¹ Beethoven recalls his ‘fever’ in a letter to Franz Anton Hoffmeister (8 Apr. 1802), in Emily Anderson, ed., trans., collected, The letters of Beethoven (3 vols., London, 1961), i, p. 73.

² The inscription is dated 22 May 1793, written in Vienna, and cited in Schmidt-Görg, Joseph, ‘Ein Schiller-Zitat Beethovens In Neuer Sicht’, in Bente, Martin, ed., Musik, Edition, Interpretation: Gedenkschrift Günter Henle (Munich, 1980), pp. 423–6Google Scholar, at p. 423; Beethoven preceded this set of ‘precepts’ with verses selected from Schiller's play, Don Carlos (1787); for the complexities of Schiller's influence upon Beethoven, see Maynard Solomon, ‘Beethoven and Schiller’, in Beethoven essays (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 205–15.

³ Beethoven to Breitkopf and Härtel (2 Nov. 1809), in Anderson, ed., The letters of Beethoven, i, p. 246.

⁴ Rumph, Stephen, Beethoven after Napoleon: political Romanticism in the late works (Berkeley, CA, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mathew, Nicholas, Political Beethoven (Cambridge, 2013)Google Scholar; for a defence of Beethoven's revolutionary credentials, see Lockwood, Lewis, Beethoven: the music and the life (New York, NY, 2005), pp. 181–96Google Scholar; Kinderman, William, Beethoven (2nd edn, Oxford, 2009), esp. pp. 93–131, 148–53Google Scholar.

⁵ Hoffmann, E. T. A., ‘Kreisleriana: Part I’, in Charlton, David, ed., E. T. A. Hoffmann's musical writings: Kreisleriana, the poet and the composer, music criticism (Cambridge, 1989), p. 96Google Scholar; for a detailed interpretation of Hoffmann, see Bonds, Mark Evan, Music as thought: listening to the symphony in the age of Beethoven (Princeton, NJ, 2006), pp. 5–22Google Scholar.

⁶ For an analysis of Beethovenian reception during the nineteenth century, see Comini, Alessandra, The changing image of Beethoven: a study in mythmaking (New York, NY, 1987), pp. 74–120Google Scholar; Dennis, David B., Beethoven in German Politics, 1870–1989 (New Haven, CT, 1996), pp. 32–86Google Scholar.

⁷ Schmitt, Carl, Political Romanticism, original trans. Oakes, Guy (Brunswick, NJ, 2011) pp. 123, 96, 158, 160Google Scholar.

⁸ Berlioz, Hector, Memoirs of Hector Berlioz: from 1803 to 1865, ed. and trans. Newman, Ernest (New York, NY, 1966), p. 106Google Scholar; Duggan, Christopher, The force of destiny: a history of Italy since 1796 (London, 2008), pp. 177–8Google Scholar; even Verdi's seemingly indestructible revolutionary credentials have been subjected to scrutiny, see Parker, Roger, ‘Arpa d'or dei fatidici vati’: the Verdian patriotic chorus in the 1840s (Parma, 1997), pp. 31–48Google Scholar; for the defence, see Gossett, Philip, ‘Becoming a citizen: the chorus in ‘Risorgimento’ opera’, Cambridge Opera Journal, 2 (1990), pp. 41–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sorba, Carlotta, ‘Ernani Hats: Italian opera as a repertoire of political symbols during the Risorgimento’, in Fulcher, Jane, ed., The Oxford handbook of the new cultural history of music (Oxford, 2011), pp. 428–51Google Scholar.

⁹ Mathew, Political Beethoven, p. 13.

¹⁰ Rumph, Beethoven after Napoleon, pp. 49–57, 169–94.

¹¹ Ibid., p. 107.

¹² The difficulty of ascribing political meaning to musical works is eloquently addressed in Nicholas Mathew, ‘Beethoven's political music and the idea of the heroic style’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, NY, 2006), pp. 3, 6.

¹³ For Romanticism, see Newman, William S., ‘The Beethoven mystique in Romantic art, literature, and music’, Musial Quarterly, 69 (1983), pp. 354–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for a summation of the Modernist backlash, see Rumph, Beethoven after Napoleon, pp. 222–45.

