¹ The disaster engendered a huge bibliography of a varied kind: military and eye-witness accounts, polemical books about the wider causes of the War, and programmes for the regeneration of Spain. For contemporary accounts of causes written from different standpoints see: Casanova, Enrique Reig y, Sacrilegios y traidores, o la masonería contra la Iglesia y contra España (Madrid, 1910)Google Scholar. (This diatribe against the freemasons was preceded by a pastoral letter of the archbishop of Seville blaming them for the diaster (quoted in El Imparcial, 7 Aug. 1898)); Martínez, J. Rodríguez, Los desastres y la regeneración de España. Relatos e impresiones (La Coruña, 1899)Google Scholar; Luis, Morote, La moral de la derrota (Madrid, 1900)Google Scholar; Vital, Fité, Las desdichas de la patria (Madrid, 1899)Google Scholar; Ramiro de, Maeztu, Hacia otra España (Madrid, 1899)Google Scholar; Damián, Isern, Del desastre national y sus causas (Madrid, 1899)Google Scholar; DrMadrazo, , ¿El pueblo español ha muerto? Impresiones sobre elestado actual de la sociedad española (Santander, 1903)Google Scholar; Cortés, César Silió y, Problemas del día (Madrid, 1900)Google Scholar; Picavea, Ricardo Macías, El problema nacional. Hechos, causas, remedios (Madrid, 1899)Google Scholar. The bibliography of more recent analyses can be found in the endnotes that follow.

² Pabón, Jesús, ‘El 98, acontecimiento international’ in Días de ayer. Histories e historiadores contemporáneas (Barcelona, 1963)Google Scholar; Zamora, J. M. Jover, 1898. Teoréa y práctica de la redistributión colonial (Madrid, 1979).Google Scholar

³ Carlos, Serrano, Final del imperio. España 1895–1898 (Madrid, 1984), p. 46.Google Scholar

⁴ El Imparcial and La Epoca, Apr. 1898.

⁵ Palau, Victor M. Concas y, La Escuadra del Almirante Cervera (Madrid, 19900, 2nd edn)Google Scholar; Topete, Pascual Cervera y, Guerra hispano-americana. Colección de documentos referentes a la escuadra de operaciones de las Antillas (El Ferrol, 1899)Google Scholar. Count Romanones also describes a meeting of generals and admirals held in the royal palace in which, he claims, the feeling was unanimous that war was ‘the only honourable means by which Spain could lose what still remained of her immense colonial Empire’: Conde de, Romanones, Las responsabilidades del Antiguo Régimen (Madrid, n.d.), p. 33Google Scholar; see also Serrano, , Final, pp. 41–7Google Scholar and Conde de, Romanones, Doña María Cristina de Hapsburgo y Lorena (Buenos Aires, 1947), p. 98.Google Scholar

⁶ 7 Feb. 1901, quoted in joaquín, Costa, Oligarquía y caciquismo como la forma actual de gobierno de España (Madrid, 1902), 13 n. 2.Google Scholar

⁷ See for example the entries in his diary in his last year as a minor quoted in Almagro, Melchor Fernández, Historia Político de la España contemporánea (3 vols., Madrid, 1956), 11, 716–17.Google Scholar

⁸ Harrison, R. J., ‘Catalan business and the loss of Cuba 1898–1914’, Economic History Review, XXVII (1974)Google Scholar; Jordi, Nadal, ‘Spain, 1830–1914’ in Cipolla, Carlo M. ed., The emergence of industrial societies (2 vols., London, 1973) II, 532–627Google Scholar; and by the same author, El fracaso de la Revolución industrial en España 1814–1913 (Barcelona, 1975).Google Scholar

⁹ Ortega, José Varela, Los amigos políticos. Partidos, elecciones y caciquismo en la Restauración (1875–1900) (Madrid, 1977)Google Scholar; by the same author, ‘Aftermath of splendid disaster: Spanish politics before and after the Spanish American War of 1898’, Journal of Contemporary History, XV (1980), 317–44Google Scholar; Maura, Joaquín Romero, ‘La rosa de fuego’. El obrerismo barcelonés de 1899 a 1990 (Barcelona, 1974)Google Scholar; Junco, José Alvarez, El Emperador del Paralelo. Lerroux y la demagogia populista (Madrid, 1990)Google Scholar. Carlos, Serrano'sLe tour du peuple. Crise nationale, mouvements populaires et populisme en Espagne (1890–1910) (Madrid, 1987)Google Scholar attributes a more dynamic role to the events of 1898.

