2. Hair, P.E.H., “Guinea” and “Morocco, the Saharan coast, and the neighbouring Atlantic islands” in Quinn, D.B., ed., The Hakluyt Handbook (London, 1974), 190–207.Google Scholar Hakluyt's material on sub-Saharan Africa was almost entirely concentrated on Guinea.

3. The present paper represents the groundwork for a briefer contribution to the forthcoming Purchas Handbook, edited by Loren E. Pennington for the Hakluyt Society. The Handbook will also include a contribution from C.F. Beckingham on the material relating to the Mediterranean and Red Sea lands. No adequate account of Purchas' life and work at the moment exists, but for a list of the material passed from Hakluyt to Purchas see Steele, C.R., “From Hakluyt to Purchas,” Hakluyt Handbook, 74–96.Google Scholar

4. Purchas, Samuel, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations of the world and the religions Observed in all ages and places… contayning a theologicall and geographicall Historie of Asia, Africa, and America, with the Ilands adiacent… (London, 1626).Google Scholar The title of the earlier editions varies slightly. The 1626 edition appeared as a fifth volume to the four volumes of Pilgrimes (1625).

5. Purchas, Samuel, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes. Contayning a History of the World, in Sea voyages and lande-Travells, by Englishmen and others… (4 vols.: London, 1625Google Scholar; reprinted in 20 volumes [Glasgow, 1905-1907], an accurate reprinting which may be used with confidence). References to Pilgrimes are to Part 1 or Part 2, followed by page numbers, unless the reference is to a whole section or several sections, in which case book and chapter numbers are included.

6. As regards original material, Pilgrimes is the ultimate stage of Pilgrimage. But despite its announced concentration on comparative religion, the earlier work provided the English reader from 1613 with a fairly rounded and full summary of what could be learned about Africa and the islands from earlier printed sources, mainly foreign. The sources were listed and acknowledged, and the later editions added original information from English voyagers.

7. Purchas also cut material which dwelled on ugly events (“we have sufficiently filled our eyes with blood”). But he had no shrinking aversion to recording violence and sadistic cruelty. Further, he was no censor of information on sexual behavior; his sources showed much interest in what seemd to them exotic forms of sexuality and Purchas repeated the information (or misinformation) bluntly and without comment, other than broad expressions of preference for Christian standards and European forms of behavior.

8. Pory, John, A Geographical Historie of Africa (London, 1600) (STC 15481)Google Scholar, reprinted in Brown, Robert, ed., The History and Description of Africa (London, 1896).Google Scholar For the significance of the translation, and for a 1617 edition, see Parker, John, Books to Build an Empire (Amsterdam, 1965), 166–67, 228, 263.Google Scholar In 1582 Hakluyt the Elder cited Leo Africanus on “Barbary.” His nephew not only encouraged the publication of Pory's translation but considered incorporating it into his collection (Principal Navigations, 2: 163–64, second pag., 193Google Scholar). Leo Africanus (otherwise al-Hasan b. Mohammed al-Wazzan az-Zayyati) wrote in Italian, although from notes or a first draft in Arabic, but the edition of the manuscript promised by Italian scholars has not yet appeared. However, the French translation by Épaulard, A. (Jean-Léon l'Africain, Description de l'Afrique[Paris, 1956]Google Scholar takes account of the manuscript, while mainly following the editio princeps, a revised Italian text in Ramusio. According to Brown, Pory translated, not from Ramusio, but from the faulty 1556 Latin translation by Florianus, and he supplies details of mistranslation (Brown, , History, lvii–lxvii, 205, 206, etc.Google Scholar). Purchas states that “in divers places the translation is emended” (and in the Pilgrimage he specifically claims that he is correcting Pory from “the Italian Copie of Ramusius, which differeth not a little;” Pilgrimage, 1615 edition, 517)Google Scholar; but the mistranslations cited by Brown are not corrected in Pilgrimes. Brown overlooks some cuts made by Florianus and followed by Pory (e.g. a bawdy anecdote, Epaulard, , Description, 307–08Google Scholar), and is wrong when he states that the “greater part” of Pory was reprinted by Purchas (ix). Purchas commended Leo as a guide “thorow the African both Desarts and Habitations…the best that hath written in that Argument, and as a Lion may conduct the most fearefull thorow the most perillous passages;” Pilgrimes, part 1, 747. Leo's work has been described as “a unique combination of a Muslim's experience with an Italian Renaissance quest for knowledge;” Levtzion, Nehemia in The Cambridge History of Africa (Cambridge, 1977), 3: 688.Google Scholar

9. Purchas omits 120 out of 250 sections in books 2 and 3, and half of the remaining sections are cut by varying amounts. The number of sections omitted in each case is progressively accelerated, so that the abbreviation is sharper as the text proceeds. Material on rural areas tends to be cut more severely than material on the large towns. But material on the seaports is inconsistently, and therefore sometimes severely cut, although the English reader might have been expected to have had most interest in the littoral, with its fairly recent history of Portuguese and Spanish trade and conquest. At two points retained material refers back to an omitted section.

10. Leo Africanus is the major source for references to Morocco in Pilgrimage, book 6, chapters 10-11, as Purchas states (1613 edition, 517). General geographical sources cited, such as Sanuto and Botero, derived their information mainly from Leo. Historical sources cited included Augustinus Coelius, Curio, Sarracenicae historiae libri iii…item Marochensis regni descriptio (Basel, 1568)Google Scholar and Freigius, Joannes Thomas, Historia de bello Afvieano (Nuremberg, 1581)Google Scholar, the latter being part of a considerable literature on the 1578 Portuguese disaster in Morocco and death of Sebastião, including material in English which Purchas might have tapped further.

11. The very odd wording at the end of the sentence quoted may involve a misprint or may be merely Purchas' weird style. The work is A True Historical Discourse of Muley Hamets rising to the three Kingdoms of Moruecos, Fes and Sus (London, 1609) (STC 4300)Google Scholar; reprinted with notes in Castries, Henry de, ed., Les sources inédites de l'histoire du Maroc, Archives et bibliothèques d'Angleterre, II (Paris, 1925), 322–408Google Scholar; cf. Parker, , Books, 226–27.Google Scholar The author has been variously identified as Robert Coverte (Bovill, E.W., The Golden Trade of the Moors, [London, 1958], 186Google Scholar), Robert Chambers (Ross, E. Denison, Sir Anthony Sherley and his Persian adventure [London, 1933], 62)Google Scholar, George Wilkins ghosting for Robert Cecil (Castries, , Sources, 318, 321, but disputed in vol. 3 of the same work, ed. de Cenlval, P. and Brissac, P. de Cosse [Paris, 1935], 634)Google Scholar, and Robert Cottington (Playfair, R.I. and Brown, R., A bibliography of Morocco [London, 1893], 244Google Scholar)--Cottington is favorite, perhaps because he is otherwise unknown. Castries argues that the author did not visit Morocco but received accurate information from the trading community, particularly about the post-1600 history. The book has also been described as “a very valuable and original contribution to the history of Morocco” Castries, , Sources, 318–21Google Scholar; Playfair, and Brown, , Bibliography, 244.Google Scholar

