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⁴ Buckle, G. E., Life of Benjamin Disraeli, revised edn. (1929), 11, 210.Google Scholar

⁵ Memorandum by Consul Livingstone, Charles, 8 12 1871Google Scholar. Foreign Office correspondence: slave trade, F.O. 84/1343.

⁶ In the six years before 1872 the average annual value of trade in the Gold Coast was: Imports about £200,000, Exports about £300,000. Colonial Office Confidential Print: C.O. 806/3, P. 4.

⁷ Ord, to Cardwell, , 9 03 1865Google Scholar. Parliamentary papers: Accounts and Papers (1865), XXXVII, 302.Google Scholar

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⁹ Ward, , op. cit. 115–16, 130, 158–9, 178, and 240Google Scholar for the question of the ‘notes’.

¹⁰ Text in Crooks, J. J., Records relating to the Gold Coast and Settlements from 1750 to 1874 (Dublin, 1923), 262–4.Google Scholar

¹¹ See Cruikshank, B., Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast of Africa (1853), 1, 170–5Google Scholar; Sarbah, J. M., ‘Maclean and the Gold Coast Judicial Assessors’, Journ. African Soc. 9, no. XXXVI (07 1910), 349Google Scholar; ‘Civil and Judicial Constitution of the British West African Settlements’, A. & P. (1854–1855), XXXVII, 375–466; Page, J. D., ‘The Administration of George Maclean on the Gold Coast 1830–44’, Trans. Gold Coast and Togoland Historical Soc. 1 (1952–1955), 112Google Scholar; Metcalfe, G. E., ‘After Maclean’Google Scholar, ibid. 183; Allott, A. N., ‘Native Tribunals in the Gold Coast 1844–1929’, J. African Law, 1, no. 3 (1957), 163–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹³ Ward, argues (op. cit. 206)Google Scholar that if the Ashanti ruler swore to spare the runaways he would have kept his word had Pine released them. See also Claridge, , op. cit. 1, 503–29Google Scholar; Fuller, , A Vanished Dynasty—Ashanti (1921), 63–7Google Scholar; Ellis, A. B., History of the Gold Coast of West Africa (1893), 224–35.Google Scholar

¹⁴ 3 Hansard, , CLXXV, col. 545.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cardwell, to Gov. Pine, , 23 06 1864Google Scholar, A. & P. (1873), XLIX, 864–5.

¹⁶ The Committee's final report included significant amendments by Cardwell. Reports (1865), V, 3.

¹⁷ Ward, (op. cit. 227)Google Scholar says the 1865 policy ‘was never given a fair chance’, but, on the contrary, successive Colonial Secretaries—Buckingham, Granville and Kimberley—studied the report, and Sir Frederick Elliott, the Assistant Under-Secretary, repeatedly reminded his political chiefs of it.

¹⁸ For the genesis of this idea in France see Catala, R., ‘La Question de l'échange de la Gambie Britannique contre les comptoirs français du Golfe de Guinée de 1866 à 1876’, Revue d'Histoire des Colonies (1948), XXXV, 114–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Hargreaves, J. D., ‘The French Occupation of the Mellacourie 1865–67’, Sierra Leone Studies, no. 9 (12 1957), 3–15Google Scholar; Kimberley's refusais are in Minutes, 16 Aug. 1870 (on Law Officers to C.O., 13 July 1870, Gambia correspondence: C.O. 87/98d.); 10 May 1871 (on Kennedy, to Kimberley, , 11 04 1871Google Scholar, C.O. 87/99) and 31 May 1873 (on P.O. to C.O. 23 May 1873, C.O. 87/106).

¹⁹ Glover governed Lagos (with some intervals) from 1863 to 1872. He had worked with Baikie up the Niger in 1857 and made expeditions up the Volta in 1868, 1870 and 1873–4. He planned to open up trade routes from Lagos overland to the Niger to by-pass the city states of the Niger Delta, whose rivalries greatly reduced trade in the early 1870's. He be came deeply entangled in Yorubaland politics in an effort to open routes to Ibadan, Oyo and the Niger which would not be obstructed by the states in the immediate vicinity of Lagos, who were antagonized by his efforts, notably the Egbas of Abeokuta. (See Biobaku, S. O., The Egba and their Neighbours 1842–1872 (Oxford, 1957), 73–100Google Scholar; Glover (who appears again in the Ashanti war, see below, pp. 31–8) had the reputation of being the best British administrator in West Africa in the 1860's. See Reade, , Ashantee Campaign, 375, 389Google Scholar; Stanley, , Coomassie, 93Google Scholar; Butler, W. F., Sir William Butler. An Autobiography (1911), 155.)Google Scholar

