Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-l7hp2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-27T22:06:43.791Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Earning and Learning in the British West Indies: an Image of Freedom in the Pre-Emancipation Decade, 1823–1833*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Olwyn M. Blouet
Affiliation:
College of William and Mary in Virginia

Extract

In 1833 slavery was abolished in the British West Indian colonies. A labour system that had been in operation for two hundred years, ended. A campaign based on the concept of freedom came to fruition. The idea of freedom was central to enlightenment thought. Freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of conscience, freedom of movement, a free press, free trade and free labour were all part of enlightenment ideology. The institution of slavery, which limited all freedoms, came under pressure in an enlightened environment. Unlike the ancients who believed there could not be a civilized society without slaves, enlightenment philosophers developed the view that slavery was antithetical to civilization.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1991

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See Davis, David Brion, Slavery and human progress (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar; Finley, M. I., Ancient slavery and modem ideology (Harmondsworth, 1983Google Scholar); and Patterson, Orlando, ‘Slavery: the underside of freedom’ in Hayward, Jack (ed.), Out of slavery: abolition and after (London, 1985), pp. 729Google Scholar.

2 3 & 4 William IV c. 73, 28 Aug. 1833, ‘An act for the abolition of slavery throughout the British colonies; for promoting the industry of the manumitted slaves; and for compensating the persons hitherto entitled to the services of such slaves’, Statutes at Large, pp. 535–52. It was to take effect 1 Aug. 1834.

3 Eltis, David and Walvin, James (eds.), The abolition of the Atlantic slave trade; origins and effects in Europe, Africa, and the Americas (Madison, 1981)Google Scholar.

4 Anstey, Roger, ‘Religion and British slave emancipation’ in Eltis, and Walvin, (eds.), The abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, pp. 3763Google Scholar; Murray, D. J., The West Indies and the development of colonial government (Oxford, 1965), pp. 126–31Google Scholar; and Green, William A., British slave emancipation: the sugar colonies and the great experiment, 1830–1865 (Oxford, 1976), pp. 100–2Google Scholar.

5 Select committee to consider and report upon the measures which it may be expedient to adopt for the purpose of effecting the extinction of slavery throughout the British dominions, at the earliest period compatible with the safety of all classes in the colonies and in conformity with the resolution of this house on 15 May 1823 (Parl. Papers, xx), 1–655. Richardson, Ronald Kent sees the anti-slavery movement as a response to the dangers of slavery in Moral imperium: Afro-Caribbeans and the transformation of British rule, 1776–1838 (New York, 1987)Google Scholar.

6 Eltis, David discussed the image of freedom in ‘Abolitionist perceptions of society after slavery’ in Walvin, James (ed.), Slavery and British society, 1776–1846 (Baton Rouge, 1982), pp. 195213CrossRefGoogle Scholar. He concentrated on the economic aspects. Green, William asked ‘Was British emancipation a success? The abolitionist perspective’, in Richardson, David (ed.), Abolition and its aftermath: the historical context, 1790–1916 (London, 1985)Google Scholar. His conclusion was that the saints' vision of freedom, involving christianization and continued plantation labour, was not successful in the 1840s.

7 Howard Temperley views anti-slavery as an attempt by the dominant metropolitan ideology to impose its values on the periphery. See his ‘The ideology of antislavery’, in. Eltis, and Walvin, (eds.), The abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, pp. 2137Google Scholar, Capitalism, slavery and ideology’, Past and Present, LXXV (1977), 94118Google Scholar, and ‘Anti-slavery as a form of cultural imperialism’, in Bolt, Christine and Drescher, Seymour (eds.), Anti-slavery, religion and reform: essays in memory of Roger Anstey (Folkestone, 1980), pp. 335–50Google Scholar.

8 Mathieson, William Law, British slavery and its abolition (London, 1926), pp. 115200Google Scholar.

9 The last ameliorative measure was an order in council of November, 1831. See Klingberg, Frank J., The anti-slavery movement in England: a study in English humanitarianism (New Haven, 1926), pp. 211–61Google Scholar.

