Hostname: page-component-5c6d5d7d68-wtssw Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-08-21T15:29:55.852Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Religion of Robert Cecil*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Pauline Croft
Pauline Croft
Affiliation:
Royal Holloway and Bedford New College
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The debate over the nature and significance of religious change in late sixteenth and early seventeenth century England has been one of the most lively of recent years and shows no sign of abating. The emergence or otherwise of a Calvinist consensus, the impact of the high church or Arminian party, the role of puritanism, and the relationship between all these and the outbreak of the civil war have generated vigorous discussion. Attention has inevitably tended to focus on the theological outlook of university-educated clerics, whose sermons and treatises provide a mine of information. In the absence of comparable sources it is far harder to evaluate the position of laymen, and in the case of Robert Cecil it may seem exceptionally foolhardy to attempt to do so, since he has usually been depicted as both an enigmatic figure and a morally dubious one. Hurstfield confined his discussion to the Cecils' view of the right relationship between church and state, concluding merely that Robert Cecil followed his father Lord Burghley in supporting a via media. Yet it is possible to piece together a large amount of information about his spiritual development, and the evidence suggests a gradual but very significant change of outlook, from orthodox Elizabethan protestantism to a more complex position in which both his doctrinal and aesthetic sensibilities were moving in the direction later identified with Laudianism. Moreover, in the construction of his private chapel at Hatfield, and in his links with men such as Richard Neile and Samuel Harsnett, he can be seen as the first great patron of the emerging high church party, antedating Buckingham and Charles I by a generation. Tracing the religious evolution of Robert Cecil first earl of Salisbury thus illuminates some of the crucial changes reshaping English protestantism in these formative years.

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 34 , Issue 4 , December 1991 , pp. 773 - 796
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1991

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Collinson, Patrick, The religion of protestants (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar, Tyacke, Nicholas, Anti-Calvinists: the rise of English Arminianism c. 1590–1640 (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar, White, Peter, ‘The rise of English Arminianism reconsidered’, Past and Present, CI (1983)Google Scholar, Lake, Peter, ‘Calvinism and the English church, 1570–1635’, Past and Present, CXIV (1987)Google Scholar, Morrill, John, ‘The attack on the church of England in the Long Parliament, 1640–2’, in History, society and the churches: essays in honour of Owen Chadwick, eds. Beales, D. and Best, G. (Cambridge, 1985)Google Scholar, and most recently, Russell, Conrad, The causes of the English civil war (Oxford, 1990), pp. 58–108Google Scholar.

2 Hurstfield, Joel, ‘Church and state, 1558–1612: the task of the Cecils’;, in Freedom, corruption and government in Elizabethan England (London, 1973), pp. 79–103Google Scholar.

3 British Library (B.L.), Harl. MS 3638, fo. 106, ‘A memorial for Thomas Cecil, 1561’, printed in Advice to a son, ed. Wright, Louis B. (Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington D.C., and Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1986), pp. 3–6Google Scholar. There is no specific programme for Robert Cecil but it can be presumed that he followed a similar routine. ‘Certain precepts for the well ordering of a man's life’, c. 1584, in Wright, , Advice to a son, pp. 9–13Google Scholar. I have used ‘Puritan’ and ‘godly’ in the sense outlined by Collinson, P., ‘The Jacobean religious settlement’ in Before the English civil war, ed. Tomlinson, Howard (London, 1983), pp. 29–30Google Scholar.

4 Handover, P. M., The second Cecil: the rise to power 1563–1604 of Sir Robert Cecil, later first earl of Salisbury (London, 1959), pp. 24–7, 95Google Scholar. Historical Manuscripts Commission, Salisbury (Cecil), hereafter H. M. C. Salisbury, XXI, 230. Public Record Office (P.R.O.), S. P. 12/278/127.

5 Proceedings in parliament 1610, ed. Foster, E. R. (2 vols., New Haven and London, 1966), II, 121, 1, 28, 55, 116, 168Google Scholar. ‘A collection of several speeches and treatises of the late lord treasurer Cecil’ ed. Croft, P., Camden Miscellany, XXIX (Royal Historical Society, London, 1987), 295Google Scholar. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Tanner MS 74, fo. 9V.

6 MacCulloch, Dairmaid, Suffolk and the Tudors (Oxford, 1986), pp. 38, 189, 328–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Hatfield House MS 87/118. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 38, XVIII, 270, XI, 148, XIX, 214. Croft, P., ‘Wardship in the parliament of 1604’ Parliamentary History, II (1983), 40–2Google Scholar.