¹⁰ Serrano, , Le Tour, pp. 12–40Google Scholar. According to La Voz de Galicia, half of the men due to be called up in some Galician towns emigrated beforehand (quoted in ‘Emigración de Quintos’, El Imparcial 3 Aug. 1896). El Imparcial (17 Jan. 1901) reports after the wars that up to 16,000 deserters were living in southern France.

¹¹ A typical example was the image in a weekly magazine, after the Spanish fleet was sunk in the first engagement of the war, of ‘the healthy, greasy pig trampling on the wounded lion’: La Ilustración Española y Americana, 8 May 1898. For a typically racist view: Cortijo, Vicente de, Apuntes para la historia de la pérdida de nuestras colonias por un testigo presencial (Madrid, 1899), p. 4Google Scholar. The portrayal of the war in popular songs has been studied by Carlos García, Barrón, Cancionero del 98 (Madrid, 1974).Google Scholar

¹² The most complete accounts can be found in El Imparcial 1, 2, 16 and 20 Sept. 1898; also 23 Mar. and 11 Apr. 1899. Canalejas made an impassioned speech in parliament against the Silvela government in which he criticized the absence of measures to help the veterans: an extract is quoted in La Vanguardia 6 Jul. 1899. See also Rubén, Darío, ‘Madrid’ in España Contemporánea (Barcelona, 1987), p. 43.Google Scholar

¹³ Details of the 1899 riots from El Imparcial, La Epoca, Diario de Barcelona and La Vanguardia, Jun. and Jul. 1899.

¹⁴ Serrano, , Le Tour, pp. 40–54Google Scholar; Arriero, María Luz, ‘Los motines de subsistencias en España, 1895–1905’, Estudios de Historia Social, XXX (07–09 1984), 193–250Google Scholar; Alfin, Demetrio Castro, ‘Protesta popular y orden público: los motines de consumo’, in Delgado, José Luis García ed., España entre dos siglos (1875–1931): continuidad y cambio (Madrid, 1991), pp. 109–23Google Scholar. Thompson's, E. P. work is ‘The moral economy of the English crowd in the eighteenth century’, Past and Present, L (1971), 76–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For anti-conscription riots see Nuria, Sales, Sobre esclavos, reclutas y mercaderes de quintos (Barcelona, 1974), pp. 207–77.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See, in particular, Diario de Barcelona, 27–29 Jun., La Vanguardia, 6 Jul., Las Provincias, 2 Jul., El Imparcial, 5 Jul. 1899. For the 1898 riots, see Diario de Barcelona, La Epoca and El Imparcial, 4–12 May.

¹⁶ The Imparcial editorial is ‘La mejor defensa’, 4 Jul. For Paraíso's comments, ‘Temores’, El Imparcial, 1 Jul. 1899.

¹⁷ Lara, Manuel Tuñón de, El movimiento obrero en la historia de España (Madrid, 1972), p. 331.Google Scholar

¹⁸ For an overview of popular protest in Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Dick, Geary, European labour protest 1848–1828, pp. 90–133.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Alvarez, Junco, El Emperador, pp. 415–16.Google Scholar

²⁰ These included the workers’ compensation act; a law regulating the work of women and children; a third prohibiting work on Sundays; and yet another creating the Instituto de Reformas Sociales to collect data about working and living conditions among working-class families.

²¹ Silvela quote in Borja de, Riquer, Lliga Regionalista: La burguesia catalana i el nacionalisme (1898–1904) (Barcelona, 1977), p. 140Google Scholar; for the Polavieja programme, see his Manifesto in García Nieto, María Carmen et al. , Bases documentales de la España contemporánea (Madrid, 1972), V, 41–9.Google Scholar

²² The Krausist Instituto Libre de Enseñanza had been campaigning since 1870 for educational reform as a means of modernizing society and it had deeply influenced the new generation of intellectuals who were now confronting the post-diaster crisis. See Viu, Vicente Cacho, La Institución Libre de Enseñanza (Madrid, 1962)Google Scholar; Elías, Díaz, ‘Ortega y la Institución Libre de Enseñanza’, Revista de Occidente, Jan. 1987.Google Scholar

²³ Joaquín, Costa, Oligarquía y Caciquismo como la forma actual de gobierno en España (Madrid, 1902).Google Scholar

²⁴ This movement had its origins before 1895 in the shape of the agrarian leagues in Castilla and Aragon whose main demand, though couched in the language of national regeneration, was state aid for local agrarian interests. Pirala, España, II, 26–35, 66–9, 169–70; Serrano, , Le tour, pp. 238–9Google Scholar; Varela, Ortega, Los amigos, pp. 269–71.Google Scholar

²⁵ For vivid contemporary descriptions of the assemblies, see El Imparcial and La Epoca Nov. 1898, Feb. 1899 and Jan. 1900.