²⁰ Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, , 23 02 1873Google Scholar, on Pope-Hennessy, to Kimberley, , 30 12 1872Google Scholar. Lagos correspondence: C.O. 147/24; Minute by Kimberley, , 25 02 1873Google Scholar and draft despatch for Gov. Keate, , 5 04 1873.Google Scholar

²¹ Text in A. & P. (1867), LXXIV, 371–6.

²² Ussher, to Blackall, , 6 03 1868, C.O. 96/76.Google Scholar

²³ Minute by Granville, , 24 12 1868Google Scholar, on Treasury, to C.O., 15 12 1868, C.O. 96/78.Google Scholar

²⁴ Text in A. & P. (1872), LXX, 801–3.

²⁵ The presence of the missionaries at Kumasi greatly complicated relations with Ashanti before and during the 1873–4 war. but by their presence they were able to provide valuable evidence about events in the Ashanti capital (see Ramseyer, F. A. and Kuhne, J., Four Years in Ashantee, 1875).Google Scholar

²⁶ Lawson, Thomas to Harley, , 14 04 1873Google Scholar, in Harley, to Kimberley, , 1 05 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/98.

²⁷ For the view of an African graduate of Edinburgh University, see Horton, J. A. B., West African Countries and Peoples (1868)Google Scholar. Of the 1865 report he wrote: ‘This is indeed a grand conception, which if developed in fact, will immortalize the name of Britain’ (p. 69). He suggested creating two African states under the self-government clause—the Kingdom of Fante and the Republic of Accra.

²⁸ Salmon, to Kennedy, , 4 12 1871Google Scholar, C.O. 96/89.

²⁹ 3 Hansard, , CCXIII, col. 36.Google Scholar

³⁰ Pope-Hennessy, to Kimberley, , 29 10 1872Google Scholar, C.O. 96/94.

³¹ Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen on Question by McArthur, , 18 03 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/104.

³² Ibid. Minute by Kimberley (after 20 March) and draft for Harley. This can be regarded as Kimberley's Gold Coast policy had the Ashanti war not intervened. Its main points were: (1) definition of responsibilities; (2) defence—Britain to defend the coast, Africans to defend the interior; (3) revenue from customs, stipends for the Chiefs; (4) expenditure on vernacular education, roads, and the development of administration with Africans in subordinate posts.

³³ Ramseyer, and Kuhne, , op. cit. 205.Google Scholar

³⁴ C.O. to W.O., 12 May 1873, War Office files in the Public Record Office: W.O. 32/826, file 076/224. Many items of the 076 series are missing, but they are summarized in a Confidential General Sketch, ‘Measures taken at home’, by the Intelligence Branch, 13 April 1874. Copy in the Woheley Papers (by courtesy of the War Office Library), W. 13.

³⁵ Report on Invasion. Capt. Brett, 19 April 1873, W.O. 32/826, file 076/233. When Kuhne was released from captivity in 1874 he confirmed that Dunkwa was the peak of the Ashanti attack. Shortly after the victory he met Kofi Karikari in the street and saw him dance with joy. After the reports of sickness and defeats there was no more dancing (Reade, , Ashantee Campaign, 103).Google Scholar

³⁶ Harley, to Pope-Hennessy, , 31 01 1873Google Scholar, in Pope-Hennessy, to Kimberley, , 8 02 1873Google Scholar; Pope-Hennessy, to Kimberley, , 13 02 1873Google Scholar; Keate, to Kimberley, , 1 03 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/96.

³⁷ Ibid.Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, 27 02 1873Google Scholar, on Pope-Hennessy, to Kimberley, , 10 02 1873.Google Scholar

³⁸ 3 Hansard, , CCXIV, col. 1515.Google Scholar

³⁹ Harley, to Kimberley, , 20 and 21 03 1873, C.O. 96/97.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, 21 03 1873Google Scholar, on Keate, to Kimberley, , 1 03 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/96.