12. Ro.C.'s account sketches the dynastic history from the rise of the Sa'adian (Sharifian) dynasty, but in an inaccurate and foreshortened form, and begins effectively with the accession of Ahmed al-Mansur after the “Battle of the Three Kings” in 1578, hence the history of the half-century after Leo wrote is not really covered as Purchas claimed it was. For this period Purchas might have used the brief history which Pory compiled “for the most part out of Italian” to add to his translation of Leo (Brown, , History, 987–97Google Scholar), particularly since Purchas did borrow in toto another addition by Pory on “The Dominions and Fortresses which the King of Spaine hath” (ibid., 997-99; Pilgrimes, part 1, 873-74--only the first sentence of this item relates to Morocco but Purchas adds a marginal note on the 1614 Spanish seizure of Mamura). Purchas might also have used Caravajal, Luys del Marmol, Descripcion General de Affrica, part 1 (2 vols.: Granada, 1573)Google Scholar, part 2 (M´laga, 1599), which though it borrows heavily from Leo, also has more up-to-date information on Morocco and which Purchas had cited in Pilgrimage in 1613, in chapter 14 of book 6 on “Biledulgerid and Sarra,” though curiously not in chapters 10-11 on Morocco. (Since Marmol was available only in Spanish, hence “Luys del Marmol” in the list of authors, it is possible that Purchas obrrowed the citation from a secondary source, hence “Lodovicus Marmolius” in the text.)

13. Ro.C's book includes the only known account of Sir Anthony Sherley's adventures in Morocco, allegedly as envoy from the Emperor Rudolf (Ross, , Sherley, 62Google Scholar; Castries, , Sources, 274–83Google Scholar). John Smith of Virginia fame claimed to have been in Morocco in 1604, but an account of Smith's adventures elsewhere published in Pilgrimes (apparently from a recently acquired manuscript, since it is not listed among the unpublished sources of Pilgrimage), includes only a passing reference to Morocco (Pilgrimes, part 1, 1370): and when Smith came to publish his autogiography, the section on Morocco was thin and in part from Leo (The true travels… of Captaine John Smith, chap. 18, reprinted in Arber, E., ed., Travels and works of Captain John Smith [2d. ed.: Edinburgh, 1910] 2: 869–74Google Scholar, and in Castries, , Sources, 266–73Google Scholar). William Lithgow, the Scottish traveller, was in Fez and southern Morocco in 1616, according to the 1632 edition of his Painefull Peregrinations, but there is nothing about Morocco in the 1623 edition, and it was the 1614 edition which Purchas used for an extract on the Mediterranean lands and Holy Land: Pilgrimes, part 1, book 10, chap. 13, 1831-48. For the view that Lithgow was never in Morocco see Castries, , Sources, 491–99.Google Scholar

14. The only major cut was that of a section on Islamic practice in Morocco, but Purchas noted the cut and directed readers to the same material summarized in Pilgrimage (1613 edition, 516-17).

15. Pilgrimage, 1617 edition, book 7, chaps. 10-11: the pamphlets are Wilkins, George, Three Miseries of Barbary…(London, 1604) (STC 25639)Google Scholar (reprinted, with notes, in Castries, , Sources, 248–65Google Scholar) which is anecdotal and mainly about the plague: and Late Newes out of Barbary (London, 1613) (STC 1377)Google Scholar (reprinted, with notes, in Castries, , Sources, 465–70Google Scholar), re-issued by the same publisher in the same year as The New Propheticall King of Barbary (STC 21515), which comprises letters dated 1612 from R.S. and G.B. Purchas had also talked with “a friend of mine lately come from thence” (1614 edition, 632). The later informants were M. Banister and Joseph Keble (1617 edition, 793-95)—Keble appears in the 1617 list of “manuscripts, travellers and other authors” but not Banister. Keble's information appears to be accurate (Castries, Sources, 468n7). Presumably Purchas was unable to persuade his Morocco-based acquaintances to write accounts he could publish in Pilgrimes. The 1626 edition of Pilgrimage added nothing to the 1617 text. Purchas could have obtained later information on Morocco from Henry Mainwaring (for the Moroccan section of his 1618 manuscript memoirs, see Castries, , Sources, 563–68Google Scholar) and from John Harrison, whose manuscript reports relate to several pre-1625 visits, and who in 1613 published a book (exhorting conversion of Jews) “written in Barbarie, in the year 1610,” (Castries, , Sources, 441–48Google Scholar).

16. Passing references to Morocco in Pilgrimes include part 1, pp. 71 (1598 plague, from a Dutch source), 79 (Hanno's voyage), 1675 (Arzila captured in 1470, from Galvão). Purchas omitted the relevant section of two accounts of the East Indian voyage which in 1610 called at the port of Safi: Pilgrimes, part 1, 247, 274; cf. Markham, C.R., The Voyage of Sir James Lancaster to the East Indies (London, 1877), 145, 147, 152.Google Scholar

17. See Bovili, Golden Trade, chapter 12; Fisher, H.J. in Cambridge History of Africa, III, esp. 277, 298, 304, 684Google Scholar (“of exceptional importance” although doubts about reliability in detail). But in Saad, Elias M., Social History of Timbuktu: the Bole of Muslim Scholars and Notables (Cambridge, 1983)Google Scholar, Leo's once-unique evidence on Timbuktu is overwhelmed by archival documentation in Arabic and local oral traditions.

18. Note, however, that in the 1600 letter to Edward Wright which Purchas inserted (and which invited Wright to provide astronomical instruments for the sultan), it was suggested that Wright's “Magneticall Instrument of Declination” would be useful to Moroccans crossing the Sahara (852). English knowledge of the Sahara was of course limited and second-hand. Pory's additions to his Leo Africanus translation included one paragraph on the Saharan coast (Brown, , History, 83–84Google Scholar). Purchas discussed “Biledulgerid and Sarra” in Pilgrimage, book 6, chap. 13, the material being solely from Leo (or from geographers such as Sanuto who borrowed from Leo), from Marmol, from Cadamosto, and from ancient writers. Whereas Hakluyt reported Atlantic voyages which either touched land on the Saharan coast or at least raided fishing vessels off it, Purchas' Atlantic voyages either have their off-Sahara section cut or else the ships sailed further out. An exception is Cumberland's 1586 voyage which explored Rio de Oro, but Purchas is merely summarizing an Hakluyt account (Pilgrimes, part 2, 1141). The chapter in Pilgrimage on “the land of Negroes” (book 6, chap. 14, or in the 1614 edition, chaps. 14-15) covers Guinea as well as the Sudanic zone; on the latter it has no original material. Leo Africanus did not visit the eastern part of the Sudanic zone (i.e. the modern Sudan), and his account of it is slight, second-hand, and fanciful.

19. Pilgrimage discusses Guinea in book 6, chapter 14 (chaps. 14-15 in the 1614 edition). Purchas cites Barros from Ramusio: the other works are da Fonseca, Jeronimo Osorio, De rebus Emmanuelis Lusitanae regis (Lisbon, 1574)Google Scholar; Maffei, Gian Pietro, Historiarum Indicarum libri xvi (Florence, 1588 and ten later editions before 1620Google Scholar); Botero, Giovanni, Relationi universali (Ferrara, 1592–1593Google Scholar--many later editions and translations, e.g. An Historical description of…the Worlde [London, 1603].Google Scholar The “catalogue of authors” in Pilgrimage lists both “G. Botero Benese” and “Descript. of the Worlde.”

20. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 10, chap. 1, 1671-1697; for the English translation, see Hakluyt Handbook, 2: 41, 43–44, 523.Google Scholar

21. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 6, chap. 3, pp. 873-74. Purchas cut only an error in Pory's source (noted by Pory himself), to the effect that the French and English penetrated Guinea no further than Cape Verde, and he added a sentence to say that, because of the English and Dutch challenge, Portuguese trade in the East was “much decaied.”

22. Jarric, Pierre du, Thesaurus Rerum Indicarum… (3 vols.: Cologne, 1615)Google Scholar, a translation of Guerreiro, Fernão, Relaçam anual das cousas que fizeram os Padres da Companhia de Jesus… (5 parts.: Evora/Lisbon, 1603–1611), reprinted 3 vols.(Coimbra, 1930–1942).Google Scholar The Guinea mission material is to be found in book 4 of the parts for 1602-03 (published 1605), 1604-05 (1607), 1606-07 (1609), 1607-08 (1611); and the material from Alvares de Almada in chapter 9 of book 4 of 1602-03. Almada's book was not published until 1733; the standard modern text is d'Almada, A. Álvares, Tratado breve dos Rios de Guiné, ed. Silveira, Luis (Lisbon, 1946)Google Scholar: an “interim and makeshift” edition (English translation by P.E.H. Hair of a Portuguese text established by the late Avelino Teixeira da Mota, incomplete annotation by Jean Boulègue and P.E.H. Hair) was circulated to interested scholars in 1984 from the Department of History, University of Liverpool, and copies are available in the libraries of S.O.A.S. (London) and the Centres of African Studies at Birmingham and Edinburgh universities. In his 1613 edition of Pilgrimage Purchas cited “P. du Jarric” as a source on the Congo, referring to Du Jarric's French translation of Guerreiro, published 1608-14 (as made clear in the citation on 405).

23. For the transmission of material from Álvares de Almada via Guerreiro to Dapper (1668) and Barbot (1732), see Hair, P.E.H., “Barbot, Dapper, Davity: a Critique of Sources on Sierra Leone and Cape Mount,” HA, 1 (1974), 41–43.Google Scholar

24. For the earlier history of this gold trade, and the development of English interest see Bovill, E.W., Caravans of the Old Sahara (London, 1932)Google Scholar, revised as The Golden Trade of the Moors (London, 1958).Google Scholar

25. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 7, chap. 1, 921-26 (“Extracted out of his large Journall”); part 1, book 9, chap. 13, 1567-76 (“Larger Observations…gathered out of his larger Notes”); Jobson, Richard, The Golden Trade: or a discovery of the River Gambra (London, 1623; reprinted Teignmouth, 1904).Google Scholar It is odd that Purchas included both pieces in Pilgrimes, yet at different points. But it will be noted that he does not mention the title or indeed the existence of Jobson's book, which may mean that he copied the manuscript before it was printed and prepared a text for his own printer before the book appeared. His summary of the book begins by compressing and cutting reasonably but develops into severe and not very logical cutting, and ultimately he publishes only one fifth of the text. Jobson's account of the Gambia can now be compared with that in a contemporary Portuguese text which was unpublished in Jobson's day: Donelha, André, An account of Sierra Leone and the Rivers of Guinea of Cape Verde (1625), ed. da Mota, A. Teixeira and Hair, P.E.H. (Lisbon, 1977), chaps. 10-13.Google Scholar Elsewhere in Pilgrimes, Purchas twice refers to Jobson when discussing comparable natural history in South America: Pilgrimes, part 2, 965, 978.

26. Pilgrimes, part 1, 247 (a second account of the same voyage has its early section omitted, 274; cf. Markham, , Voyages of Lancaster, 152–53).Google Scholar For French and English use of this island see Almada, , Tratado, 17.Google Scholar

27. In 1601 Dutch and Portuguese ships fought off Portudal, in 1612 an English East Indies interloper called at Rufisque, in 1615 Dutch circumnavigators landed near Cape Verde: Pilgrimes, part 1, 88, 208, 328. Purchas' sources provided a little more information on the two Dutch episodes than he passed on. The more significant material is a brief nautical guide to the coast of Western Guinea, including information on the inhabitants of the Cape Verde district, which forms part of de Marees' account of the Gold Coast, for which see the section on Gold Coast below: Pilgrimes, part 1, 927-28.

28. The 1586 Cumberland voyage also called at Sierra Leone, but Purchas so abbreviated Hakluyt's account that all the details of the visit were lost.

29. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 2, chap. 7, 88-90. The episode is examined and an unabbreviated text in translation printed in Hair, P.E.H., “Sources on Early Sierra Leone: (10) Schouten and Le Maire, 1615,” Africana Research Bulletin, 7/2 (1977), 56–75.Google Scholar For the Dutch original and English translation see Herwerden, P.J. van, ed., De Ontdekkingsreis van Jacob le Maire en Willem Cornelisz Schouten (2 vols.: 's-Gravenhage, 1945)Google Scholar; Villiers, J.A.J. de, ed., The East and West Indian Mirror (London, 1906)Google Scholar; Parker, , Books, 28–29.Google Scholar

30. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 3, chap. 6, 188-90. An exiguous contemporary abstract of the Keeling journal is in the India Office Library (MR7), and was summarized in Markham, , Voyages of Lancaster, 108–110.Google Scholar Extracts from the Keeling journal in addition to those in Pilgrimes and published in 1821 and 1849, before it was lost, refer to the performance of “Hamlet” aboard one of the English vessels at Sierra Leone; and if the extracts are genuine, and the “Hamlet” was Shakespeare's, then this is the earliest recorded performance: it was played to entertain an envoy from an African king, an envoy who was a Portuguese-educated evolué. See Hair, P.E.H., “Hamlet in an Afro-Portuguese Setting: New Perspectives on Sierra Leone in 1607,” HA, 5 (1978), 21–42.Google Scholar The Sierra Leone sections of all the 1607 journals have been published in Hair, P.E.H., Sierra Leone and the English in 1607 [Occasional Paper 4, Institute of African Studies, University of Sierra Leone], (Freetown, 1981).Google Scholar

31. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 4, chap. 4, 414-16, “Remembrances touching Sierra Leone, in August 1607, the Bay, Countrey, Inhabitants, Rites, Fruits and Commodities.” Finch died in the East in 1613, which may explain why Purchas only laid hands on his journal as Pilgrimes was being printed. Purchas apologizes for its appearing in Pilgrimes separated from the journals of Keeling and Hawkins (Keeling's lieutenant) which Purchas had seen and used much earlier, the latter having been “communicated to me by Sir Thos Smith” (Pilgrimage, 1614 edition, 543).Google Scholar He would have published it with them “if I then had had it” thus it would seem that Finch's journal was not with the Company records. Purchas justly commended the journal for its “more accurate observations of Men, Plants, Cities, Deserts, Castles, Buildings, Regions, Religions, then almost any other” (Pilgrimes, part 1, 414).

32. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 9, chap. 12, para. 5, 1558-61. The material in this passage was drawn via Du Jarric (to whom a reference is given), from Guerreiro, 1602-03, book 4, chaps. 8, 10; 1604-05, book 4, chap. 8; 1607-08, book 4, chaps. 24, 6-7; and relates to the conversion of kings, a visit to the interior, and the Mane invasions of the sixteenth century (a subject which has much interested African historians recently), all at Sierra Leone. But there are also brief references to missionary activities at another point in western Guinea, Rio Balola.

