the holy day (Rosh ha-Shanah 9a).

¹⁶³ The first sentence is obscure and probably corrupt.

¹⁶⁴ The text has ‘one thousand,’ but below, ‘two thousand’—the regular sabbath limit.

¹⁶⁵ ‘Camp’ is the word used for a settlement of the sect.

¹⁶⁶ מכוי (Talm.), a court that has houses on either side of it.

¹⁶⁷ A word seems to have fallen out of the text.

¹⁶⁸ This is so contrary to all known Jewish law that it has been conjectured that the text is here also at fault. If not, the prohibition may perhaps be of the use of mechanical means such as are specified.

¹⁶⁹ There are, however, two striking exceptions to this general conclusion, on which the sect laid great emphasis: they regarded marriage with a niece as incest, and they condemned polygamy.

¹⁷⁰ Jubilees 50. See Finkelstein, Louis, “The Book of Jubilees and the Rabbinical Halaka,” Harvard Theological Review, XVI (1923), pp. 45–51.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ 1 Macc. 2, 36 f.

¹⁷² See above, p. 343.

¹⁷³ Page 11, line 15 of Schechter's edition. Ginzberg (op. cit., p. 97) quotes Tos. ‘Erubin 4, 15, where the same distinction is made.

¹⁷⁴ Judith 8, 6. Cf. the prohibition of fasting on the Sabbath, Jubilees 50, 12; and perhaps the Damascus text (p. 11, 1. 4), on which see Ginzberg, p. 90 f. (reading יחרעכ for יחערכ).

¹⁷⁵ Judith 10, 5; 12,1–4, 19.

¹⁷⁶ The reason for the specification of ‘pulse,’ is perhaps that, being dry, it did not contract uncleanness from contact with unclean hands. See M. ‘Uḳṣin 3, 1; Maimonides, Hilkot Ṭum'at Okelin 1, 1.

¹⁷⁷ Tobit 1, 17–19; 2, 1–9. The מח מצוה.

¹⁷⁸ It takes precedence even of the study of the Law, the circumcision of a son, or the offering of the paschal lamb. Megillah 3b, et alibi. Priests—even the high priest—and Nazirites are allowed to make themselves unclean by burying a מח מצוה, Sifrè Num. § 26; cf. Sifrè Zuṭa on Num. 6, 7.

¹⁷⁹ Antt. xiv. 3, 2 § 41.

¹⁸⁰ Josephus, Antt. xiv. 4.

¹⁸¹ Josephus, Antt. xv. 2, 2.

¹⁸² Strabo, quoted in Josephus, Antt. xv. 1, 2 §§ 9 f.

¹⁸³ Josephus, Antt. xv. 1, 1. Pollio is generally identified with the Abṭation of the rabbinical sources; “Sameas, his disciple” would be Shammai, the colleague of Hillel, but what is said of Sameas in the immediate sequel applies rather to Shemaiah the colleague of Abṭalion.

¹⁸⁴ Cf. ibid., xiv. 9, 4 § 176.

¹⁸⁵ The Jewish contingent in his army took part with great zeal in the slaughter when the temple was stormed. Josephus, Antt. xiv. 16, 2 § 479.

¹⁸⁶ “He feared that the populace might restore the kingdom to him.” Josephus, Bell. Jud. i. 18, 2 §§ 351 f.; Antt. xiv. 13, 10 § 366.

¹⁸⁷ Her father Alexander was the eldest son of Aristobulus II; her mother, Alexandra, a daughter of Hyrcanus. It is a probable surmise that the initiative in this alliance came from the girl's mother or from Hyrcanus himself.—Mariamne was apparently very young when she was betrothed to Herod (perhaps as early as the year 42). In his flight from Jerusalem before the Parthians (40) he carried off to security in the fortress of Masada, with his own kindred, Alexandra and her daughter. The marriage itself was celebrated at Samaria in 37, on the eve of his siege of Jerusalem. Josephus, Bell. Jud. xiv. 15, 14 § 467.

¹⁸⁸ Josephus, Antt. xv. 2, 4 § 22 (cf. 3, 1 § 39 f.). In M. Parah 3, 5 Hananael is called an Egyptian. The Boethus family, which furnished at least four high priests, came from Alexandria (Antt. xv. 9, 3 § 320). What the religious Jews thought of these priests may be read in Pesaḥim 57a; Tos. Menaḥot 13, 21.

¹⁸⁹ Antt. xvi. 1, 1.

¹⁹⁰ Jer. Pesaḥim 33a, below, specifies three problems which he had solved and proved before he went up to Palestine.

¹⁹¹ The story of the privations and hardships he overcame in the pursuit of learning is told in a Baraita (Yoma 35b) to show that poverty is no excuse for neglecting the study of the Law.

¹⁹² Middot. They are found in Tos. Sanhedrin 7, 11.

¹⁹³ The same difference, as is well known, existed in Moslem jurisprudence between the traditional school of Medina and the jurists in other lands who gave larger scope to logical deductions and analogical inferences (ḳiyyāi).

¹⁹⁴ The name כחירה is usually thus transliterated on the supposition that it is the place Βαθύρα in Batanaea where Herod established a small garrison colony of Babylonian Jews. Josephus, Antt. xvii. 2, 1 f.

¹⁹⁵ In this long debate he had opportunity to exemplify the rest of his rules, which are introduced as “the seven norms that Hillel expounded in the presence of the elders of Bathyra.” See note 190 above, and Sifra, Introduction, end; ed. Weiss f. 3a.

¹⁹⁶ Jer. Pesaḥim 33a; Pesaḥim 66a. On the humility of the Bene Bathyra, see Baba Mesi‘a 84b–85a.

¹⁹⁷ See above, p. 327.

¹⁹⁸ In Josephus usually βουλή.

¹⁹⁹ δυνατοί.

²⁰⁰ The composition of the Council, or Senate as it had earlier been called, and the mode of election to it are nowhere described in our sources.

²⁰¹ The nearest modern analogy is the status of the several so-called ‘national’ churches, millets (e.g. the Armenians), in the former Turkish empire.

²⁰² It is a probable view that these measures were taken by the Sanhedrin, which was the only authority left in the city. In support of this opinion it may be noted that the generals appointed seem all to have been members of the priestly aristocracy like Josephus who was sent to organize the defense of Galilee.

²⁰³ Lam. R. on Lam. 1, 5; Abot de-R. Nathan c. 4; Giṭṭin 56a-b.

²⁰⁴ On the coastal plain a little north of the parallel of Jerusalem, in a region which had been spared the devastation of war.

²⁰⁵ Jer. Nedarim 39b.

²⁰⁶ Five are particularly named, with the master's laudatory but discriminating estimate of them, in Abot 2, 8.

²⁰⁷ “High Court.”

²⁰⁸ Jer. Berakot 3b, end; ‘Erubin 13b.

²⁰⁹ Called Gamaliel of Jabneh to distinguish him from his grandfather of the same name.

²¹⁰ “Nasi” is in Ezekiel 40 ff. the title of the civil head of the Jewish people, and the Patriarch was recognized as such by the Roman government.

²¹¹ See above, p. 328.

²¹² Shemoneh ‘Esreh, Tefillah.