⁴¹ The Times, 13 Mar 1873.

⁴² Harley, to Kimberley, , 12 and 14 04 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/98.

⁴³ Minutes to conference, W.O. 32/826, file 076/219. Instructions to Lieut.-Col. Festing, the Marine commander, in 076/255.

⁴⁴ Ibid. Capt. Brett to W.O., 21 April 1873, 076/233.

⁴⁵ Drus, E., ‘A Journal of Events During Gladstone's Ministry 1868–74 by John, First Earl of Kimberley’, Camden Miscellany, XXII (1958), 38.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Kimberley, to Gladstone, , 21 05 1873Google Scholar. Gladstone Papers, British Museum Add. MSS. 44225/38 and Cabinet Minute, 24 May 1873. 44641/124 (by courtesy of the Cabinet Office, Historical Section).

⁴⁷ Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, , 27 05 1873Google Scholar, on W.O. to C.O., 22 May 1873, C.O. 96/107.

⁴⁸ Ibid.Minute by Kimberley, 28 05 1873.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Harley, to Kimberley, , 17 and 29 05 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/99.

⁵⁰ The Times, 10 Jul 1873, 10. A correspondent's report dated Freetown, , 29 05 1873.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Drus, , Kimberley's Journal, 39.Google Scholar

⁵² The Marines from England who arrived on 9 June, made Elmina their base, but they found the part of the town occupied by the ‘King's party’ was pro-Ashanti. The Legislative Council decided on 12 June to make this party surrender its arms and the operation was planned for dawn on 13 June. When no arms were forthcoming at the appointed hour, Festing gave another half-hour, and then opened fire. At this point the Ashantis appeared (Festing to W.O., 18 June 1873, W.O. 32/826, file 076/320). Reade viewed this incident as the turning-point of the war. The Ashantis failed to achieve their objective Elmina and after the battle were only awaiting permission to return (Ashantee Campaign, 225).

⁵³ Drus, , Kimberley's Journal, 40Google Scholar; 3 Hansard, , CCXVII, cols. 267–8, 308.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Harley, to Kimberley, , 10 06 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/99.

⁵⁵ For other talk at a journalistic level of sending ‘Chinese’ Gordon to the Gold Coast, see Elton, Lord, General Gordon (1954), 144–5Google Scholar; Reade, , Ashantee Campaign, 145.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Minute by Kimberley, 26 05 1873Google Scholar, on Harley, to Kimberley, , 30 06 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/100.

⁵⁷ Kimberley, to Cardwell, , 26 07 1873Google Scholar, Cardwell Papers, Public Record Office Gifts and Deposits: P.R.O. 30/48/5/33, 48–51.

⁵⁸ Minutes by Herbert, and Kimberley, , 28 07 1873Google Scholar, on Harley, to Kimberley, , 30 06 1873Google Scholar and Memorandum by Hales, 28 July 1873, C.O. 96/100.

⁵⁹ Kimberley, to Cardwell, , 30 07 1873Google Scholar, P.R.O. 30/48/5/33, 54.

⁶⁰ See above, p. 24, n. 19.

⁶¹ Kimberley said of Glover: ‘he is one of those exceptional boasters who have proved that boasting and solid qualities sometimes go together’. Earlier in the year Glover had tried to get the job of the Governor-in-Chief in West Africa (Glover, to Kimberley, , 15 04 1873Google Scholar, Sierra Leone correspondence: C.O. 267/325).

⁶² Knatchbull-Hugessen, E., The Political Diary of Lord Brabourne 1858–1888 (by courtesy of Lord and Lady Brabourne), (1870–1873), IV, 634–5.Google Scholar

⁶³ Cabinet Minute, 2 08 1873Google Scholar, Gladstone Papers, 44641/189. An attempt to get a debate on the war before Parliament adjourned on 5 August failed (3 Hansard, CCXVII, col. 1526).

⁶⁴ Wolseley, G., The Story of a Soldier's Life (1903), 11, 267.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Kimberley, to Gladstone, , 13 08 1873Google Scholar, Gladstone Papers, 44225/79.

⁶⁶ Gladstone, to Kimberley, , 14 08 1873Google Scholar and 21 Aug. 1873, Kimberley Papers (by courtesy of the Earl of Kimberley), A/52.