33. Pilgrimage, 1617 edition, 807-09.

34. An English vessel called at Cape Palmas in 1598. An English fleet in the East Indies met at Java in 1615 a Dutchman “whom we had formerly met at Sestos” (a puzzling reference since East Indian voyages did not pass along the Guinea coast): Pilgrimes, part 1, 525, 970. A brief reference to meeting canoes off Cape Palmas in a Dutch source was cut in Purchas' summary, from a Latin version, Pilgrimes, part 1, 72.

35. Pilgrimes, part 1, 928-29: the source is de Marees' Beschryvinge, which is discussed in detail in the next paragraph.

36. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 7, chap. 2, 926-69, translating de Marees, Pieter, Beschryvinge ende Historische verhael vant Gout Koninckrijck van Gunea, anders de Goutcuste de Mina genaemt… (Amsterdam, 1602)Google Scholar, reprinted Naber, S.P. L'Honoré, ed., Beschryvinge ('s-Gravenhage, 1912).Google Scholar Naber (302) describes the Purchas translation as “fairly good” but the text “considerably cut.” As Purchas notes, the Latin version appeared in J.Th., and de Bry, J.I., Indiae Orientalis, part 4 (Frankfurt, 1603–04).Google Scholar For Hakluyt's association with translations from Dutch, see Hakluyt Handbook, 40-42, 310-12, 573-74, but the de Marees translation is overlooked. De Marees' book is described as “excellent in depicting social and commercial activities on the Gold Coast” in Daaku, R.Y., Trade and politics on the Gold Coast 1600-1720 (Oxford, 1970), p. xiii.Google Scholar Adam Jones, who, with Albert van Dantzig, is preparing a new translation, commends Purchas' translation for its lively style and sensible abridgement: “the main omissions are passages referring to natural history, material which de Marees often borrowed from Linschoten, and Purchas, unlike contemporaries, regularly draws attention to omissions” (personal communications).

37. Pilgrimage, 1614 edition, 649-53, forming an added chapter 15, and cited in the list of authors as “Description of Guinea” and “Description of Benin.”

38. Relatione del Reame di Congo et delle circonvicine contrade, tratta dalli Scritti & ragionamenti di Odoardo Lopez Portoghese per Filippo Pigafetta.(Rome, 1591)Google Scholar: A Report of the Kingdome of Congo, trans. Hartwell, Abraham (London, 1597) (STC 16805)Google Scholar; see Hakluyt Handbook, 544-45 and Parker, , Books, 158–59.Google Scholar For the authors and editions see the standard modern edition, Bal, Willy, ed., Description du Royaume de Congo…par Filippo Pigafetta et Duarte Lopes (2d ed.: Louvain, 1965).Google Scholar

39. “Knivet” is listed among original sources in the 1614 Pilgrimage: his account, abbreviated (1244, marginal note), is in Pilgrimes, part 2, book 6, chap. 7, 1201-42, the Angola material being on 1220, 1233-37. This material was reprinted in Ravenstein, E.G., ed., The strange adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Angola and the adjoining regions (London, 1901), 91–101Google Scholar, the editor regarding Knivet's information on Angola as partly dubious.

40. Pilgrimes, part 1, 873.

41. Pilgrimage, 1613 edition, 581, “Thomas Turner told me;” Pilgrimes, part 2, 1224, 1243 (this passage reprinted in Ravenstein, , Adventures, 71–72Google Scholar). Turner says so little about Angola that it may be doubted whether he had ever visited it and therefore whether he was the same man as “one Turner” who accompanied Andrew Battell there in 1590 (Pilgrimes, part 1, 971).

42. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 7, chap. 3, 970-85, reprinted in Ravenstein, , Adventures, 1–70Google Scholar, with extensive but somewhat outdated annotation. For recent use of the Battell material see Birmingham, David, Trade and conflict in Angola. The Mbundu and Their Neighbors under the Influence of the Portuguese, 1483-1790 (Oxford, 1966)Google Scholar; Martin, Phyllis M., The External Trade of the Loango Coast 1576-1870 (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar; Miller, J.C., Kings and Kinsmen: Early Mbundu States in Angola (Oxford, 1976), esp. 177-78Google Scholar; Cambridge History of Africa, 3: 542; 4: 637.Google Scholar The vocabulary in Bantu languages recorded by Battell is examined in Doke, C.M. and Cole, D.T., Contributions to the History of Bantu linguistics (Johannesburg, 1961), 6–7.Google Scholar

43. Pilgrimage, 1613 edition, 581; Pilgrimes, part 1, 982, 985. Since Battell brought back to Essex a “Negro Boy” who had allegedly once been kidnapped by gorillas for a month, it is likely that Purchas heard about Battell shortly after his arrival in 1607-08 and interviewed him immediately.

44. The date of Battell's death is not known but it may be inferred that it occurred after 1613. Since Battell's manuscript is not extant, it is impossible to know to what extent Purchas edited it. Purchas does not state that he shortened it, but a curious reference to Sierra Leone as the point of origin of the “Gaga” may be due to a misreading by Purchas, or may be an editorial insertion. This and other possible editorial changes are stressed by Ravenstein (Adventures, xii) who, however, overlooks the reference to an intermediate transcriber in Pilgrimes, part 1, 983.

45. The passages in Pilgrimage, book 7, chaps. 9-10, credited to Battell are reprinted with annotation, in Ravenstein, , Adventures, 72–87.Google Scholar

46. The appendix by ‘D.R.’ to de Marees' account of Gold Coast included an account of the coast as far as Cape Lopez and of the people of Lopez, Cape, Pilgrimes, part 1, 967–70.Google Scholar Somewhere near Cape Lopez in 1598 the Dutch voyage of Sebald de Wert visited the coast, but Purchas, who mentioned the voyage mainly because the Englishman William Adams was chief pilot, cut the description of a visit to an African king: Pilgrimes, part 1, 79. Purchas was summarizing the Latin account in De Bry. Adams died in Japan and only two letters from him, written in 1611, were available to Purchas. In these letters Adams refers only in passing to the landing near Lopez, Cape (Pilgrimes, part 1, 125, 130)Google Scholar; the references are no fuller in the manuscript originals of the letters published in Rundall, T., ed., Memorials of the Empire of Japan (London, 1850).Google Scholar An English account referred to the Dutch fleet under Paulus van Caerden refreshing at Cape Lopez, Pilgrimes, part 1, 386.

47. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1557-58, representing Guerreiro, 1602-03, book 4, chap. 7; 1604-05, book 4, chap. 7; 1606-07, book 4, ff. 191-93.

48. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 7, chap. 4, 986-1026: Purchas mainly cut what he regarded as geographically extraneous material (as he stated on 1026, in relation to material, obviously of Pigafetta's own composition, on Ethiopia and the Nile), although unfortunately this included a description of St. Helena--the major cuts are of material on 13-14, 3132, 90-96, 125-26, 139-44 of the Bal edition.

49. Ravenstein, Adventures, provides a map of Battell's wanderings. Although there are no maps in Pilgrimes, Purchas inserted maps of all regions of Africa, including Congo-Angola, in the 1626 edition of Pilgrimage, which may be considered part of Pilgrimes, and these were included in the 1905-06 edition of Pilgrimes.

