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² Barnard, T. C., ‘Crises of identity among Irish protestants, 1641–1685’, Past and Present, CXXVII (1990), 40–2Google Scholar.

³ Cullen, L. M., ‘Catholics under the penal laws’, in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, I (1986), 28, 30Google Scholar. For Cullen's earlier use of the term ‘Anglo-Irish’ see The emergence of modern Ireland, 1600–1900 (London, 1981), pp. 136, 172, 178Google Scholar. See, also, the comments of Connolly, S. J., Religion, law and power, the making of protestant Ireland (Oxford, 1992), pp. 103–5Google Scholar.

⁴ Canny, N., ‘Identify formation in Ireland: the emergence of the Anglo-Irish’, in Canny, N. and Pagden, A. (eds.), Colonial identity in the Atlantic world, 1500–1800 (Princeton, 1987), pp. 201–2Google Scholar, n., p. 205; Hayton, D., ‘Anglo-Irish attitudes: changing perceptions of national identity among the protestant ascendancy in Ireland, ca. 1690–1750’, Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, XVII (1987), 145–57Google Scholar.

⁵ Beckett, J. C., The Anglo-Irish Tradition (London, 1976), pp. 45–6Google Scholar.

⁶ An account of the sessions of parliament in Ireland, 1692 (London, 1693), p. 13Google Scholar. (Elsewhere the author of this pamphlet refers to ‘the protestant and English interest’ and to ‘the English in this kingdom’, pp. 1, 4, 7.) SirCox, Richard, An essay for the conversion of the Irish showing that 'tis their duty and interest to become protestants (Dublin, 1698)Google Scholar. Both of these pamphlets and, with the exception of those by Maxwell and Burridge which were consulted in the British library (see notes 15 and 24), all the pamphlets cited hereafter, are held in the Bradshaw collection in Cambridge University library; Sayle, C. E. (ed.), A catalogue of the Bradshaw collection of Irish books in the University of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1916)Google Scholar.

⁷ Lydon, J. F., ‘The middle nation’, in Lydon, J. F. (ed.), The English in medieval Ireland: proceedings of the first joint meeting of the Royal Irish Academy and the British Academy (Dublin, 1984), p. 2Google Scholar. The issue of gaelicization is further explored by Cosgrove, A., ‘Hiberniores Ipsis Hibernis’, in Cosgrove, A. and McCarthy, D. (eds.), Studies in Irish history, presented to R. Dudley Edwards (Dublin, 1979) PP. 1–14Google Scholar.

⁸ Quoted in Robbins, C., The eighteenth-century commonwealthman (Cambridge, Mass, 1959), p. 158CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Inglis, Brian, West Briton (London, 1962), pp. 31, 213Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Kelly, P. H., ‘The printer's copy of the MS of William Molyneux “The case of Ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in England, stated”’, Long Room, nos. 18–19 (1979), 6–13Google Scholar.

¹¹ Simms states that in 1703 ‘union was asked for [by the Irish parliament] as a second best’, although some years later ‘emphasis was laid on union for its own sake’: Simms, J. G., War and politics in Ireland, 1649–1730 (ed. Hayton, D. and O'Brien, G.) (London, 1986), p. 259Google Scholar. He again used the phrase ‘second best’ in Moody, T. W. and Vaughan, W. E. (eds.), A new history of Ireland, IV. Eighteenth-century Ireland, 1691–1800 (Oxford, 1986), p. 7Google Scholar. A useful antidote to this traditional approach is provided by Kelly, J., ‘The origins of the act of union: an examination of unionist opinion in Britain and Ireland, 1650–1800’, Irish Historical Studies, XXV (1987), 236–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² A particularly scurrilous example of contemporary paddywackery, in this instance focusing on the comic dimension, is A trip to Ireland, being a description of the country, people and manners, as also some selected observations on Dublin (London?, 1699)Google Scholar. This squib was written, according to a MS note, by ‘The celebrated Tom Brown’. For a discussion of racist stereotyping, see Hayton, D., ‘From Barbarian to burlesque: English images of the Irish c. 1660–1750’, Irish Economic and Social History, XV (1988), 5–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ Considerations concerning Ireland in relation to England and particularly in respect of an union (1692?), p. 2. Froude, J. A. dates this anonymous pamphlet at about 1703 (The English in Ireland in the eighteenth century (3 vols., London, 1872), I, 287)Google Scholar. However, from clear internal evidence the earlier date suggested above is more likely. SirBrewster, Francis complained that Englishmen who lived in Ireland ‘some few years…must rest satisfied with the odious character of Irishman’: A discourse concerning Ireland and the different interests thereof, in answer to the Exon and Bamstaple petitions; shewing that if a law were enacted to prevent the exportation of woollen manufactures from Ireland to foreign parts, what the consequences thereof would be both to England and Ireland (London, 1698), p. 46Google Scholar.