⁶⁷ Clarke had been grateful to Glover in 1864, when, by making sure that he got to sea in a bout of fever, Glover probably saved Clarke's life. Vetch, R. H., Life of Sir Lieut.-General Andrew Clarke (1905), 82Google Scholar, and Glover, Lady E., Life of Sir John Hatoley Glover (1897), 118–20Google Scholar, disagree as to whether this took place on the Gold Coast or at Lagos.

⁶⁸ Glover, Lady, Life of Glover, 149–52Google Scholar. This is based on an autobiographical fragment now in the library of the Royal Commonwealth Society, and consulted with the librarian's permission.

⁶⁹ Herbert, to Glover, , 2 08 1873Google Scholar, Letter-book of Glover Papers (by the courtesy of the Royal Commonwealth Society).

⁷⁰ Gladstone, to Kimberley, , 14 08 1873Google Scholar, Kimberley Papers, A/52.

⁷¹ Glover was appointed ‘Special Commissioner to the Native Chiefs of the Eastern District’, and was instructed to raise an African force in the Accra and Volta region, to create a diversion in the flank and rear of Ashanti, and so to force them to retire from the Protectorate.

⁷² This memorandum has not been found and therefore can only be roughly dated. In May 1873, when there was growing publicity in Britain, Lieut.-Col. Evelyn Wood found Wolseley poring over Dutch maps of Ashanti and was told ‘there was a king there who required a lesson to bring him to a sense of the power of England’ (Wood, E., From Midshipman to Field Marshal (1906), 1, 254–5Google Scholar). Wolseley's biographers say ‘As soon as difficulties arose on the Gold Coast, Sir Garnet prepared for Mr Cardwell a memo, on the situation’ (Maurice, F. and Arthur, G., The Life of Lord Wolseley, 61–2Google Scholar). Wolseley himself wrote: ‘Mr Cardwell had in confidence already informed me that he would like me to go there should it be determined to undertake active operations against the invading Ashanti.… I submitted privately to Mr Cardwell a rough outline of a military scheme…’ (A Soldier's Life, 11, 262).

⁷³ Ibid. 362–3. This plan was carried out.

⁷⁴ Cardwell, to Kimberley, , 1 08 1873 (copy)Google Scholar, Cardwell Papers, P.R.O. 30/48/5/33, p. 60.

⁷⁵ Cardwell, to Gladstone, , 3 09 1873Google Scholar, Gladstone Papers, 44120/119.

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⁷⁷ Wolseley, , A Soldier's Life, 11, 268Google Scholar. Wolseley does not mention Goschen, but says ‘A minister’…‘but I fancied that the question reflected Naval sentiment at the Admiralty’.

⁷⁸ Drus, , Kimberley's Journal, 42Google Scholar. The Duke of Cambridge also favoured Clarke (, H. R. H. to Cardwell, , 19 08 1873Google Scholar, Cardwell Papers, P.R.O. 30/48/4/17).

⁷⁹ Vetch, , Life of Clarke, 82Google Scholar. Clarke's memorandum on British West African Settlements, June 1864, in War Office Prints: W.O. 33/13, 1387.

⁸⁰ Information from Vetch, , Life of Clarke, 115Google Scholar. Like Wolseley's memorandum Clarke's cannot be found. However, there is in the Glover Papers (Royal Commonwealth Soc.) a memorandum written on Singapore Government note-paper signed by Clarke dated, 11 Aug. 1873, initialled by Cardwell: ‘written by Sir A. Clarke at my request’. In this Clarke says if an attack upon Rumasi is decided on regular troops would be needed, but he is convinced that sufficient forces could be raised in the protectorate.

⁸¹ Anson, A. E. H., About Myself and Others (1920), 324.Google Scholar

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⁸³ Shaw-Lefevre, G. to Gordon, , 1 02 1877Google Scholar. Gordon, A. H., Fiji. Records of Private and Public Life 1875–1880 (Edinburgh, 1897–1912), 111, 117.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Wolseley, , Soldier's Life, 11, 271.Google Scholar

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⁸⁶ See Kimberley, to Goschen, , 12 09 1873Google Scholar, in Elliot, A. D., Life of George Joachim Goschen, 1st Viscount Gaschen. 1831–1907 (1911), 122Google Scholar: ‘we should be delighted if we could finish the business in a decently creditable manner without sending more European troops and without an expedition to Coomassee’.