7 B. L., Add. MS 287571, fo. 199. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 431, XVI, 467–8.

8 Letters of Sir Francis Hastings, ed. Cross, M. Claire, Somerset Record Society, LXIX (1979), 87Google Scholar. Stuart Royal Proclamations, vol. 1, Royal proclamations of King James I 1603–25, eds. Larkin, J. F. and Hughes, P. L., 87–8Google Scholar. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVI, 95, 242, 290–1, XVII, 31.

9 Ibid. XVII, 7–8, 26, 38, 72–3, 618, 641.

10 Babbage, S. B., Puritanism and Richard Bancroft (London, 1962), p. 52nGoogle Scholar. Sheils, W. J., ‘Religion in provincial towns: innovation and tradition’ in Church and society in England, Henry VIII to James I, eds. Heal, Felicity and O'Day, Rosemary (London, 1977), p. 171Google Scholar. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 46, 133, 270. Dove's harshness is commented on by Quintrell, B. W., ‘The royal hunt and the puritans 1604–5’ Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XXXI, 1 (1980), 53Google Scholar. Cf. also Fincham, Kenneth, Prelate as pastor (Oxford, 1990), p. 214Google Scholar.

11 Stone, Lawrence, Family and fortune: studies in aristocratic finance in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Oxford, 1973), pp. 38–9Google Scholar. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 67–8. Babbage, , Puritanism and Richard Bancroft, pp. 210–11Google Scholar.

12 Hatfield MS. 110/117, 193/43, 114/128, three corrected drafts, one of six and a half pages.

13 Les reportes del cases in Camera Stellata, 1593–1609, ed. Baildon, W. P. (London, 1894), p. 191Google Scholar.

14 Babbage, , Puritanism and Richard Bancroft, pp. 48–9Google Scholar. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 120, 258, 270–1, 469, 619–23. P.R.O., S.P. Dom. 14/13/33, 35. Baildon, Les reportes del cases, pp. 222–30Google Scholar. In contrast a Kentish minister who had libelled bishops was tried in Cecil's absence and lost both his ears: Ibid. p. 341. For Hooker, P. Lake, Anglicans and Puritans? Presbyterianism and English conformist thought from Whitgift to Hooker (London, 1988), pp. 145–225Google Scholar. H.M.C. Montagu of Beaulieu, p. 47.

15 P.R.O., S.P. 12/278/108, 109. Foster, Andrew W., ‘A biography of Archbishop Richard Neile’ (unpublished D. Phil, dissertation, University of Oxford, 1978), pp. 1–20Google Scholar. Neile did not sever his connexion with Calvinism until around 1605–6.

16 H.M.C. Salisbury, XVI, 389–91, 398. P.R.O., S.P. 14/10/70–77, S.P. 14/2/7–10. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVI, 381–2. The earl of Northampton complained about Emmanuel chapel. Tyacke, , Anti-Calvinists, p. 11Google Scholar.

17 H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 9, 28–9. P.R.O., S.P. 14/13/31.

18 Bondos-Greene, Stephen A., ‘The end of an era: Cambridge Puritanism and the Christ's College election of 1609’ Historical Journal, XXV, 1 (1982), 203–7Google Scholar. However, the suggestion (p. 204) that Salisbury used his son Cranborne to plant the information concerning Pemberton's sermons is unconvincing, in view of his frequent complaints of the boy's lack of wit. There is no evidence of any liaison between them on such matters. It is far more likely that Cranborne blurted out the news, leaving Salisbury to wrestle with a further complication.

19 H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 422–3, 431. Dent, C. M., Protestant reformers in Elizabethan Oxford (Oxford, 1983), p. 228Google Scholar.

20 For other expressions of concern over the drive for conformity, P.R.O., S.P. 14/10/64, H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 29, 270–1. Its severity was recalled years later: The table talk of John Selden, ed. SirPollock, Frederick (London, 1927), p. 8Google Scholar. Willett, Andrew, Hexapla in Genesin (Cambridge, 1605)Google Scholar. The dedication of ‘the second book of the second tome or part of Genesis’ is jointly to Lord Mountjoy, earl of Devonshire, and Cecil. In doctrine if not in the conduct of his private life, Mountjoy was a fervent protestant: Baildon, , Les reportes del cases, p. 190Google Scholar, Tyacke, , Anti-Calvinists, p. 14Google Scholar.