50. Pilgrimes, part 1, 974 (“He in discourse with me called them Jagges…I think he writ them Gagas for Giagas by false spelling”), 975, 982, 983, 985. Note that despite the reference to a transcriber (note 44 above), apparently Battell wrote some notes himself.

51. This is more true of the English than of the Dutch, since the latter attempted to capture Mozambique in 1604, 1607, and 1608. See Axelson, Eric, Portuguese in South-East Africa 1600-1700 (Johannesburg, 1960), 16–28.Google Scholar Significantly this detailed study uses no contemporary English sources for the period before 1625.

52. A reference in Linschoten's Itinerario (reprint of 1598 English translation in Burnell, A.C. and Telle, P.A., eds., The voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies [London, 1885] 240Google Scholar) to one Natal shipwreck was among the material cut by Purchas. But the same shipwreck was mentioned in Purchas' summary of Dos Santos: Pilgrimes, part 1, 1535.

53. Raven-Hart, R., Before Van Riebeeck: Callers at South Africa from 1488 to 1652 (Cape Town, 1967).Google Scholar Voyages are counted in terms of a single voyage covering both the outward and return passages, and by ignoring whether a voyage called at the Cape once or twice.

54. Some imprecision in the figures given is deliberate, to indicate difficulties, both in counting fleets, which sometimes split up going and coming, and in deciding what constitutes significant information. Apart from journals, there are extant letters and other documents for these voyages, but, as these were probably not available to Purchas, they are not discussed.

55. “Cape Hottentots,” like many other traditional ethnonyms, is now dismissed by some Africanists as derogatory and European-imposed; but is retained here since the preferred alternative, “Cape Khoi,” is equally European-imposed.

56. But equally, the requirement that he return records intact forced him to make copies, and abbreviated ones too, as he himself explained when excusing his cutting of “Marine discourses”--“in the borrowed books of the Companie I was forced to be Scribe my selfe, the tediousnesses of which wearied me”; Pilgrimes, part 1, 630.

57. Pilgrimage, 1613 edition, book 7, chap. 6, 578-79; Coverte, Robert, A True and almost incredible report of an Englishman…(London, 1612) (STC 5985)Google Scholar with a Latin version in Bry, De, Indiae Orientalis, part II (Frankfurt am Main, 1619), 11–46Google Scholar, and brief extracts in Foster, W., ed., The Journal of John Jourdain, 1608-1617 (London, 1905)Google Scholar; also see Parker, , Books, 183–84Google Scholar; De Bry, Indiae, parts 3-4, 1601, a translation of a German version of [Lodewijcksz, Willem], D'Eerste Boeck, Historie van Indien…(Amsterdam, 1598)Google Scholar, whereas Phillip, W., The Description of a Voyage made by certaine Ships of Holland (London, 1598) (STC 15195)Google Scholar is a translation of Verhael vande Reyse…(Middleburg, 1597)Google Scholar; see Rouffaer, G.P. and Izerman, W.J., eds., De eerste schipvaart des Nederlanders naar Oost-Indie onder Cornelis de Houtman 1595-1597 (2 vols.: 's-Gravenhage, 1915, 1925)Google Scholar; Parker, , Books, 159–60.Google Scholar

58. Pilgrimage, 1614 edition, 695; 1617 edition, 867. The anonymous journal may be the one printed in Foster, W., ed., The Voyage of Nicholas Downton to the East Indies, 1614-15 (London, 1939), 52–63.Google Scholar The 1626 edition appears to add nothing further to the text but adds to the title of the chapter “and the Cape of Good Hope.”

59. Extant journals with material on the Cape cited elsewhere in 1617 by Purchas are those of Hawkins/Keeling, Best, Withington/Best, Pring/Downton and Payton/Keeling (or Payton). Cocks/Floris and Salmon/Best are known only in their Asian sections but may have contained material on the Cape. The journals of Benjamin Day, John Leman, and William Masham are not in Pilgrimes and apparently not extant; Pilgrimage, 1617 edition, “The names of manuscripts…,” 533, 591-93. The anonymous journal of the 1614-15 Downton voyage (see note 58), which may or may not have been seen by Purchas but which he did not use in Pilgrimes, is “valuable for its notes on the Hottentots” (Raven-Hart, , Before Van Riebeeck, 64).Google Scholar

60. Pilgrimage, 1617 edition, 867. Purchas can be excused for not referring to Lesk, William, A Sermon preached aboard of the Globe… At an Anchor by the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1617) (STC 15493)Google Scholar, since the sermon of forty-four pages contains not a single reference to the circumstances.

61. Pilgrimes, part 1, 235.

62. See Foster, W., ed., The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, 1591-1603 (London, 1940)Google Scholar; idem., ed., The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Moluccas, 1604-1606 (London, 1943); Parker, , Books, 175–77.Google Scholar Purchas overlooked a 1606 pamphlet, The last East Indian Voyage (STC 7456), when supplying material on Middleton's 1604-06 voyage, but inserted much later--”better late than never”--a very brief summary: Pilgrimes, part 1, book 5, chap. 14, 703-06. This, however, gave only the Asian section of the pamphlet.

63. Pilgrimes, part 1, 707,1751 (half of the English translation of Linschoten is cut, and Purchas stops at chap. 76). The other Dutch sources in Raven–Hart, Before Van Riebeeck, were not available to Purchas in 1625.

64. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1670 (Pyrard de Laval).

65. Hakluyt/Davis (visited 1598), anon/Lancaster (1601), Davis/Michelbourne (1605), David Middleton (1607), Downton/Middleton (1610), Best (1612), Payton (1613), Purchas/Copeland/Best (1612), Withington/Best (1612), Pring/Downton (1613), Milward (1614), Payton/Keeling (1615), Roe/Keeling (1615).

66. For the Roe and Dodsworth original texts see Foster, W., ed., The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul, 1615-1619 (London, 1899)Google Scholar; Voyage of Downton; and the original Cape material in all five is in Raven-Hart, Before Van Riebeeck, slightly abbreviated. Purchas published only William Hawkins' “Relations” of events in India, but Hawkins' journal of the voyage out is not very informative; Markham, C.R., The Hawkins Voyages (London, 1878), 364–88.Google Scholar

67. Pilgrimes, part 1, 416-17. The journals of Marten/Hippon (visited 1611) and Salmon/Best (1612) also had their Cape material omitted.

68. See Foster, Journal of Jourdain; idem, ed., The Voyage of Thomas Best to the East Indies, 1612-14 (London, 1934).

69. Raven-Hart, , Before Van Riebeeck, 42.Google Scholar

70. Pilgrimes, part 1, 481. English failure to discuss Hottentot female peculiarities may indicate, mirabile dictu, that there were no sexual contacts at the Cape.

71. For many references to Coree, see Raven-Hart, Before Van Riebeeck.

72. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1464. Purchas apologized for cutting Terry's account (“Master Terry had found a fitter roome, if he had not comme late,” Terry having only returned in 1619), but it is not certain that the manuscript account he saw was as full as the printed account which Terry published decades later as A Voyage to East India (London, 1655).Google Scholar

73. Material on Madagascar and the Comoro Islands in printed European sources of the period is usefully assembled in Alfred, and Grandidier, Guillaume, Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar, vols. 1–2, (Paris, 1903–1904).Google Scholar But unlike Raven-Hart, the Grandidier collection does not investigate English manuscript sources and the English printed material tends to be limited to that in Hakluyt and Purchas.