⁸⁷ Kimberley, to Gladstone, , 18 08 1873Google Scholar, Gladstone Papers, 44225/79.

⁸⁸ Gladstone, to Kimberley, , 4 09 1873Google Scholar, Kimberley Papers, A/52: Kimberley, to Ponsonby, , 9 09 1873Google Scholar (copy), ibid. A/40; Kimberley, to Gladstone, , 9 09 1873Google Scholar, Gladstone Papers, 44225/99.

⁸⁹ Kimberley, to Wolseley, , 10 09 1873 (draft), C.O. 96/108Google Scholar. This draft has the same date as the draft of Kimberley's famous instruction to Sir Andrew Clarke suggesting the appointment of Residents in the Malay States.

⁹⁰ Cardwell, to Kimberley, , 3 09 1873Google Scholar, Kimberley Papers A/52; Cardwell, to Gladstone, , 3 09 1873Google Scholar, Gladstone Papers, 44120/119; Gladstone, to Cardwell, , 5 09 1873 (copy)Google Scholar, ibid. 123; military instructions: Cardwell, to Wolseley, , 8 09 1873 (copy), W.O. 32/826, file 076/594.Google Scholar

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⁹⁵ Cardwell, to Gladstone, , 20 09 1873Google Scholar, Gladstone Papers, 44120/140.

⁹⁶ Cardwell, to Gladstone, , 22 09 1873Google Scholar, ibid. 144. Robert Lowe, who had not been consulted, ‘did not know what his colleagues were about’ and he prophesied failure. Derby, to Disraeli, , 9 09 1873Google Scholar, Disraeli Papers, Hughenden Manor (by courtesy of the National Trust), bundle XII; Disraeli, to Northcote, , 11 09 1873Google Scholar. Buckle, , Life of Disraeli, 11, 598–9.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ Wolseley, to Kimberley, , 8 10 1873Google Scholar, Colonial Office Confidential Print: Gold Coast no. 36, 208.

¹⁰⁰ Wolseley, to Kimberley, , 9 10 1873Google Scholar, ibid. p. 269.

¹⁰¹ Wolseley, to Kimberley, , 5 10 1873Google Scholar, ibid. p. 209; Wolseley, to War Office, 7 10 1873Google Scholar, W.O. 32/826, file 076/1235. At this ‘palaver’ Wolseley and his staff wore full dress (Henty, , March to Coomassie, 62).Google Scholar

¹⁰² Wolseley, to Wolseley, Lady, 27 09 1873Google Scholar. Arthur, G., The Letters of Lord and Lady Wolseley, 1870–1911 (1923), 10.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Ibid. loc. cit. In A Soldier's Life, 11, 276, he wrote: ‘The term “slave” jars upon the ear, and yet the more one sees the negro the more one realises that he was intended to the the white man's servant. ‘Wolseley ako told Reade on the voyage that he was sure he would want English troops (Ashantee Campaign, 163).

¹⁰⁴ ‘Measures taken at home’, Wolseley Papers, W.13, p. 14. Maurice, who quotes the dispatch to the War Office (Ashantee War, 90–105), specially jiotes that it was dated the day before Wolseley's first operations. The dispatch was apparently delayed in the mail office until 27 Oct. (Melville, C. H., Life of General the Right Hon. Sir Redvers Buller (1923), 1, 61).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Cabinet Minute dated Nov. 1873, Gladstone Papers, 44641/209. The third battalion had been requested by Wolseley, who specified he wanted volunteers commanded by Col. Colley.

¹⁰⁶ Cabinet Minute, 17 11 1873Google Scholar, 44641/218; Gladstone, to Kimberley, , 19 11 1873Google Scholar, Kimberley Papers, A/86.

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¹⁰⁹ Ponsonby, to Kimberley, , 23 11 1873Google Scholar, Kimberley Papers, A/40.