21 Three in 1606, one in 1608, and one in 1610. Despite his lofty comment to the Lords that he had ‘40 foolish books dedicated unto himself in a year’; (Foster, , Proceedings, I, 24Google Scholar), Salisbury was a relatively rare dedicatee, probably because he tried to evade authors. For his unsuccessful attempt to evade one of the anti-popish tracts, Swynnerton's, JohnA Christian love letter, H.M.C. Salisbury, XVIII, 447Google Scholar.

22 Babbage, , Puritanism and Richard Bancroft, p. 42Google Scholar. P.R.O., S.P. 14/44/22, H.M.C. Salisbury, XIX, 164, 348. For the joint efforts of Salisbury and Bancroft in 1610 to improve ecclesiastical livings, Foster, , Proceedings, I, 231–5Google Scholar.

23 For tracts against the peace, B.L., Cotton Vesp. C.XIII, fos. 154–5, 160–2 (by Cotton), 307–12, the latter printed in Oldys, W. and Birch, T., The works of Sir Walter Raleigh (8 vols., London, 1829), VIII, 299–316Google Scholar. See also P.R.O., S.P. 14/2/25.

24 Andrews, K. R., ‘Caribbean rivalry and the Anglo-Spanish peace of 1604’ History, XL, 1 (1974), 1–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Calendar of state papers domestic, 1603–10, p. 515. Several of his closest associates, including SirCope, Walter and SirCecil, Edward, and later Cranborne, Lord subscribed: H.M.C. Salisbury, XXI, 84, 133–4, 318Google Scholar. Kingsbury, S. M., The records of the Virginia Company of London 1607–19 (Washington D. C., 1933)Google Scholar. Birch, Thomas, Memoirs of the reign of Queen Elizabeth (2 vols., London, 1754), I, 352Google Scholar. Calendar of state papers Venetian 1603–7, pp. 108, 176. I have used the phases outlined by Loomie, A. J., ‘Sir Robert Cecil and the Spanish embassy’ Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Resiarch, XIII (1969), 30–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which concur with my own reading of Archivo General de Simancas, Seccion Estado, legajos 2584–90, the correspondence from successive Spanish ambassadors in London between 1605 and 1613. Croft, P., ‘Serving the Archduke: Robert Cecil's management of the parliamentary session of 1606’ Historical Research, LXIV (1991), 289–304CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Loomie, , ‘Cecil and the Spanish Embassy’ pp. 41, 54–7Google Scholar.

26 Foster, , Proceedings, I, 7Google Scholar. Strong, Roy, ‘England and Italy: the marriage of Henry prince of Wales’ in For Veronica Wedgwood these studies in seventeenth-century history, eds. Ollard, R. and Tudor-Craig, P. (London, 1986), p. 75Google Scholar. SirWinwood, Ralph, Memorials of affairs of state…by Edmund Sawyer (3 vols., London, 1775), III, 410Google Scholar. Fincham, Kenneth, ‘Prelacy and politics: Archbishop Abbot's defence of protestant orthodoxy’, Historical Research, LXI, 144 (1988), 47Google Scholar.

27 Adams, Simon, ‘The protestant cause’ (unpublished D.Phil, dissertation, University of Oxford, 1972), pp. 229–43Google Scholar, and Adams, , ‘Spain or the Netherlands? the dilemmas of early Stuart foreign policy’ in Tomlinson, , Before the English civil war, pp. 79–102Google Scholar. de la Boderie, Antoine Lefevre, Ambassades…en Angleterre…1606–1611 (5 vols., Paris, 1750), III, 163–4Google Scholar, Loomie, A. J., Spain and the Jacobean catholics (2 vols., Catholic Record Society, London, 1973, 1978), I, 109Google Scholar. Loomie, , ‘Cecil and the Spanish Embassy’ p. 44Google Scholar. H.M.C. Salisbury, XX, 226, 260. P.R.O., S.P. 84/68 fos. 122–4, quoted in Lee, Maurice Jnr, ‘The Jacobean diplomatic service’ American Historical Review, LXXII (1967), 1269–71Google Scholar. P.R.O., S.P. 14/65/91, S.P. 78/58 fos. 175–6.