¹⁴ The phrase ‘Irish tyranny’ was used to describe the Jacobite episode by Wetenhall, Edward, bishop of Cork: A sermon preached Octob. 23 1692, before his excellency the lord lieutenant, and the lords…and commons in Christ Church, Dublin (Dublin, 1692), pp. 12–13Google Scholar. Travis, John, A sermon preached in St. Andrews church Dublin… (Dublin, 1698), p. 13Google Scholar. The power and longevity of 1641 in the protestant imagination is explored by Barnard, T. C., ‘The uses of 23 October 1641 and Irish protestant celebrations’, English Historical Review, CVI (1991), 889–920CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ Professor Canny cites Ezekiel Burridge's equation of ‘the king's “Irish subjects”’ and ‘the people of Ireland’ with the protestant nation, as evidence of 'the ease with which Irish protestants could monopolize the description Irish: ‘Identity formation in Ireland’, pp. 201–2, n. In fact, on the basis of the evidence in the pamphlet cited, Burridge, like so many of his contemporaries, was ambivalent in his usage, referring a number of times to the catholics as ‘the Irish’: A short view of the present state of Ireland; with regard particularly to the difficultys a chief governor will meet with there in the holding of parliament, written in the year 1700 (Dublin, 1708), pp. 14, 16, 18Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Considerations concerning Ireland in relation to England…, p. 3.

¹⁷ Molyneux, , The case of Ireland…stated, p. 3Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Beckett, , The Anglo-Irish tradition, p. 46Google Scholar.

¹⁹ On the other hand the non-juror, Leslie, Charles, King's fiercest critic, his near contemporary at Trinity College, Dublin, and sometime minister of the Church of Ireland, consistently used the phrase ‘Irish protestants’ in his An answer to a book intitled the state of the protestants in Ireland under the late King James's government (London, 1692)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Molyneux, , The case of Ireland…stated, p. 20Google Scholar.

²¹ Johnston, E. M., Ireland in the eighteenth century (Dublin, 1974), p. 60Google Scholar; Foster, R. F., Modern Ireland, 1600–1972 (Harmondsworth, 1988), pp. 161–2Google Scholar; Hayton, , ‘Anglo-Irish attitudes’, p. 150Google Scholar; Simms, , William Molyneux, p. 105Google Scholar; Victory, I. L., ‘Colonial nepotism in Ireland, 1692–1725: from common law to natural right’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Trinity College, Dublin, 1985), p. 56Google Scholar.

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²³ Cox, , An essay for the conversion of the Irish, pp. 10–13Google Scholar. Some years earlier Cox elaborated a more complex racial theory: the English in Ireland were ‘a mixt nation composed of Britons, Danes, Saxons an d Normans’; the Irish likewise were ‘a mingled people of Britons, Gauls, Spaniards and Easterlings, and therefore called Scots’. But here too he claimed that ‘there is hardly a gentleman among them [the Irish] but has English blood in his veins’: Hibernica Anglicana: or, the history of Ireland from the conquest thereof by the English, to the present time (2 vols., London, 1689), I, XXGoogle Scholar. The English historian, Echard, Laurence, stated that ‘the inhabitants [of Ireland] descent originally from the Britains’ and that ‘the language that they commonly speak is originally British, or at least a dialect of it’: An exact description of Ireland (London, 1691), pp. 14, 16, 27Google Scholar.

²⁴ As Maxwell, Henry wrote, ‘The number of the protestants are much increased of late’: An essay upon an union of Ireland with England (London, 1703, Dublin, 1704), p. 13Google Scholar. The relative and absolute sizes, real and imagined, of the various confessional groups, are discussed in the section on ‘Numbers’, in Connolly, S. J., Religion, law and power, pp. 144–9Google Scholar.

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²⁶ See Connolly, Sean's incisive remarks in ‘Religion and history’, Irish Economic and Social History, X (1985), esp. 76–8Google Scholar.

²⁷ Hayton, , ‘Anglo-Irish attitudes’, pp. 150–1Google Scholar; Cox, , Hibemica Anglicana, I, XXGoogle Scholar; Echard, , An exact description of Ireland, p. 16Google Scholar; Connolly, , Religion, law and power, p. 118Google Scholar. The ambiguities of contemporary perceptions are nicely conveyed in a letter written by Cox in 1704: this country ‘is inhabited by people of several nations, interests and religions…There is no remedy so proper for both kingdoms as some sort of union which would conduce to enrich and strengthen England, and establish the English interest here…all the British would be good Englishmen’: Cox to Nottingham, 13 Feb. 1704, Cal. S.P. dom., 1703–4, p. 531.

²⁸ Clarke, A., ‘Colonial constitutional attitudes in Ireland, 1640–1660’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. 90, c, no. 11 (1990), 357–75Google Scholar.