¹⁴ Karl Holz, Blättern für Musik, Theatre und Kunst (Vienna, 1856), in Kerst, Friedrich, ed., Die Erinnerungen an Beethoven (Stuttgart, 1913), pp. 190–9Google Scholar, at p. 192: ‘Kaiser Franz wanted to know nothing of Beethoven's music: “There is something revolutionary in the music!”’.

¹⁵ For contemporary discussions of Jakobiner movements in Vienna and the Holy Roman Empire, see Whaley, Joachim, Germany and the Holy Roman Empire, ii: From the Peace of Westphalia to the dissolution of the Reich, 1648–1806 (Oxford, 2012), pp. 583–91Google Scholar.

¹⁶ For the centrality of Beethoven to Viennese musical life, see DeNora, Tia, Beethoven and the construction of genius (Berkeley, CA, 1995)Google Scholar: DeNora notes that Beethoven, like Haydn and Mozart before him, operated in a Vienna where the decline of private music shifted the attention ‘on musical stars, who were programmed at the expense of other occupational composers’ (p. 29) and that it was the various processes of ‘social mediation’ that contributed to his unrivalled fame and prominence in the public mind (pp. 60–115).

¹⁷ For a contextualized analysis of Viennese music criticism, see Wallace, Robin, Beethoven's critics: aesthetic dilemmas and resolutions during the composer's lifetime (Cambridge, 1986), passim, esp. pp. 3–9Google Scholar; Carol Padgham Albrecht, ‘Music in public life: Viennese reports from the Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung, 1798–1804’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Kent State University, OH, 2008), pp. vi, xii; Graf, Max, Composer and critic: two hundred years of musical criticism (London, 1947), esp. pp. 141–56, 197–201Google Scholar: the publication of Viennese-based music criticism was slow to establish itself during Beethoven's lifetime, thus whilst the review literature selected here is derived from a variety of journals, all nevertheless relate to Viennese musical life, or are extracted from reports explicitly sent from, or based in, Vienna.

¹⁸ Boyer, Jean, ‘Sur les relations de Beethoven avec Cherubini’, Revue de Musicologie, 36 (1954), pp. 134–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 134–5; Charlton, David, ‘Introduction’, in Charlton, David, ed., Music and the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 1–14Google Scholar; Schmitz, Arnold, ‘Cherubinis Einfluβ auf Beethovens Ouvertüren’, Neues Beethoven-Jahrbuch, 2 (1925), pp. 104–18Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Dean, Winton, ‘German Opera’, in Abraham, G., ed., The new Oxford history of music, viii: The age of Beethoven, 1790–1830 (Oxford, 1982), p. 472Google Scholar.

²⁰ Miller, Mary Ashburn, A natural history of revolution: violence and nature in the French revolutionary imagination, 1789–1794 (Ithaca, NY, 2011), pp. 2–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Cherubini's ‘revolutionary’ operatic innovations, see Fend, Michael, Cherubinis Pariser Opern (1788–1803), Beiheft zum Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 59 (Stuttgart, 2007), pp. 207–16Google Scholar.

²¹ Wallace, Beethoven's critics, p. 1; most of the literature sought to ‘combine abstract, idealistic views of Beethoven's work with sincere attempts to anchor these views in the everyday world of sense perception’: p. 3.

²² Hibberd, Sarah, ‘Cherubini and the revolutionary sublime’, Cambridge Opera Journal, 24 (2012), pp. 293–318CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ Ludwig Rellstab, ‘Travel reports by Rellstab, no. 4, Vienna’, Berliner Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung,  3 (18 and 25 May 1825), pp. 162–3, 169, in Wayne M. Senner, Robin Wallace, and William Meredith, eds.,  The critical reception of Beethoven's compositions by his German contemporaries (2 vols., Lincoln, NE, 1999), i, pp. 61–4.

²⁴ K. B. ‘Miscellaneous’, Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung (AMZ), 16 (27 July 1814), in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, i, pp. 127–8.