28 Black, J. B., The reign of Elizabeth 1558–1603 (Oxford, reprinted 1952), pp. 377–9Google Scholar. Collins, Arthur, The life of…William Cecil published from the original MSS… (London, 1732), p. 55Google Scholar. H.M.C. Eleventh Report, part VII, p. 297. Correspondence of King James VI of Scotland with Sir Robert Cecil and others in England, ed. Bruce, John (Camden Society London, 1861), pp. 32–7Google Scholar. P.R.O., S.P. 14/10/66.

29 Cal. S.P. Venetian 1603–7, pp. 227–9.

30 P.R.O., S.P. 14/10/66. The calendar dates Cecil's letter to December 1604 but as it is in answer to Hutton's letter of 18 December, a date early in 1605 seems preferable. The later copy in B.L., Harl. MS 7002 fo. 51 is dated 4 January 1604/5: that in the Talbot papers was dated by the earl of Shrewsbury to 1 February 1604/5. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVII, 76. Illustrations of British history… by Lodge, E. (3 vols., London, 1791), III, 125–30Google Scholar.

31 For further proof that Cecil did not instigate the plot, Nicholls, Mark, ‘Investigating gunpowder plot’ Recusant History, XIX, 2 (1988), 124–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The treatise was printed by Barker, Robert, London, 1606, ‘With the text of a letter addressed to the earl of Salisbury’ no paginationGoogle Scholar.

32 Nicholls, M., ‘The “wizard earl” in Star Chamber: the trial of the earl of Northumberland, June 1606’ Historical Journal, XXX, 1 (1987), 184Google Scholar. This reassurance of the godly can be seen as part of a concerted drive by the privy council to calm all varieties of religious opinion, for at the trial of Henry Garnet in March 1606, Northampton similarly went out of his way to stress that although toleration had never been on offer, the law-abiding section of the catholic community need not fear persecution. Fincham, K. and Lake, P. G., ‘The ecclesiastical policy of James I’ Journal of British Studies, XXIV, 2 (1985), 185Google Scholar.

33 B.L., Harl. M S 1875 fo. 527V. H.M.C. Twelfth Report, part VI, Rutland MSS, p. 420. Loomie, , ‘Cecil and the Spanish Embassy’ pp. 43, 47Google Scholar. According to the countess of Suffolk, Cecil had been annoyed at Spanish pressure for a full toleration, exclaiming ‘I swear to God…for two years I have been trying to bring some moderation and end the bloodshed in matters of religion’.

34 Calendar of state papers domestic 1603–1610, p. 278. Sawyer, , Winwood's memorials, III, 49Google Scholar. B.L., Lansdowne MS 108, fo. 151. Loomie, , ‘Cecil and the Spanish embassy’ p. 51Google Scholar. Fincham, , ‘Prelacy and politics’ p. 41Google Scholar.

35 A calendar of the Shrewsbury papers in the Lambeth Palace library, ed. Bill, E. G. W., Derbyshire Archaeological Society Record Series, I (London, 1965), xiGoogle Scholar. Lodge, , Illustrations of British history, II, 505, 549, 554, III, 60, 82, 99Google Scholar. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVI, 365, XIX, 254–5. B.L., Lansdowne MSS 92/101–103.

36 In Salisbury's will he named Suffolk and Worcester as ‘my dearest friends’ and left Lady Suffolk his best diamond ring. For the will see below pp. 23–4. Loomie, , ‘Cecil and the Spanish embassy’ p. 31Google Scholar. The court and times of James I, ed. Williams, R. F. (2 vols., London, 1849), I, 45–6Google Scholar. Loomie, , Spain and the Jacobean catholics, I, 157Google Scholar. Foster, , Proceedings, I, 61Google Scholar. H.M.C. Salisbury, XVIII, III. G. B. Harrison, A Jacobean Journal (reprinted London, 1946), p. 281.

37 ‘An answeare’ no pagination.

38 H.M.C. Salisbury, XXI, 157, 215, 218. B.L., Egerton MS 1525, fo. 33. On his deathbed Salisbury again enquired anxiously if Catherine Cranborne had recently taken the sacrament. Peck, Francis, Desiderata curiosa (2 vols., London, 1732–1735), I, Lib. VI, p. 12Google Scholar. Collins, , Life of William Cecil, pp. 55–62Google Scholar. London, Duchy of Cornwall Record Office, Bound Papers G/m/3, pp. 169–71. Tyacke, , Anti-Calvinists, p. 28Google Scholar. Lodge, , Illustrations of British History, III, 24Google Scholar.