10 Parliamentary Papers include details of the amelioration programme. See for instance: P.P. 1824, XXIV, 427; 1825, XXVI, 205; 1826–7, xxv, 53; 1828, XXVII, 89; 1829, xxv, 153; 1831–2, XLVII, 178.

11 Rice, C. Duncan, ‘Enlightenment, evangelism and economics: an interpretation of the drive towards emancipation in the British West Indies’, in Rubin, Vera and Tuden, Arthur (eds.), Comparative perspectives on slavery in new world plantation societies (New York, 1977), pp. 123–31Google Scholar.

12 Smith, Robert Worthington, ‘The attempt of British humanitarianism to modify chattel slavery’, in McCulloch, Samuel Clyde (ed.), British humanitarianism; essays honoring Frank J. Klingberg (Philadelphia, 1950), pp. 166233Google Scholar.

13 Mathieson, , British slavery, pp. 151200Google Scholar.

14 Levy, Claude, ‘Barbados; the last years of slavery 1823–1833’, Journal of.Negro History, XXXXIV (1959), 308–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Slavery and the emancipation movement in Barbados, 1650–1833’, Journal of Negro History, LV (1970), 114Google Scholar.

15 Murray, , West Indies and development of colonial government, p. 135Google Scholar.

16 Green, , British slave emancipation, p. 105Google Scholar.

17 Klingberg, , The anti-slavery movement, pp. 259–61Google Scholar.

18 Mathieson, , British slavery, pp. 200–2Google Scholar.

19 Caldecott, Alfred, The church in the West Indies (London, 1970Google Scholarreprint), pp. 90–2 and H. P. Thompson, Into all lands: the history of the society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, 1701–1950 (London, 1951), pp. 165–8.

20 Craton, Michael, ‘Slave culture, resistance and the achievement of emancipation in the British West Indies, 1783–1838’ in Walvin, (ed.), Slavery and British society, p. 111Google Scholar.

21 Grant, Madeline, ‘Enemies to Caesar? Sectarian missionaries in British West Indian slave society, 1754–1834’ (unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Waterloo, 1976), pp. 169–70Google Scholar, quoted in Craton, Michael, ‘Christianity and slavery in the British West Indies, 1750–1865’, Historical Reflections, IX, 3 (1982), 411Google Scholar.

22 Ibid. Craton, ‘Christianity and slavery’, p. 412.

23 Blouet, Olwyn M., ‘To make society safe for freedom: slave education in Barbados, 1823–1833’, Journal of Negro History, LXV, 2 (1980), 129Google Scholar.

24 Returns relating to slave population (P.P. 1831–2, XLVII), 21–32. For full details about the development of education in Barbados see Blouet, Olwyn M., ‘Education and emancipation in Barbados, 1823–1846: a study in cultural transference’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Nebraska, 1977)Google Scholar.

25 P.P. 1832–2, XLVII, appendix. Antigua probably saw the most educational activity before the abolition of slavery. Wesleyans and Moravians were especially busy.

26 Laqueur, Thomas W., Religion and respectability, Sunday schools and working class culture, 1780–1850 (New Haven, 1976)Google Scholar.M

27 P.P. 1831–2, XLVII, 21–32.

28 S.C. on extinction of slavery (P.P. 1831–2, XX), 578. This was out of a total population of approximately 28,130. Higman, Barry, Slave population of the British Caribbean, 1807–1834 (Baltimore, 1984), p. 41Google Scholar. Figures are for c. 1834.

29 P.P. 1831–2, XLVII, 12–13 and 18–19.

30 Ibid. pp. 76–7.

31 Rooke, Patricia T., ‘The pedagogy of conversion: missionary education to slaves in the British West Indies, 1800–1833’, Paedagogica tiistorica, XVIII (1978), 360Google Scholar. Baptist schools are not listed in the general educational returns for 1831–2.

32 P.P. 1831–2, XLVII, 6.

33 The model for the estate school in Barbados was the school on the S. P. G. Codrington plantations. See Bennett, Henry J., Bondsmen and bishops: slavery and apprenticeship on the Codrington plantations of Barbados, 1710–1838 (Berkeley, 1958)Google Scholarand Klingberg, F.J., Codrington chronicle: an experiment in anglican altruism on a Barbados plantation, 1710–1834 (Berkeley, 1949)Google Scholar.