²⁵ Wendt, Amadeus, ‘Thoughts about recent musical art, and van Beethoven's music, specifically his Fidelio’, AMZ, 17 (24 May, 31 May, 7 June, 14 June, 21 June, and 28 June, 1815), pp. 345–53Google Scholar, 356–72, 381–9, 397–404, 413–20, 429–36, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, i, p. 185.

²⁶ Rumph, Beethoven after Napoleon, pp. 167–8.

²⁷ A relatively recent exception is Haag, John J., ‘Beethoven, the revolution in music and the French Revolution: music and politics in Austria, 1790–1815’, in Brauer, Kinley and Wright, William E., eds., Austria in the age of the French Revolution (Minneapolis, MN, 1990), pp. 107–24Google Scholar; Schmitt, Ulrich, Revolution im Konzertsaal: Zur Beethoven-Rezeption im 19. Jahrhundert (Mainz, 1990)Google Scholar, aligns the Beethovenian soundworld with industrial and technological revolution much more than political upheaval: pp. 21–3, 79–81; for a foundational view of Beethoven as Promethean, musical revolutionary, see Rolland, Romain, Beethoven: les grandes époques créatrices (Paris, 1928), pp. 21–4Google Scholar: ‘Beethoven appartient à la première génération…qui, lancés dans la nuit, sur la mer orageuse de la Révolution’: p. 22.

²⁸ Luigi Cherubini, cited in Anton Schindler, Beethoven as I knew him, ed. Donald W. McArdle, trans. Constance C. Jolly (Chapel Hill, NC, 1966), p. 120.

²⁹ Comini, The changing image of Beethoven, p. 223.

³⁰ Cherubini witnessed a performance of Leonore whilst in Vienna for the premiere of his opera Faniska: Clive, H. P., Beethoven and his world: a biographical dictionary (New York, NY, 2004), p. 71Google Scholar.

³¹ Beethoven to Cherubini (15 Mar. 1823), in Anderson, ed., The letters of Beethoven, iii, p. 1016.

³² Arnold Schmitz, Das romantische Beethovenbild (Berlin, 1927), pp. 166–9.

³³ Broyles, Michael, Beethoven: the emergence and evolution of Beethoven's heroic style (New York, NY, 1987), pp. 119–26Google Scholar. Gülke, Peter makes the case for the French revolutionary connotations of the triumphal march that concludes Beethoven's Fifth: ‘Motive aus französischer Revolutionmusik in Beethovens Fünfter Sinfonie’, Musik und Gesellschaft, 21 (1971), pp. 636–41Google Scholar.

³⁴ de Place, Adélaïde, La vie musicale en France au temps de la Révolution (Paris, 1989), pp. 116–19Google Scholar.

³⁵ For the musical dimensions of Jacobin political thought, see Johnson, James H., Listening in Paris: a cultural history (Berkeley, CA, 1995), pp. 138–45Google Scholar.

³⁶ Hoffmann, ‘Review’, Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, 12 (4 July and 11 July 1810), pp. 630–42, 652–69, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, i, pp. 95–11; Gülke, Peter, Zur Neuausgabe der Sinfonie Nr.5 von Ludwig van Beethoven (Frankfurt, 1978)Google Scholar: ‘der musikalischen Übersetzung eines Revolutionsfestes’.

³⁷ Mason, Laura, Singing the French Revolution: popular culture and politics, 1787–1799 (Ithaca, NY, 1996), p. 10Google Scholar; see Leith, James, ‘Music as an ideological weapon during the French Revolution’, Historical Papers/Communications historique, 1 (1966), pp. 125–40Google Scholar.

³⁸ Buch, Esteban, Beethoven's Ninth: a political history, trans. Miller, Richard (Chicago, IL, 1999), pp. 26–44Google Scholar.