39 Foster, , Proceedings, I, 60, 101–3Google Scholar, 231–4.

40 Stone, , Family and fortune, pp. 62–7Google Scholar. The complex story of the re-siting of the chapel, when it was decided to leave the east wing clear for the private apartments, is told on pp. 73–85. Auerbach, Erna and Adams, C. Kingsley, Painting and sculpture at Hatfield House (London, 1971), pp. 1–26Google Scholar.

41 Collinson, P., The birthpangs of protestant England: religious and cultural change in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (London, 1988), pp. 117–19Google Scholar. Also Collinson, , From iconoclasm to iconophobia (Stenton lecture 1985, University of Reading, 1986)Google Scholar. Watt, Tessa, Cheap print and popular piety 1550–1640 (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar.

42 Aston, Margaret, England's iconoclasts: laws against images (Oxford, 1988), pp. 450–1Google Scholar.

43 I am most grateful to Mr Robin Harcourt Williams, librarian and archivist to the marquess of Salisbury at Hatfield House, for allowing me a detailed inspection of the chapel and discussing with me various aspects of its furnishings. Auerbach, and Adams, , Painting and sculpture at Hatfield House, pp. 103, 106–8Google Scholar. The Frenchman Louis Dauphin, the Dutchman Martin van Bentheim and Richard Butler of Southwark were paid for the window. A revival of stained glass was beginning in England in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries but Hatfield seems to have been the first religious, as distinct from armorial, example.

44 Auerbach, and Adams, , Painting and sculpture at Hatfield House, pp. 20, 26–7Google Scholar.

45 Tyacke, , Anti-Calvinists, pp. 192–4Google Scholar. For Passenham, , SirPevsner, Nikolaus, The buildings of England: Northamptonshire (2nd edn revised by Cherry, Bridget, London, 1973)Google Scholar, and additional information in the church. Bernard, G. W., ‘The Churc h of England 1529–1642’ History LXXV, 2 (1990), 204Google Scholar. H.M.C. Salisbury, XXII, 34–5.

46 Peacham, Henry, The Gentleman's Exercise (London, 1612), pp. 7–14, 125, 166Google Scholar. Peacham, a courtier who on several occasions sketched James I, was one of the group of residents in the parish of St Martin in the Fields who were clients of the Cecils. I am grateful to Julia Merritt of the Institute of Historical Research, London, for information from her forthcoming Ph.D. thesis on the parishes of St Martin's in the Fields and St Margaret's, Westminster, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

47 Aston, , England's iconoclasts, pp. 340–1Google Scholar. P.R.O., S.P. 16/228/25 fo. 64, S.P. 16/308/ 8 fo. 8, S.P. 16/325/56 fo. 161.

48 Auerbach, and Adams, , Painting and sculpture at Hatfield House, p. 20Google Scholar. In view of Peacham's caution over crucifixion scenes, the most sensitive of all depictions in protestant eyes, it is significant that the painting of the passion was not kept in the chapel.

49 Hulse, Lynn, ‘The musical patronage of Robert Cecil, first earl of Salisbury 1563–1612’ Journal of the Royal Musical Association, CXIV (1) 1991, 24–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50 Parry, Graham, The golden age restor'd: the culture of the Stuart court, 1603–42 (Manchester, 1981), pp. 131–2Google Scholar.

51 H.M.C. Salisbury, XXIV, 179. Charlton, W., The life of William Cecil Lord Burghley (Stamford, 1847), pp. 123–5, 285–7Google Scholar. The nearest parallels to Salisbury's tomb are those of Englebert II of Nassau in Breda and Sir Francis Vere in Westminster Abbey, but the similarities are not close. Whinney, Margaret, Sculpture in Britain 1530–1830 (London, 1964), p. 19Google Scholar. The motif of the cardinal virtues can be found elsewhere, as on the tomb of Sir William Cordell at Long Melford, but they are uniquely prominent and nearly life size on Salisbury's tomb.

52 There are numerous copies of the will. I have used that in Hatfield MSS box V/182 and am grateful to the marquess of Salisbury for permission to quote from it and from other Hatfield MSS cited here. The phrase ‘finding and feeling myself in perfect health and memory’ is formulaic rather than factual. Some copies are in unlikely places, e. g. Hastings MSS, personal papers Box 15 no. 4, now in the Huntington Library, California, suggesting that it may even have circulated as a piece of devotional literature in its own right.