34 P.P. 1831–2, XLVII, 76–7.

35 It is interesting to notice that, despite some planter opposition, slaves could gain access to literacy skills in the British West Indies. There were no anti-literacy laws like those that developed in the United States South between 1830 and 1860. For the U.S. see Litwack, Leon F., Been in the storm so long; the aftermath of slavery (New York, 1979)Google Scholar, Webber, Thomas L., Deep like the rivers: education in the slave quarter community (New York, 1978)Google Scholarand Genovese, Eugene D., Roll, Jordan roll (New York, 1976)Google Scholar. Laws did not necessarily prevent the spread of literacy.

36 Rice, C. Duncan, ‘The missionary context of the British anti-slavery movement’, in Walvin, (ed.), Slavery and British society, pp. 159–60Google Scholar and The late insurrection in Demarara [sic] (in William R. Perkins Library, Duke University). This printed publication includes several articles prepared for insertion in The Missionary Notices for Jan. 1824.

37 Riot in Barbados [sic] and destruction of the Wesleyan chapel and mission house (in William R. Perkins Library, Duke University). This printed publication includes letters from Mr Shrewsbury to the Wesleyan missionary committee in London.

38 Gilmore, J. T., ‘The Rev. William Harte an d attitudes to slavery in early nineteenth century Barbados’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XXX, 4 (1979), 461–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 S.C. on extinction of slavery (P.P. 1831–2, XX), 243–90.

40 Eltis, David, ‘Abolitionist perceptions of society after slavery’, in Walvin, (ed.), Slavery and British society, pp.199204Google Scholar. Eltis shows that Thoma s Fowell Buxton was essentially in favour of a continuation of the plantation system, with a strong police force. His vision of freedom was very limited and constricting.

41 Walvin, James, ‘The public campaign in England against slavery, 1787–1834’, in Eltis, and Walvin, (eds.), The abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, p. 75Google Scholar. See also Drescher, Seymour, Capitalism and anti-slavery: British mobilization in comparative perspective (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar.

42 Reckord, Mary, ‘The colonial office and the abolition of slavery’, Historical Journal, xiv, 4 (1971), 725Google Scholar.

43 Reckord, Mary, ‘The Jamaic a slave rebellion of 1831’, Past and Present, XL (1968), 108–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Craton, Michael, Testing the chains; slave rebellions in the British West Indies, 1620–1832 (Ithaca, 1981)Google Scholar.

44 Turner, Mary, ‘The baptist war and abolition’, Jamaican Historical Review, XIII (1982), 3141Google Scholar; Craton, Michael, ‘What and who to whom and what: the significance of slave resistance’, in Solow, Barbara and Engerman, Stanley (eds.), British capitalism and Caribbean slavery: the legacy of Eric Williams (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar, Seymour Drescher, ‘Public opinion and the destruction of British colonial slavery’, in Walvin (ed.), Slavery and British society, and Hart, Richard, Slaves who abolished slavery Jamaica, 1985), pp. 334–5Google Scholar.

45 Parliamentary debates, 3rd ser., XIII, 24 May 1832, c. 34, and Buxton, Charles, ed., Memoirs of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (London, 1860), pp. 132–43Google Scholar.

46 S.C. on extinction of slavery (P.P. 1831–2, XX), 1–655.

47 Craton, Michael, ‘Slave culture, resistance and emancipation’, in Walvin, (ed.), Slavery and British society, p. 122Google Scholar. James Walvin has emphasized the popular appeal of anti-slavery. See for instance his ‘The public campaign in England against slavery, 1787–1832’, in Bolt, and Drescher, (eds.), Anti-slavery, religion, and reform, pp.149–63Google Scholar.

48 Gross, Izhak, ‘The abolition of negro slavery and British parliamentary politics, 1832–1833’, Historical Journal, XXIII, I (1980), 66Google Scholarand Reckord, , ‘The colonial office’, p. 733Google Scholar.