³⁹ Louis-Sebastien Mercier, cited in Blanning, T. C. W., The triumph of music: composers, musicians, and their audiences, 1700 to the present (London, 2009), p. 252Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ ‘Gazette Nationale ou Le Moniteur Universel’, 27 Nivose, An 2 (16 Jan. 1794), in Réimpression de L'Ancien Moniteur, 19 (Paris, 1847), p. 217; Schneider, Herbert, ‘The sun constitutions of 1792: an essay on propaganda in the revolutionary song’, in Boyd, Malcolm, ed., Music and the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 236–77Google Scholar, esp. p. 237.

⁴¹ Whilst it is true that these four notes appear elsewhere – for example, in Haydn's Symphony No.96 or Mozart's Piano Concerto No.24, K.491 – the contention here is not that this configuration possessed ready-made revolutionary potential, but rather that it acquired a radical complexion through its increased use by revolutionary French composers. Calhoun, Martha, ‘Music as subversive text: Beethoven, Goethe, and the Overture to Egmont’, Mosaic, 20 (1987), pp. 43–56Google Scholar; for this motivic relationship in Beethoven's work, see Knapp, Raymond, ‘A tale of two symphonies: converging narratives of divine reconciliation in Beethoven's Fifth and Sixth’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 52 (2000), pp. 291–343CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 301–9.

⁴² Broyles, Beethoven, pp. 125–6, notes that the ‘circumstantial evidence’ here is ‘especially strong’; for the largely discredited view that the four notes form a pastoral motif, derived from the call of the yellowhammer, see Carl Czerny, Anekdoten und Notizen über Beethoven (1852), ed. P. Badura-Skoda (Vienna, 1963), p. 18.

⁴³ ‘Anonymous review of Op.38, Op.47 and Op.52’, Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, 7 (1805), p. 769.

⁴⁴ ‘Irrespective of whether Beethoven may have previously encountered the collection, it is extremely unlikely that, had he not known it before, Kreutzer or even Bernadotte would have failed to introduce it to him’: Broyles, Beethoven, p. 125.

⁴⁵ Sonneck, Oscar, Beethoven: impressions by his contemporaries (New York, NY, 1967), p. 34Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Moore, Julia, ‘Beethoven and inflation’, in Lockwood, Lewis, Reynolds, Christopher, and Webster, James, eds., Beethoven Forum, i (Lincoln, NE, 1992), pp. 191–225Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Plantinga, Leon, ‘Beethoven, Napoleon and political romanticism’, in Fulcher, , ed., The Oxford handbook of the new cultural history of music, pp. 484–501Google Scholar, at p. 497: ‘he was not guided by ideological motivations, but by the more prosaic issue of personal finance’.

⁴⁸ According to Maynard Solomon, Beethoven's ‘conformism’ during the 1790s, particularly with the publication of his nationalistic Freidelburg settings of 1796–7, were necessary ‘concessions’ to a culture of political suppression and police surveillance: ‘Beethoven's “Magazin der Kunst”’, Nineteenth-Century Music, 7 (1984), pp. 199–208; Beethoven to Nikolaus Simrock, 2 Aug. 1794, in Anderson, The letters of Beethoven, i, pp. 17–19, at p. 18.

⁴⁹ Hibberd, ‘Cherubini and the revolutionary sublime’, p. 313; despite this, Cherubini would later smoothly assimilate his musical voice to both the Napoleonic and (as Rumph and Mathew have convincingly argued of the later Beethoven) to the restored monarchy – even composing a Requiem in C Minor (1816) for a king (Louis XVI) whose death he had once glorified.

⁵⁰ Wendt, ‘Thoughts about recent musical art’, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, p. 185.

⁵¹ Hoffmann, ‘Review’, AMZ, 14 (5 Aug. 1812), pp. 519–26, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, pp. 72–9.

⁵² Miller, A natural history of revolution, p. 4.

⁵³ Ibid., p. 10.

⁵⁴ Joseph Fouché to Jean-Marie Collot-d'Herbois, cited in Guillaume Honoré Rocques abbé de Montgaillard, Revue chronologique de l'histoire de France, 1787–1818 (Paris, 1820), p. 179.