53 Collins, , Life of William Cecil, pp. 80–2Google Scholar. For Burghley's attitude to Baro in 1596, Porter, H. C., Reformation and reaction in Tudor Cambridge (Cambridge, 1958), p. 386Google Scholar.

54 H.M.C. Salisbury, VIII, 35, IX, 400, XVII, 471–2, XVIII, 42. Tyacke, , Anti-Calvinists, pp. 111–12, 164–5Google Scholar. The others were Francis Marbury, taken over from Burghley and from his two published sermons an orthodox predestinarian; Thomas Moigne who was a titular chaplain only, remaining at Cambridge; William Langton or Laughton who became president of Magdalen College Oxford; and Robert Abbot who served at Hatfield. Nothing is known about the doctrinal position of the latter although there is some evidence to suggest that Langton beautified the college chapel. H.M.C. Salisbury, X, 159, XVII, 494, 615, XIX, 442, XXIV, 236. Bloxam, J. R., A Register of the Presidents, Fellows etc…of St Mary Magdalen College Oxford (8 vols., Oxford, 1863), II, xxxixGoogle Scholar. Bowle's, commendation of worship in parish churches as opposed to private chapels is in his ‘Sermon preached at Flitton in the countie of Bedford at the funeral of the right honorable Henrie earl of Kent the 16 of March 1614’ (London, 1615)Google Scholar.

55 Foster, , ‘Neile’ pp. 25–36Google Scholar. By 1614 the abbey was so high church that the house of commons decamped to St Margaret's, Westminster. The letters of John Chamberlain, ed. McClure, N. E. (2 vols., Philadelphia 1939), I, 209–11, 525Google Scholar.

56 Foster, ‘Neile’ pp. 37–8Google Scholar. Tyacke, , Anti-Calvinists, pp. 20, 28, 38, 101Google Scholar. Cal. S.P. Venetian 1610–12, p. 127. H.M.C. Salisbury, XXI, 134, 143, 196.

57 The comparison with anorexia is Collinson's, , Birthpangs of protestant England, p. 119Google Scholar. Sir Robert Naunton, Fragmenta regalia, ed. Cerowski, J. S. (Washington D. C., 1985), p. 82Google Scholar.

58 Letters and memorials of state…transcribed from the originals at Penshurst Place by Collins, A. (2 vols., London, 1746), II, 185Google Scholar. Beale, Robert, ‘Instructions for a principall secretarie’ printed in Read, Conyers, Sir Francis Walsingham (2 vols., Oxford, 1925), I, 430Google Scholar.

59 Lake, P., Moderate puritans and the Elizabethan church (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 234, 240CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60 H.M.C. Salisbury, XII, 64, 448, XVII, 459. Foster, , ‘Neile’ pp. 17–20Google Scholar. H.M.C. Twelfth report pt. IV, Rutland MSS, p. 420.

61 Lake, P., ‘Lancelot Andrewes, John Buckeridge and avant-garde conformity at the court of James I’ in The mental world of the Jacobean court, ed. Peck, Linda Levy (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar. For the very similar views of Neile, and Harsnett, , Fincham, , Prelate as pastor, pp. 232–8Google Scholar.

62 John Bowie's account in B.L., Add. MS 34218, fos. 125–7, printed anonymously in Peck, , Desiderata Curiosa, I, Lib. VI pp. 9–15Google Scholar. Tyacke, , Anti-Calvinists, p. 71Google Scholar.

63 Ibid. p. 13. Salisbury's, charitable giving has been described as ‘pitiful’ but Stone's list omits numerous benefactions (Family and fortune, pp. 30r–1Google Scholar). Salisbury gave £20 per week to the poor in Bath as well as gifts to restore the church there. Even if over his lifetime he was ungenerous, in his last days his alms were significant, and exactly in line with Andrewes' teaching.

64 Bruce, , Correspondence of King James VI of Scotland, p. 33Google Scholar. Lake, , Moderate Puritans, p. 228Google Scholar.

65 A linkage discussed by Trevor-Roper, Hugh, ‘Laudianism and political power’ in Catholics, Anglicans and Puritans (London, 1987), pp. 60–70Google Scholar.

66 Foster, , Proceedings, II, 59–60Google Scholar.

67 Croft, , ‘A collection’ pp. 263Google Scholar, 303.

68 ‘An answeare’ no pagination.

69 Lake, P., ‘The impact of early modern protestantism’ Journal of British Studies, XXVIII, 3 (1989), 302Google Scholar.