²⁶ Despite its later appropriation by the military, Costa's notion had more to do with nineteenth-century praetorian liberalism than with twentieth-century dictatorship: Maura, Joaquín Romero, ‘Il Novantotto Spagnolo. Note sulle ripercussioni ideologiche di disastro coloniale’, Rivista Storica Italiana, LXXXIV (1972), 32–52.Google Scholar

²⁷ For example, the frequent references to the need to unite labour and capital during the 1900 Valladolid assembly in, among other papers, El Imparcial (16–18 Jan.).

²⁸ For example, Basilio Paraíso's statement to El Español quoted in La Vanguardia on 13 Aug. 1899, ‘Not only should the habits of the Government be regenerated but also those of the people’.

²⁹ Diario de Barcelona, 28 Jun. 1899 (morning edition).

³⁰ El Imparcial, 13 Mar. 1899.

³¹ For example Paraíso's speech to the Valladolid assembly, quoted in El Imparcial, 15 Jan. 1900.

³² Serrano, Le Tour, 266.

³³ For a discussion of Costa's ‘populism’ see Jacques, Maurice and Carlos, Serrano, J. Costa: crisis de la Restauración y populismo (1875–1911) (Madrid, 1977).Google Scholar

³⁴ One of the earliest exponents of this anti-modernizing reaction was Angel Ganivet: see his Idearium español (Madrid, 1897)Google Scholar. The most comprehensive author of medieval nostalgia is José Martínez Ruiz, Azorín, from his novel La Voluntad (Madrid, 1902)Google Scholar onwards. A general discussion of these issues can be found in Aguinaga, Carlos Blanco, Juventud del 98 (Barcelona, 1970)Google Scholar and Lily, Litvak, Transformatión industrial y literatura en España (1895–1905) (Madrid, 1980).Google Scholar

³⁵ For example, Leopoldo, Alas, ‘El Jornalero’, in Narraciones Breves (Barcelona, 1989), pp. 173–82.Google Scholar

³⁶ The writer Emilia Pardo Bazán wrote of how she envied the French intellectuals their Dreyfus affair: Fox, E. Inman, ‘El año de 1898 y el origen de los “intelectuales”’, J. L. Abellán et al., La crisis de fin de siglo (Barcelona, 1975), p. 27.Google Scholar

³⁷ For example, Unamuno's attack on Catalanism in El Mundo quoted in Sabaté, Josep Solé i and Font, Joan Villaroya i, L'Exèrcit i Catalunya (1898–1936) (Barcelona, 1990), pp. 84–6Google Scholar and Emilia Pardo Bazán's vehement rejection of regionalism in La Vida Contemporánea (1896–1915) (Madrid, 1972), pp. 79–81.Google Scholar

³⁸ Rafael Pérez de la, Dehesa, El Pensamiento de Costa y su influencia en el 98 (Madrid, 1966), pp. 187–93Google Scholar; Rosa, Rossi, Da Unamuno a Lorca (Catania, 1967), pp. 25–33.Google Scholar

³⁹ Alvarez, Junco, El Imperador, pp. 173–4.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Francisco, Cabrillo, ‘El descanso interrumpido de Azaña’, Cambio 16, 2 11 1992Google Scholar. For Azana's own critical assessment of Costa, see his article, ‘¡Todavía el 98!’ in Plumas y palabras (Barcelona, 1976), pp. 179–95.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Enric Prat de la, Riba, La Nacionalitat Catalana (Barcelona, 1987)Google Scholar. The notion of Spain's imperial destiny was widespread amongst Catalan opinion: cf. Joan Maragall in Diario de Barcelona, 16 Jul. 1898.

⁴² See, for example, the president of the Foment, Albert Rusiñol's letter to Emilio Orellana in Borja, La Lliga, pp. 336–8.

⁴³ Marian, Heiberg, The making of the Basque nation (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 49–60Google Scholar; Serrano, , Final del Imperio, p. 121.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See Albert Rusiñol's instructions to the delegate attending the Valladolid assembly of the chambers of commerce, reproduced in Borja, , La Lliga, pp. 338–9Google Scholar. For the Catalan view of the Lerida Pact: La Veu 25 Oct. 1902 (pm edition), ‘El Pacte de Lleyda’.