⁵⁵ Marat, Jean-Paul, L'ami du peuple (18–19 Sept., Paris, 1789)Google Scholar, cited in Miller, A natural history of revolution, p. 12; see Dan Edelstein, The terror of natural right: republicanism, the cult of nature, and the French Revolution (Chicago, IL, 2009), pp. 1–21.

⁵⁶ Anonymous, ‘Theatre de la rue Feydeau’, Journal de Paris (30 Frimaire iii (20 Dec. 1794)), p. 366, in Charlton, David, ‘Cherubini: a critical anthology, 1788–1801’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle, 26 (1993), pp. 95–127CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 108. According to Michael Fend, ‘Eliza seems indeed to be…the first opera in which nature performs an active role. Both exterior and interior nature set in motion destructive forces whose threat is overcome only by the unselfish solidarity of a community’: ‘Literary motifs, musical form and the quest for the “Sublime”: Cherubini, 's Eliza ou le Voyage aux glaciers du Mont St Bernard’, Cambridge Opera Journal, 5 (1993), pp. 17–38Google Scholar, at pp. 29–30.

⁵⁷ Constant Pierce, Musique des fêtes et cérémonies de la Révolution Française, Oeuvres de Gossec, Cherubini, Leseur, Méhul, Catel etc. (Paris, 1899), p. 367.

⁵⁸ Warrack, John, German opera: from the beginnings to Wagner (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 211–13Google Scholar; David Wyn Jones illustrates the extent of Cherubini's celebrity in his analysis of the programmes of the Liebhaber Concerte, 1807–8, many of which featured the composer: The symphony in Beethoven's Vienna (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 126–7. This alludes to the complex, mercurial character of the Viennese musical public at this time; John A. Rice, for example, has elsewhere acknowledged how the peace of Lunéville brought popularity to Cherubini and ‘the French style’ in Vienna, only for it to recede again (as it had done during the late 1790s) with the invasion of Napoleon after 1809: Music in the eighteenth century (New York, NY, 2013), pp. 260–1.

⁵⁹ Winton Dean, ‘Opera under the French Revolution’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 94th sess. (1967–8), pp. 77–96, at p. 84; on Cherubini's presence in Vienna, see Rice, John, Antonio Salieri and Viennese opera (Chicago, IL, 1998), pp. 565–6Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Robinson, Paul, ‘Fidelio and the French Revolution’, in Robinson, Paul, ed., Ludwig van Beethoven: Fidelio (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 68–100Google Scholar, at p. 75.

⁶¹ Lockwood, Lewis, ‘Beethoven's “Leonore” and “Fidelio”’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 36 ‘Opera and society: part I’ (Winter, 2006), pp. 473–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nedbal, Martin, ‘How moral is Fidelio? Didacticism in the finales of Beethoven's Leonore operas’, Musical Quarterly, 95 (2012), pp. 396–449CrossRefGoogle Scholar: Nedball compares the revolutionary and reactionary nature of the changed libretti in detail, esp. pp. 405, 414.

⁶² Indeed, the original libretto was very nearly censored for its overtly despotic depiction of Pizarro: Robinson, ‘An interpretive history’, in Robinson, ed., Ludwig van Beethoven, pp. 145–66, at p. 145. Viennese authorities did temporarily censor the opera, forcing Sonnleithner to ‘backdate’ the action to the less politically sensitive sixteenth century: Dean, Winton, ‘Beethoven and opera’, in Robinson, , ed., Ludwig van Beethoven, pp. 22–50Google Scholar, at p. 27.

⁶³ Robinson, ‘Fidelio and the French Revolution’, p. 96.

⁶⁴ Ibid.

⁶⁵ Rumph develops Robinson's dual view of Fidelio and the French Revolution as sharing a ‘common right-angled conception of history’ – i.e. a conscious rupture with the past – to note that the political ambiguity of the music can ‘evoke the birth pangs of either a temporal republic or a timeless noumenal realm’: Rumph, Beethoven after Napoleon, p. 52.

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⁶⁸ Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, Organt, Pöeme en vingt chants (Paris, 1789), p. 105.