²⁹ Kearney, H. F., ‘The political background to English mercantilism, 1695–1700’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., XI (1959), 484–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Kelly, P. H., ‘The Irish woollen export prohibition act of 1699: Kearney revisited’, Irish Economic and Social History, VII (1980), 22–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³¹ Simms, , William Molyneux, pp. 103–5Google Scholar; Clarke, , ‘Colonial constitutional attitudes’, pp. 363–4Google Scholar.

³² Molyneux, , The case of Ireland…stated, pp. 97–8Google Scholar.

³³ Simms, , William Molyneux, pp. 103–4Google Scholar.

³⁴ Kelly, , ‘The origins of the act of union’, pp. 238–40Google Scholar.

³⁵ Hont, I., ‘Free trade and the economic limits to national politics: neo-Machiavellian political economy reconsidered’, in Dunn, J. (ed.), The economic limits of modern politics (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 78–89Google Scholar.

³⁶ Cox, , Hibemica Anglicana, I, xii–xiiiGoogle Scholar.

³⁷ Bonnell to Harley, 3 Nov. 1691, H.M.C., Portland MS, III, 479–81.

³⁸ [Annesley, Francis], Some thoughts on the bill depending before the right honourable the house of lords for prohibiting the exportation of the woollen manufactures of Ireland to foreign parts (London & Dublin, 1698Google Scholar, reprinted, Dublin, 1740), p. 20. This pamphlet is often attributed to Sir Richard Cox – as recently by Hont, , ‘Free trade and the economic limits to national polities’, p. 79Google Scholar, n. I follow Patrick Kelly's attribution to Annesley as the more likely: Kelly, P. H., ‘The Irish woollen export prohibition act of 1699’, pp. 34–5, p. 35, nGoogle Scholar. [Brewster, ] A discourse concerning Ireland and the different interests thereof…, pp. 12–13, 23, 51, 58Google Scholar. Hovell, J., A discourse on the woollen manufacture of Ireland and the consequences of prohibiting its exportation (Dublin, 1698), pp. 4–5Google Scholar.

³⁹ [Brewster, ], A discourse concerning Ireland…, pp. 24–5, 28, 33Google Scholar. This writer estimated that between 1691 an d 1698 80,000 Scottish families had migrated into Ulster, and that the presbyterians were beginning to penetrate the other three provinces as well (p. 34). For the economic causes of Scottish emigration an d the anxieties which the newcomers aroused among Irish anglicans see Cullen, L. M., The emergence of modern Ireland, pp. 12, 34, 39Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Annesley, Francis to King, , 1706, in King, A great archbishop of Dublin, pp. 117–18Google Scholar; Victory, , ‘Colonial nationalism’, p. 80Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Hovell, , A discourse on the woollen manufactures of Ireland…, p. 8Google Scholar. I have altered the sequence, but not the sense, of this passage.

⁴² [Annesley, ], Some thoughts on the bill depending before…the house of lords…, p. 22Google Scholar; [Brewster, ], A discourse concerning Ireland and the different interests thereof…, p. 50Google Scholar; Hovell, , A discourse on the woollen manufactures of Ireland…, p. 12Google Scholar.

⁴³ Maxwell, , An essay upon an union, p. 12Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Anonymous preface to Burridge, , A short view of the present state of Ireland, p. 4Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Southwell, Robert to King, , 14 03 1702, in King, A great archbishop of Dublin, pp. 100–2Google Scholar. For the continuing stimulus provided by Anglo-Scottish discussion see Sir Thomas Coningsby to the duke of Ormonde, 16 Dec. 1704, H.M.C., Ormonde MS, VIII, 125.

⁴⁶ Protestant opinion was particularly perturbed by the Westminster resumption act (1700), and the appointment of trustees, by the English parliament, to supervise the sale of confiscated property.

⁴⁷ Commons Journal, Ireland, II, 341–2.

⁴⁸ Southwell to Nottingham, 4 Oct. 1703, Cal. S.P. dom., 1703–4, p. 144.

⁴⁹ Kelly, , ‘The origins of the act of union’, p. 243Google Scholar; Southwell to Nottingham, 11 Oct. 1703, Cal. S.P. dom., 1703–4, pp. 156–9; Robbins, , The eighteenth-century commonwealthman, pp. III, 147Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Above all Fletcher opposed the abolition of a separate Scottish parliament. Daiches, David (ed.), Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, selected political writings and speeches (Edinburgh, 1979)Google Scholar, especially the 1704 pamphlet, reprinted here, An account of a conversation concerning a right regulation of government for the common good of mankind, pp. 106–37. These issues are explored from a Scottish perspective in Ferguson, W., ‘Imperial crowns: a neglected facet of the background to the Treaty of Union of 1707’, The Scottish Historical Review, LIII (1974), 22–44Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Froude, , The English in Ireland, I, 287Google Scholar.