¹¹⁰ Minute by Kimberley, , 25 12 1873Google Scholar, on Wolseley, to Cardwell, , 2 11 1873Google Scholar, C.O. 96/107. Herbert said, however, ‘The truth is that Capt. Glover has succeeded in a business with which he is familiar and the officers who had no African experience have naturally been less successful’. Wolseley complained that Glover's recruiting jeopardized his own. Gladstone intervened when he heard Glover was purchasing Hausa slaves for £5 each for his force (Gladstone, to Kimberley, , 16 12 1873Google Scholar, Kimberley Papers, A/52). The journalists, who usually admired Glover, were all agreed that the flank expedition was a mistake: Reade, , Ashantee Campaign, 378–81Google Scholar; Maurice, , Ashantee War, 390Google Scholar; Henty, , March to Coomassie, 218.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁴ See my article on ‘Disraeli's Election Blunder: The Straits of Malacca Issue in the 1874 Election’, Renaissance and Modern Studies, V (1961).

¹¹⁵ Undated Memorandum in Carnarvon Papers, Public Record Office, Gifts and Deposits: P.R.O. 30/6/85. Reade was also very critical of Wolseley, (Ashantee Campaign, 187–8, 229, 231, 289, 291, 338, 353)Google Scholar, and Stanley criticized Wolseley's conduct in Kumasi, (Coomassie and Magdala, 229).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Carnarvon, to Disraeli, , 6 03 1874 (copy)Google Scholar, Carnarvon Papers, P.R.O. 30/6/11, 3.

¹¹⁷ The ‘ring’ included such notable figures in the late nineteenth-century British Army as Field-Marshal Sir Evelyn Wood, Gen. Sir Redvers Buller, Maj.-Gen. Sir George Colley, Gen. Sir John McNeil, Gen. Sir George Greaves, Gen. Sir Baker Russell, Gen. Sir Thomas Baker, Maj.-Gen. Sir Frederick Maurice, Lieut.-Gen. Sir William Butler, Gen. Sir Henry Brackenbury.

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¹¹⁹ Wolseley, to Cardwell, , 11 12 1873Google Scholar, copy in Kimberley Papers, A/22.

¹²⁰ Wolseley, to Karikari, Kofi, 2 01 1874, C.O. 806/2, p. 103Google Scholar. His terms were: the return of all captives; an indemnity of 50,000 oz. of gold dust; and a new treaty to be signed by Wolseley in Kumasi.

¹²¹ Karikari, Kofi to Wolseley, , 9 01 1874, C.O. 806/4, p. 6Google Scholar, and Wolseley, to Karikari, Kofi, 24 01 1874Google Scholar, ibid. pp. 12–13. The new terms required as hostages the king's heir, the Queen Mother, and the heirs of the four leading Ashanti kings. Ward, , History of the Gold Coast, 273Google Scholar, says it was impossible for the Asantehene to accept such humiliating terms. Reade, , Ashantee Campaign, 290–2Google Scholar, considered that Kofi Karikari outwitted Wolseley in diplomacy and forced the general to fight for Kumasi in order to save his reputation at home.

¹²² C.O. 806/6, p. 12.

¹²³ Text in Crooks, , Records of the Gold Coast, 521–3.Google Scholar

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¹²⁵ Minute by Lowther, James (Parliamentary Under-secretary), 20 04 1874Google Scholar, on Fitzgerald, to Carnarvon, , 13 04 1874, C.O. 96/114.Google Scholar

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¹³⁵ Economic History Rev. VI, 1 (1953).

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¹³⁹ Rev. Penrose to General Secretaries, 26 April 1875, Methodist Missionary Society, Gold Coast incoming letters, file for 1875–6; ‘already the more decisive measures of British rule are making themselves felt’.

¹⁴⁰ Minute by Hemming, , 14 10 1875Google Scholar, on Manchester Chamber of Commerce to Carnar von, 13 Oct. 1875, C.O. 87/108.

¹⁴¹ Ward, , History of the Gold Coast, 282–3Google Scholar: ‘The policy…towards Ashanti from 1874 to 1890 was utterly timorous and vacillating, and the fruits of the campaign of 1874 were completely lost in an incredibly short time.… The Government…wanted the Asantehene to be strong enough to keep all Ashanti in order, but to be weak enough not to be a danger to the Colony. Two contradictory aims naturally led to chaos.’

¹⁴² It still existed in 1915, when Claridge wrote. See Gold Coast and Ashanti, 11, 183–4, for his view of the effect of the 1874 policy.