⁶⁹ Ernst Moritz Arndt, cited in Brinkmann, Reinhold, ‘In the time(s) of the Eroica’, trans. Zedlacher, Irene, in Burnham, Scott and Steinberg, Michael P., eds., Beethoven and his world (Princeton, NJ, 2000), pp. 1–27Google Scholar, at p. 21.

⁷⁰ Anonymous, ‘Miscellaneous’, AMZ, 16 (30 Nov. 1814), p. 795, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, p. 42.

⁷¹ Readership of the AMZ was not common to every Viennese household, but it was scarcely restricted to the aristocratic musical literati, see Wallace, Beethoven's critics, p. 9; Albrecht, ‘Music in Public Life’, p. xii: the ‘Viennese public’, she concludes, included the aristocracy, the middle class, professional musicians, but also ‘the larger (and more geographically widespread) reading public’.

⁷² Rellstab, ‘Travel reports by Rellstab, no. 4, Vienna’, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, p. 62.

⁷³ K. B., ‘Miscellaneous’, AMZ, 16 (23, 30 Nov. 1814), pp. 795, 810–11, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, p. 43.

⁷⁴ Tomášek, Váklav Jan, Die Erinnerungen an Beethoven (Stuttgart, 1925), p. 32Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Miller, A natural history of revolution, p. 2.

⁷⁶ Johann Friedrich Reichardt, cited in Alexander Wheelock Thayer, Thayer's life of Beethoven, i, ed. Elliot Forbes (Princeton, NJ, 1967), p. 448; this concert also included premieres of the Sixth Symphony, Fourth Piano Concerto, and the Choral Fantasy, Op.80.

⁷⁷ Johann Friedrich Reichardt, Vertraute Briefe, geschrieben auf einer Reise nach Wien, Ende 1808 un Anfang 1809, i (Amsterdam, 1810), p. 220: ‘Bethovens übermächtige, gigantische Ouverture zu Collins Coriolan…Gehirn und Herz wurden mir von den kraftschlägen und Rissen.’

⁷⁸ Ludwig van Beethoven to Simrock, in Anderson, The letters of Beethoven, i, p. 18.

⁷⁹ Marcel Brion, Daily life in the Vienna of Mozart and Schubert, trans. Jean Stewart (London, 1959); Raymond Erickson, ‘Vienna in its European context’, in idem, ed., Schubert's Vienna (Yale, CT, 1997), pp. 3–36.

⁸⁰ Mathew, Political Beethoven, p. 49.

⁸¹ Wiesmann, Sigrid, ‘Vienna: bastion of conservatism’, in Ringer, Alexander, ed., The early Romantic era: between revolutions: 1789–1848 (London, 1990), pp. 84–109Google Scholar.

⁸² Sealsfield, Charles (Karl Postl), Austria as it is; or sketches of continental courts, by an eye-witness (London, 1828), p. 31Google Scholar.

⁸³ Mathew, Political Beethoven, p. 115.

⁸⁴ Bonds, Music as thought, p. 82, notes how this was a tradition peculiar to German-speaking lands: pp. 88–99.

⁸⁵ For the activities of Viennese Jacobins, see Wangermann, Ernst, From Joseph II to the Jacobin trials: government policy and public opinion in the Habsburg dominions in the period of the French Revolution (Oxford, 1969), pp. 137–56Google Scholar, at pp. 138–40; Knight, Frida, Beethoven and the age of revolution (London, 1973), p. 33Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Friedrich Schlegel, cited in Rumph, Beethoven after Napoleon, p. 109: Rumph notes how an inscription in one of the late works, the Missa Solemnis, Op.123, directly recalls this notion of ‘innere und aüßere Frieden’: p. 110.

⁸⁷ For the first formulation of the idea that German receptivity to revolution was premised upon thought and not action, see Palmer, R. R., The age of democratic revolution: a political history of Europe and America, 1760–1800 (2 vols., Princeton, NJ, 1959–64), ii, pp. 425–58Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ G. W. F. Hegel, Lectures on the history of philosophy, iii:Medieval and modern philosophy, trans. E. S. Haldane and F. H. Simson (3 vols., Lincoln, NE, 1995), p. 409.