⁴⁵ The main spokesman of the Bilbao chamber of commerce at the meetings leading to the formation of the Unión Nacional, Pablo de Alzola, after having been a candidate of the movement in the elections of 1899, joined the second Silvela government of 1900 in the ministry of another regenerationist, Rafael Gasset. Serrano, , Le Tour, p. 260 and n. 73.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See, for example, his draft letter to Polavieja in Sept. 1898 reproduced in Borja, , La Lliga, PP. 325–7.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Borja, , La Lliga, pp. 235–91Google ScholarGemma, Ramos and Soledad, Bengoechea ‘La patronal catalana y la huelga de 1902’, Historia Social, V (Autumn 1989), 77–95.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Two outstanding analyses of the Lerrouxist phenomenon can be found in Romero Maura, La Rosa, and Alvarez Junco, El Imperador.

⁴⁹ This was indeed the lesson that many officers drew from the Cuban affair; see, for example, comments in La Correspondencia Militar, 25 Jul. 1899. For an analysis of military reaction to Catalanism, see Sabaté, Josep M. Solé i and Font, Joan Villarroya i, L'Exèrcit i Catalunya (1898–1936). La premsa militar espanyola i el fet catalá (Barcelona, 1990).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See, for example, ‘El Ejército y el pueblo’, La Correspondencia Militar, 15 May 1899Google Scholar; ‘El Ejército y la política’, ibid. 17 Jan. 1899; ‘La muerte de España’, 20 Sept. 99, El Correo Militar; for the Navy's campaign for a higher budget, see the editorial in El Imparcial (‘El asunto de los marinos’), 24 Oct. 1901.

⁵¹ Quoted in Rodríguez, Los desastres, p. 126. See also Cortijo, Apuntes, p. 39.

⁵² Solé and Villaroya, L'Exèrcit, p. 24.

⁵³ Núñez, Militarismo, passim. For early examples of anti-democratic sentiments among the military see General Cassola's views in 1887 quoted in Pirala, , España y la Regencia, I, 172Google Scholar; also José Gómez de, Arteche, De por qué en España las guerras son tan largos (Barcelona, 1885)Google Scholar. For a similar reaction in the aftermath of the disaster, see General González Parrada's letter in García Nieto et al., Bases, V, 39–40. For military intervention in civilian affairs, see Manuel, Ballbé, Orden político y militarismo en la España constitucional (1812–1983) (Madrid, 1983), chap. X.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ For details of these currents see Burgos, Manuel Espadas, ‘La Institución Libre de Enseñanza y la formación del militar español durante la Restauración’, in Temas de Historia militar, I (Zaragoza, 1982).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ El Imparcial, 8 Sept. 1898.

⁵⁶ For examples of popular anti-military reactions, see El Impartial, 13 May 1899, 6 May 1900, La Vanguardia, 28 Jun. 1899; also Fernández, Almagro, Historia, p. 573Google Scholar and Nuñez, , Militarismo, pp. 227–35. For the press campaign over corruption amongst the military see for example, El Nacional, 27 Mar.–20 Apr. 1899.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ As early as 1899, the military press was calling for ‘dictatorial measures’: e.g. La Correspondencia Militar of 10 Oct., quoted in Solé and Villaroya L'Exèrcit, pp. 42–3. For the rising crescendo of verbal attacks against Catalanism leading to the 1905 incidents see pp. 53–71.

⁵⁸ ¡Cu-Cut!, 23 Nov. 1905.

⁵⁹ For a detailed analysis of military demands sympathetic to the army viewpoint, see Jorge, Cachinero, ‘Intervencionismo y reformas militares en España a comienzos del siglo XX’, Cuadernos de Historia Contemporánea, no. 10 (1988), 155–84.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ For example, Silvela's unilateral appointment of Weyler as Captain-General of Madrid in Oct. 1900 which provoked the regenerationist minister, Gasset, to resign, and the government to fall. See La Correspondencia Militar, Oct. 1900.

⁶¹ Boyd, Carolyn P., Praetorian politics in liberal Spain (University of North Carolina, 1979), p. 14.Google Scholar

⁶² For a brief but interesting discussion of right-wing regenerationism see Montalbán, Manuel Vázquez, Los demonios familiares de Franco (Barcelona, 1987), pp. 32–40.Google Scholar

⁶³ For an echo of these views see Miguel Primo de Rivera's Manifesto of 1923.

⁶⁴ Ullman, Joan Connelly, La Semana Trágica. Estudio sobre las causas socioeconómicas del anticlericalismo en España (1898–1912) (Barcelona, 1972), p. 613.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Carlos, Serrano, ‘Crisis e ideología en la Restauración’, in Garcia Delgado, J. L. ed., España entre dos siglos (1875–1931). Continuidady cambio (Madrid, 1991), pp. 181–9.Google Scholar