49 See Appendix I.

50 Information from S. K. Ellison, assistant clerk of records, record office, house of lords, London. For general information, see Bond, M. F., ‘Witnesses in parliament: some historical notes’, The Table, XL (1972), 2531Google Scholar, and May, Thomas Erskine, A treatise upon the law, privileges, proceedings and usage of parliament (London, 1844)Google Scholar.

51 S.C. on extinction of slavery (P.P. 1831–2, xx), 178.

52 Craton, Michael, ‘Slave culture resistance and the achievement of emancipation in the British West Indies, 1783–1838’, in Walvin, (ed.), Slavery and British society, p. 118Google Scholar. As Lowenthal, David has noted freedom was closely linked with freehold in ‘Caribbean views of Caribbean land’, Canadian Geographer, v (1961), 4Google Scholar.

53 S.C. on extinction of slavery (P.P. 1831–2, xx), 54–5.

54 Ibid. pp. 67–8. He thought slaves were very entrepreneurial and worked for money making straw baskets and hats whenever they could.

55 Ibid. pp. 108, 235.

56 Ibid. p. 136.

57 Ibid. p. 162.

58 Ibid. p. 180.

59 Ibid. pp. 164–6.

60 Ibid. p. 183.

61 Ibid. pp. 229–30.

62 For example see evidence of Austin and Simpson. Ibid. pp. 187, 362.

63 Ibid. p. 207.

64 Ibid. pp. 208–9. Fleming had also visited Haiti where, he said, former slaves worked for wages, p. 212.

65 Ibid. p. 222.

66 Ibid. pp. 361, 375.

67 Ibid. pp. 370–1. He admitted this was an extreme example from the Hope Estate.

68 Ibid. p. 293. Captain Williams commanded the first war ship to arrive at Montego Bay after the Jamaica insurrection of 1831.

69 Ibid. p. 302.

70 Ibid. p. 306.

71 Ibid. p. 375.

72 Ibid. p. 63.

73 Ibid. p. 544.

74 Ibid. pp. 51–8.

75 Ibid. p. 9.

76 Ibid. p. 195.

77 Ibid. p. 233.

78 Ibid. p. 65.

79 Ibid. p. 192.

80 Ibid. p. 171.

81 Reckord, , ‘Colonial office and abolition of slavery’, p. 733Google Scholar.

82 S.C. on extinction of slavery (P.P. 1831–2, xx), 255.

83 For more information about Knibb see Wright, Philip, Knibb ‘the notorious’ (London, 1973)Google Scholarand Turner, Mary, Slaves and missionaries (Carbondale, 1982)Google Scholar.

84 S.C. on extinction of slavery (P.P. 1831–2, xx), 304.

85 Ibid. p. 314.

86 Ibid. p. 315.

87 Ibid. p. 222.

88 Ibid. p. 223.

89 ibid. p. 238.

90 Ibid. pp. 194–5.

91 Campbell, Carl, ‘Towards an imperial policy for the education of negroes in the West Indies after emancipation’, Jamaican Historical Review, XIII (1967), 68102Google Scholar.

92 Gordon, Shirley C., Reports and repercussions in West Indian education, 1835–1933 (London, 1968)Google Scholar.

93 Patterson, Orlando, Slavery and social death (Cambridge, Mass., 1982)Google Scholar.

94 S.C. on extinction of slavery (P.P. 1831–2, xx), 304.

95 Coupland, Reginald, The British anti-slavery movement (London, 1933)Google Scholar and Klingberg, The anti-slavery movement.

96 Williams, Eric, Capitalism and slavery (Chapel Hill, 1944).For recent discussion of the debate see Solow an d Engerman, British capitalism and Caribbean slavery. Most recentlyGoogle ScholarBlackburn, Robin in The overthrow of colonial slavery, 1776–1848 (London, 1988)Google Scholarclaims slavery was overthrown because it was politically untenable. He emphasizes slave resistance, rising domestic social unrest an d the mobilization of popular sentiment in helping to bring about emancipation.

97 Engerman, Stanley and Elds, David make a similar point in ‘Economic aspects of the abolition debate’, in Bolt, and Drescher, (eds.), Anti-slavery, religion and reform, pp. 272–94Google Scholar.