74. The Portuguese discovery and early exploration of Madagascar were related in Barros, Galvão, Castanheda, and Osorio, and brief accounts of the island by Corsali and a French pilot-- later borrowed and embroidered by Thevet--were available in Ramusio, all these being sources available to Purchas and deployed in Pilgrimage. For the texts, see Grandidier, Collection. But the fuller and later account by Couto appeared only in 1616 in Portuguese and Couto's work was apparently not known to Purchas. For the Portuguese exploration, see Axelson, Eric, Portuguese in South-East Africa 1488-1600 (Cape Town, 1973), 62–64, 74, 119.Google Scholar The Portuguese Jesuit mission to Madagascar from ca. 1615 was not immediately reported in print.

75. For the Houtman accounts see Rouffaer and Izerman, Eerste Schipvaart, Tiele, P.A., Mémoire bibliographique sur les journaux des navigateurs Neérlandais (Amsterdam, 1867), 11636Google Scholar; and for the Hakluyt translation, see Hakluyt Handbook, 43, 45, 568-69, 594; Taylor, E.G.R., The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (2 vols.: London, 1935), 1: 63; 2: 510Google Scholar; Grandidier, , Collection, 2: 82.Google Scholar

76. Normally Madagascar was not touched on the return voyage from the East, but an English account reported that, exceptionally, a disabled Dutch ship had made land at Santa Lucia Island on the southwest coast. Pilgrimes, part 1, 386-87.

77. For the published Dutch accounts, see Grandidier, , Collection, 1: 163–239, 257–64, 323–92Google Scholar; but note that those of the Hagan and Caerden voyages were unpublished in 1625. The French visit of 1602 also produced two useful accounts published before 1625 but ignored by Purchas: ibid., 280-303. A book of 100 pages solely on Madagascar was produced in 1609 in German, a compilation from earlier sources, including Dutch but not English, ibid., 425-71.

78. Pilgrimage, 1613 edition, 594-95. In the 1617 edition (885) Purchas additionally cites not only the journals of Downton and Pring but also the non-extant journal of Benjamin Day. Purchas ignored the description of Madagascar available in the 1599 and 1601 English translations of accounts of Neck's voyage to the East, A True Report of the gainefull… volage to Iava (London [1599]) (STC 14478), 3–5Google Scholar; The journall, or dayly Register (London, 1601), 9–10Google Scholar; and in Pilgrimes gives only a one-line reference to the visit, from a general source, Pilgrimes, part 1, 709.

79. See notes 57 and 75 above. Purchas also omitted the Madagascar material in his abridgements of Dos Santos and Pyrard de Laval: Grandidier, , Collection, 1: 155–58, 290–303.Google Scholar The English found the Malagasy language, compared with Hottentot, “sweete and pleasing” Pilgrimes, part 1, 118.

80. Pilgrimes, part 1, 133; Foster, , Voyage of Downton, 71–73.Google Scholar

81. Abstracts of these unpublished journals of the Keeling and Middleton voyages (India Office Library, MR 5-6, 9-10), some with substantial extracts on Madagascar, are in Markham, , Voyages of Lancaster, 112, 115–16, 146–48Google Scholar; Hawkins' Voyages, 377-79. For other unpublished material see British Library, Cotton Titus B VIII, ff. 264v-266. But the material in Downton's 1610 journal (MR 11) is fully represented in the Pilgrimes extract: Markham, , Hawkins' Voyages, 160–63Google Scholar; Pilgrimes, part 1, 227-28.

82. Pilgrimes, part 1, 417-18 (Finch), 1023-24 (Pigafetta).

83. Pilgrimes, part 1, 253, 277, 529.

84. Pilgrimes, part 1, 448; Davis' 1598 account is patriotic and critical of the Dutch, and he claims that Houtman in 1595 “greatly abused” the Malagasy; Pilgrimes, part 1, 118. A Latin inscription on a tree in St. Augustine's Bay recording the 1613 visit of Sir Robert Sherley, returning to Persia, was noted by a Portuguese Jesuit: Grandidier, , Collection, 1: 492.Google Scholar

85. Pilgrimes, part 1, 448, 489, 630. Or “like Westminster Abbey,” Markham, , Hawkins' Voyages, 378.Google Scholar

86. Pilgrimes, part 1, 537.

87. Pilgrimage, book 7, chaps. 7-8, 1613 edition, 572-78, with the text slightly enlarged in later editions; Pilgrimes, part 1, 27, 29, 30 (Barros); 1021-26 (Pigafetta); 1556-57 (Acosta); 1766 (Linschoten - but other material on east Africa omitted); 715-16 (De Bry, “Petits Voyages,” vols. 8-9, 1607, 1612).

88. For Lancaster's voyage, “I referre the desirous Reader to Master Hackluit's Printed Books.” But Purchas added that he had May's account “by mee.” However, though the manuscript may have contained more information on eastern Africa than was printed by Hakluyt, Purchas reprinted only another section and this follows Hakluyt exactly: Pilgrimes, part 1, 110; part 2, 1793.

89. Pilgrimes, part 1, 228-29, 233. Other accounts of these minor episodes, unused by Purchas, are in Coverte's Incredible Report (whose Latin version in De Bry includes an illustration showing the English betrayed at Pemba), in Jourdain's journal (Foster, , Journal of Jourdain, 30–44Google Scholar), and in an unpublished journal (India Office Library, MR 7; cf. ibid, 43).

90. Pilgrimes, part 1, 190-91, 334-36, 337-38, 456.

91. Pilgrimes, part 1, 529, 534, 537; see also 390 (ambergris). The journals of Keeling and Bonner on this voyage, which Purchas did not use, have recently been published, but are dryly nautical for the Cape and eastern course, apart from the visit to the Comoro Islands; Michael Strachan and Boies Penrose, The East India Company Journals of Captain William Keeling and Master Thomas Bonner, 1615-1617 (Minneapolis, 1971).Google Scholar There are English references to the 1607 Dutch attack on Mozambique; Pilgrimes, part 1, 386-87, 421.

92. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1522, 1531-32. Purchas (1506) had boasted that “the Reader may observe our care in forreigne Authors to chuse the best.”

93. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1557 (from Du Jarric's Latin version of Guerreiro, part 1607-08, book 1, chap. 2).

94. Pilgrimes, part 1, book 9, chap. 12, 1535-56, an abridged translation of dos Santos, João, Ethiopia Oriental e varia historia de cousas notaveis do Oriente (Evora, 1609).Google Scholar The tempting view that Purchas inherited a translation from Hakluyt must be ruled out because Purchas does not signal this and is usually careful to do so. No later English translation appeared until the incomplete one (one-third of the chapters omitted) in Theal, , Records, 7: 1–370.Google Scholar Purchas (1550) adds a passage from Barros and many marginal notes, generally referring to other Pilgrimes texts, but one note (1553) reads “Matos which wee translate Wildernesse is the untilled wilde grounds neere their dwellings, as well as the maine Desarts.” This seems to be the translator's note, perhaps reworded by Purchas. In Purchas' abbreviation, §1 scampers through the autobiographical material in the later chapters of part 2, book 3, of the original, giving less than 10% of the text: the remainder, on Monomotapa and other Africa polities, gives about 50% of the text, partly by the device of omitting every second paragraph! The abbreviation is therefore useless for modern scholars.