⁸⁹ G. W. F. Hegel, The philosophy of history, trans. J. Sibree (New York, NY, 1956), p. 443.

⁹⁰ Saine, Thomas, Black bread, white bread: German intellectuals and the French Revolution (Columbia, SC, 1988)Google Scholar, esp. Preface; for the intellectual climate of dissent in the Austrian lands prior to and during the French Revolution, see Kann, Robert A., A study in Austrian intellectual history: from late Baroque to Romanticism (London, 1960), pp. 200–8Google Scholar, 259–68.

⁹¹ Mah, Harold, Enlightenment phantasies: cultural identity in France and Germany, 1750–1914 (Ithaca, NY, 2003), p. 166Google Scholar.

⁹² Saine, Black bread, p. 263.

⁹³ Friedrich Schlegel, ‘Athenaums-Fragment’ (1789), cited in Brinkmann, ‘In the time(s) of the Eroica’, p. 4; According to Alice Hanson, this period preceding the Congress of Vienna witnessed an increasing cynicism for revolutionary ideals: ‘Foreign nationals within the city felt bitter disappointment about the failure of the French Revolution to free their lands from Austrian domination, while devoted anti-monarchists were disillusioned by Napoleon's failure to help their republican cause. Thus few people in Vienna were willing or able to organize new political movements’: Musical Life in Biedermeier Vienna (Cambridge, 1985), p. 179; for the sociological background of Viennese life in this period, see Hanson, ‘The civic environment for music’, in ibid., pp. 4–33; for the increased popularity of militaristic music, see Mathew, Political Beethoven, pp. 49–53.

⁹⁴ Brinkmann, ‘In the time(s) of the Eroica’, p. 4; see Saul, Nicholas, ‘Aesthetic humanism (1790–1830)’, in Watanabe-O'Kelly, Helen, ed., The Cambridge history of German literature (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 202–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 226–39.

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⁹⁷ Adorno, Theodor, Aesthetic theory (London, 1997), pp. 509–10Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁰ Ibid., p. 58.

¹⁰¹ Ibid., p. 128.

¹⁰² Ibid., p. 48.

¹⁰³ Hoffmann, cited in Botstein, Leon, ‘Sound and structure in Beethoven's orchestral music’, in Stanley, Glenn, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Beethoven (Cambridge, 2000) pp. 165–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 166.

¹⁰⁴ Burke, Enquiry, p. 96; like the Kantian reception of the sublime, Adorno believed that Beethoven's musical fury elicited a ‘resistance’ (not submission) on the part of the listener: Theodor Adorno, Beethoven: the philosophy of music, ed. Rolf Tiedemann, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Cambridge, 1998), p. 42.

¹⁰⁵ See Paulson, Ronald, ‘Burke, Paine, and Wollstonecraft: the sublime and the beautiful’, in Paulson, , Representations of revolution (Yale, CT, 1983), pp. 67–9Google Scholar; see also O'Neill, Daniel I., ‘The sublime, the beautiful and the political in Burke's work’, in Vermeir, Koen and Deckard, Michael Funk, eds., The science of sensibility: reading Burke's Philosophical enquiry (London, 2012), pp. 193–221CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for a discussion of contemporary German and French literary dissections of the sublime and its overwhelming effects, see Fend, ‘Literary motifs, musical form and the quest for the sublime’, pp. 35–6.

¹⁰⁶ Levy, David Benjamin, Beethoven: the Ninth Symphony (New York, NY, 1995), p. 49Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Guéniffey, Patrice, ‘Robespierre’, in Furet, François and Ozouf, Mona, eds., A critical dictionary of the French Revolution, trans. Goldhammer, Arthur (Cambridge, MA, 1989), pp. 298–312Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Hibberd, ‘Cherubini and the revolutionary sublime’, p. 314; Guéniffey, ‘Robespierre’, esp. pp. 303–5.

¹⁰⁹ Cited in Guéniffey, ‘Robespierre’, p. 304.

¹¹⁰ Wendt, ‘Thoughts about recent musical art’, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, p. 200.