95. Official Portuguese plans to explore and conquer the Comoro Islands were never realized, Axelson, , Portuguese, 1488-1600, 73, 154, 172.Google Scholar The earliest substantial description of the islands in Portuguese printed sources appears to be in Couto (see Grandidier, , Collection, 1: 103–05Google Scholar). For slight references to Comorian trade, see Pilgrimes, part 1, 193, 418.

96. The accounts of Heemskerck's 1601 and Van den Broecke's 1614 visit were not published by 1625, but an account of Spilberg's 1602 visit was available in De Bry (Grandidier, , Collection, 1: 271–75, 310–20; 2: 90–96Google Scholar). Purchas gives only passing reference to these Dutch voyages and his extract from Pyrard de Laval omits the account of the French 1602 visit (ibid, 284-85, 303-09): Pilgrimes, part 1, 710-11. But Saris noted Dutch provisioning at Bantam in 1607: Pilgrimes, part 1, 387.

97. Journals missed were (a) those since published in full: Jourdain visiting 1608 (see note 57), Standish-Croft/1612 (see Foster, Voyage of best), Keeling 1615 (see note 91) (b) those as yet unpublished in full: Revett/1608 (India Office Library, MR 7, an extract in Foster, , Journal of Jourdain, 28Google Scholar), Adams 1617 (MR 25). Also missed out was Coverte's Incredible Report describing the 1608 visit (the Latin version in De Bry has an illustration showing the English at “Gomoro”). Journals published by Purchas but whose material on the Comoros was omitted or severely cut were those of Nichols visiting 1608 (original not extant), Saris 1611 (cf. India Office Library, MR 14), Copeland, Bonner, and Withington 1612 (originals not extant), Hawes 1615 (original not extant), Pring and Hatch 1617 (originals not extant). But very little was cut of Payton's 1615 visit: British Library, Additional Manuscript 19276, 11-17; Pilgrimes, part 1, 529.

98. Pilgrimes, part 1, 387. For the omitted course sighting land near Mozambique, at Pemba Island, and near Mogadishu, see Markham, , Hawkins' Voyages, 379–81.Google Scholar

99. Pilgrimes, part 1, 336 (Saris), and on the coconut, especially 1466 (Terry). For a reference to Comorians as “treacherous” see Pilgrimes, part 1, 193.

100. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1467 (“Let him that bids us prayse the Lord with stringed Instruments and Organs, plead the cause”). Terry's account is only slightly longer in his book of 1655, A Voyage to East India, 52-56. Other valuable accounts in Pilgrimes are Davis visiting 1599 (with the Dutch), Saris 1611, Best 1612, Payton 1613 and 1615, Roe 1615 (the last two are only slightly fuller in the original manuscripts; see notes 66 and 97), and Childe 1616.

101. Grandidier, , Collection, 1: 491Google Scholar; Polomé, Edgar C., “The Earliest Attestations of Swahili,” Indian Linguistics, 39 (1978), 171Google Scholar; also in Polomé, and Hill, C.P., eds., Language in Tanzania (Oxford, 1980), 84Google Scholar; Hair, P.E.H., “The Earliest Extant Word-List of Swahili, 1613,” African Studies, (1981), 150–53Google Scholar (but Walter Payton not William Payton, mea culpa). The Portuguese must have been acquainted with Swahili on the East African coast for over a century but their accounts neither identify it nor supply vocabulary, possibly because they were under the impression that it was merely a debased form of Arabic.

102. For the development of English interest in the islands other than St. Helena see P.E.H. Hair, “Pre-1650 Printed Literature in English on the Atlantic Islands,” forthcoming in the proceedings of the 1982 International Maritime History Conference at Las Palmas.

103. Pilgrimes, part 1, 334.

104. See Foster, Voyages of Lancaster; Parker, , Books, 175–76.Google Scholar A map of the island had already appeared in the 1598 English translation of an account of Houtman's 1595-97 voyage (see note 57).

105. Pilgrimes, part 1, 329.

106. When reprinting Hakluyt's Cavendish account, Purchas cut several details about St. Helena: Pilgrimes, part 1, 69-70. The latest visit recorded was in May 1623, in the very compressed journal of Arnold Browne, which Purchas cannot have seen before September 1623: Pilgrimes, part 1, 1853. Seafights at the island between Dutch and Portuguese vessels in 1600 and 1613 were evidenced: Pilgrimes, part 1, 124, 332. The most interesting of Purchas'original accounts is Best's, visiting 1614, but the original manuscript is fuller; Foster, , Voyage of Best, 82–85.Google Scholar The fullest unused accounts are in Foster, , Journal of Jourdain, 344–45.Google Scholar Cutting Downton's 1612 account, Purchas managed to omit the name of St. Helena: Pilgrimes, part 1, 312.

107. “This Isle hath neither wood, water, nor any greene thing upon it, but is a fruitlesse greene [greate?] Rocke of five leagues broad;” Pilgrimes, part 1, 124. Summarizing the English translation of Linschoten, Purchas omitted the description of St. Helena and Ascension.

108. Pilgrimes, part 1, 440, 456, 486; and for a Dutch visit, ibid., 72.

109. Pilgrimes, part 1, 117, 124, 132, 445; cf. Markham, , Hawkin's Voyages, 365–67, 369.Google Scholar

110. Pilgrimes, part 1, 72-73, 125, 130, 386. Purchas' sources on Dutch activities were De Bry and Pontanus' “History of Amsterdam,” both in Latin. Pieter van de Does' 1599 attack on the Canaries and São Tomé led to the production of two Dutch pamphlets, but the one by van Heede, which was instantly translated into English as The Conquest of the Grand Canaries (London, 1599) (STC 4556)Google Scholar, describes only the Canaries attack, hence Purchas cannot be faulted for not referring to this English source in relation to São Tomé. A reference to Dutchmen being ambushed in 1602 is in the abridgment of Pyrard de Laval; Pilgrimes, part 1, 1646.

111. Derived material is mainly from Ramusio and from and via Pigafetta; Pilgrimes, part 1, 987. Original references: William Adams briefly referred to the 1598 attack on Annobom by the Dutch fleet he was piloting; Andrew Battell described how in 1589 his shipmates burned a village on Ilheo das Rolas off São Tomé, and were in turn attacked when they tried to water on the main island; Cumberland in 1591 and 1595 captured off Spain and the Azores ships carrying sugar from São Tomé: Pilgrimes, part 1, 125, 130, 970, part 2, 1144, 1148. In 1596 Shirley intended an English attack on São Tomé, but Hakluyt's reference to the island is omitted in Pilgrimes, part 2, 1186.

112. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1244; for the date, see Andrews, K.R., English Privateering Voyages to the West Indies, 1588-1595 (London, 1959), 219.Google Scholar

113. Pilgrimes, part 1, 78, 130 (Dutch at Santiago, 1598, the latter reference from Adams, the English pilot); 117 (another English pilot reports Dutch watering at S. Nicolau, 1598); 185 (English at Maio 1605, but a fuller account in a 1606 pamphlet reprinted in Foster, Voyage of Middleton); 188 (Purchas' summary gives the impression that the 1607 Keeling voyage decided against visiting Maio, but the unpublished journals show that it had already called there for goat's meat; Markham, , Voyages of Lancaster, 108, 111, 113Google Scholar; Hawkin's Voyages, 365); 228 (1608 Maio, fuller references in Coverte's Incredible Report and the unpublished journals in Foster, , Journal of Jourdain, 6–8)Google Scholar; 456 (Best observes Maio 1612). Note also the nautical observations of Davis: Pilgrimes, part 1, 445.

114. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1370-72, virtually the same as in The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins (London, 1622)Google Scholar, despite Purchas' claim that it was “reviewed and corrected by a written Copie.” The references to tropical plants are noteworthy. It may be inserted here that, although many of the English journals cited earlier Include vivid accounts of storms and other sailing conditions in the Atlantic, Hawkins' discursive Observations gives the fullest description of the problems of manning ships and maintaining life at sea on a voyage in the waters off Africa.

115. For slight references to the discovery of the islands, the bishopric and the Jesuit college, see Pilgrimes, part 1, 6, 170, 171, 1558, 1674.

116. For the seventeenth-century development of English trade to the Azores see Duncan, T. Bentley, Atlantic Islands: Madeira, the Azores and the Cape Verdes in Seventeenth-Century Commerce and Navigation (Chicago, 1972), 88, 134–36, 156.Google Scholar Linschoten testified that ca. 1590 the English already traded to the Azores for wood, “although by reason of the warres, the Englishmen are forbidden to traffique thither, yet under the names of Scots and Frenchmen, they have continuall trade there;” Pilgrimes, part 2, 1669.

117. Pilgrimes, part 2, book 6, chaps. 1-3, 1141-76; book 10, chap. 14, 1935-69. On the Cumberland voyages see Andrews, K.R., Elizabethan Privateering (Cambridge, 1966), 70–79.Google Scholar Purchas' summary of the Cumberland voyages is partly based on material printed or reprinted by Hakluyt (the first, third, and eighth voyages). But the account of the seventh voyage is an abbreviated version of an account found in a manuscript which describes all the voyages; Andrews, , English Privateering Voyages, 242.Google Scholar This manuscript appears to be one compiled for Cumberland's daughter ca. 1617 and described in Williamson, G.C., George, Third Earl of Cumberland, (1558-1605) (Cambridge, 1920), 21.Google Scholar Williamson's unsystematic comments on the sources for the Cumberland voyages suggest that a copy of this family manuscript may have been Purchas' overall source, and certainly the source cannot have been the Middleton/Robinson manuscript ca. 1600. Additional accounts of the eighth and twelfth voyages from this latter manuscript (printed in Williamson, , Cumberland, 128-36, 177–85Google Scholar), and Monson's recollections of the voyages, not circulated in manuscript until 1624 and not published until 1704 (Oppenheim, M., ed., The Naval Tracts of Sir William Monson, [2 vols.: London, 1902]Google Scholar) add a little to the history of marine events but nothing to the description of the Azores. Since Purchas' separate accounts of the twelfth (Puerto Rico) voyage written by Cumberland himself and by Layfield were inherited from Hakluyt, it is plausible that the source of the summary also came from Hakluyt, though Purchas does not acknowledge this in the contents list of Pilgrimes. The only significant post-1600 reference to the islands in Pilgrimes is in Davis' rutter and is slight; Pilgrimes, part 1, 445. Very curiously, in all the editions of Pilgrimage Purchas seems to have overlooked the existence of the Azores.

118. Pilgrimes, part 2, 1938. In a footnote Purchas states that he has added Gorge's description because it contains material omitted in Linschoten's account.

119. Pilgrimes, part 2, book 8, chap. 14, 1667-81, representing almost completely chaps. 97-99 of the translation (see note 52); Principal Navigations, 2: second pag., 178–87.Google Scholar The section common to both Hakluyt and Purchas is not precisely the same, each having a small addition not in the other, and Purchas probably worked directly from the translation. In the description of the islands Purchas (1671) corrects a misprint in the translation (‘O Ar’ instead of ‘O Ax,’ glossed as “a kinde of bad ayre.”)

120. Duncan, , Atlantic Islands, 55–56Google Scholar; Fernández-Armesto, Felipe, The Canary Islands After the Conquest (Oxford, 1982), 158–59, 168.Google Scholar

121. Note that the chapter on the Canaries in the 1585 English translation of Mendoza (reprinted in Staunton, G.T., ed., The History of the great and mighty Kingdom of China, vol. 2 [London, 1854] book 2, part 3, chap. 1Google Scholar) is enlarged from the original. The Thevet work cited is “Newfound World,” that is, the 1568 English translation of the Singularitez of 1557 (elsewhere Purchas also cited the 1575 Cosmographie): see Parker, , Books, 60–61.Google Scholar In the American section of Pilgrimes (part 2, 1525), Purchas states that he had “by mee” complete translations of Thevet, Léry, and Staden (the last stated on p. 1366 to be translated from De Bry's “Grands Voyages,” part 3, 1592, where there is also a translation of Léry),” al Englished, and readie for the Presse,” but has decided to include only one extract from L´ery. None of these translations was ever published and it is curious that Purchas seems to have forgotten about the previous translation of Thevet. The L´ry extract is marked “HP” in the contents list, and this may perhaps indicate that all three translations had been prepared for Hakluyt. Purchas' extract from Léry is not from the same section of the work as the briefer extract inserted in Boemus, J.The Manners, Lawes and Customes of All Nations, translated Aston, Edward (London, 1611), 485–502Google Scholar, and it is therefore uncertain whether the two extracts are from the same translation.

122. See note 10.

123. Pilgrimes, part 2, 1151, 1155-56. The Middleton/Robinson account adds nothing: Williamson, , Cumberland, 182.Google Scholar Elsewhere Purchas notes the 1617/18 attack by Barbary pirates on Lanzarote and Porto Santo, adding enigmatically: “(And since mens deficit, vox silet: O our English Ships and Mariners: Curae leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent.)”: Pilgrimes, part 1, 1566.

124. Pilgrimes, part 1, 132 (1604), 328 (1612), 1463 (Terry sights the Peak of Tenerife, 1616), part 2, 1833 (Challons in 1606 “kindly used” when provisioning at Madeira). Omitted from the Jones account of the Sharpleigh voyage was the 1608 provisioning at Grand Canary, recorded in Coverte's Incredible Report and the journals not used by Purchas: Foster, , Journal of Jourdain, 2–5.Google Scholar

125. Pilgrimes, part 1, 1369-70. Jackson “affirmed also that he had been up the Pike of Tenerife two miles”! In Pilgrimage Purchas had included a scrap of information from another oral informant, “Thos. Byam, a friend of mine,” Pilgrimage, 1613 edition, 598.

126. Pilgrimage, 1626 edition, 784-87 (and not in the 1613 edition, as wrongly stated in the article cited in note 102). It cannot be that the piece had just reached Purchas, since the 1617 edition of Pilgrimage includes a reference to the Peak “as Mr. Scory told me” (921, margin) and lists among authors of manuscripts employed “Edm. Scorie.” Purchas concludes typically: “But I dare not dwell any longer with this industrious Gentleman in these Canaries,” and the manuscript is not extant.