¹¹¹ Nicholas Marston, ‘‘The sense of an ending’: goal-directedness in Beethoven's music’, Stanley, The Cambridge Companion to Beethoven, pp. 84–101: unlike the ‘finale aesthetic’ established by Haydn, Beethoven seems ‘from an early stage’ to have been interested in subverting ‘repetitive formal types’ such as rondos, ‘by writing finales that are not merely equal in weight to their respective first movements, but which actually overpower them’: p. 92.

¹¹² Jean-François Le Sueur, cited in Knight, Beethoven and the Age of Revolution, p. 73.

¹¹³ Ludwig van Beethoven, to Count Franz von Oppersdorff (March, 1808), in Anderson, The letters of Beethoven, I, p. 188.

¹¹⁴ Anonymous, , ‘Vienna, 17 April 1805’, Der Freymüthige 3 (17 April 1805), p. 332Google Scholar, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, p. 15; for the revolutionary musical influences upon the Eroica, see Palisca, Claude, ‘French revolutionary models for Beethoven's Eroica Funeral March’, in Shapiro, A. D. and Benjamin, P., eds., Music and context: essays for John M. Ward (Cambridge, MA, 1985), pp. 198–209Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Mathew, Political Beethoven, p. 108.

¹¹⁶ K. B., ‘Miscellaneous’, AMZ, 16 (8 June 1814), pp. 395–6, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, p. 114.

¹¹⁷ Mathew's extensive discussion of Viennese listening habits – ‘the inner public’ – is highly convincing: Political Beethoven, pp. 155–75, at p. 175.

¹¹⁸ Rellstab, ‘Travel reports by Rellstab, no. 4, Vienna’, pp. 61–4.

¹¹⁹ Hector Berlioz, cited in Knight, David B., Landscapes in music: space, place, and time in the world's great music (Oxford, 2006), p. 136Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Jones, David Wyn, Beethoven: the Pastoral Symphony (Cambridge, 1995), p. 75–6Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Scott, Burnham, Beethoven hero, p. 142; for discussion of this idea in relation to the Beethovian coda, see pp. 126–9.

¹²² Sealsfield, Austria as it is, p. 195.

¹²³ Hanson, Musical life in Biedermeier Vienna, p. 72.

¹²⁴ Rellstab, ‘Travel reports by Rellstab, no. 4, Vienna’, in Senner, Wallace, and Meredith, eds., Critical reception, ii, pp. 61–4.

¹²⁵ Bonds, Music as thought, pp. xiii, xix.

¹²⁶ Ibid., p. 70.

¹²⁷ Mathew, Political Beethoven, p. 117.

¹²⁸ Cook, Nicholas, ‘The other Beethoven: heroism, the canon, and the works of 1813–14’, Nineteenth-Century Music, 27 (2003), pp. 3–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 21.

¹²⁹ Leith, ‘Music as an ideological weapon’, p. 135.

¹³⁰ For the Viennese response to the (admittedly temporary) nationalistic fervour of 1809, see Mathew, Political Beethoven, pp. 156–75.

¹³¹ Jean-Paul Sartre, cited in Matthew Guerrieri, The first four notes: Beethoven's Fifth and the human imagination (New York, NY, 2012), p. 29; the marquis de Lally-Tollendal was a proponent of the ancien régime and deputy of the Estates-General before he slipped into exile in 1790.

¹³² Rumph, Beethoven after Napoleon, p. 107.

¹³³ For some of the Schillerian influences upon Beethoven's political thought, see Stanley, Glen, ‘Beethoven at work: musical activist and thinker’, in Stanley, , ed., The Cambridge companion to Beethoven, pp. 14–31Google Scholar, at pp. 25–8.

¹³⁴ Rumph further indicates that even the alleged ‘conservatism’ of Beethoven's late style still retained a noticeably revolutionary hue: Beethoven after Napoleon, p. 6.

¹³⁵ Friedrich Nietzsche, in Richard Oehler, Max Oehler, Friedrich Würzbach, eds., Friedrich Nietzsche: Gesammelte Werke XVI (Munich, 1925), p. 378.