This article has benefitted from invaluable comments by Christopher Fyfe, Reader in History and George A. Shepperson, William Robertson Professor of Commonwealth and American History, both of Edinburgh University.

1. Pretorius, J.L., “The story of the Dutch Reformed Church Mission in Nyasaland,” The Nyasaland Journal, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Jan 1957):11.Google Scholar

2. Oliver, Roland, The Missionary Factor in East Africa (London, 1967).Google Scholar

3. Ross, Andrew C., “The origins and development of the Church of Scotland Mission, Blantyre, Nyasaland 1875–1926,” (Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1968).Google Scholar

4. McCracken, K.J., Politics and Christianity in Malawi 1875–1940: the impact of Livingstonia Mission in the Northern Province (London, 1977).Google Scholar

5. Rotberg, Robert I., Christian missions and the creation of Northern Rhodesia, 1880–1924 (Princeton, 1965). The D.R.C.M. of the Orange Free State operated mainly in Zambia, starting at Magwero in present Chipata district. The work however started with some assistance from Nkhoma.Google Scholar

5a Macdonald, Roderick J., “The History of African Education in Nyasaland, 1875–1945,” (Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Edinburgh 1969), pp. 48–49 and thereafter sporadically featured for comparison with other missions Google Scholar

6. Steytler, J.G., Educational adaptations with reference to African village schools with special reference to Central Nyasaland (London, 1939).Google Scholar

7. In Pachai, B., ed., The Early History of Malawi (London, 1972).Google Scholar

8. In The Nyasaland Journal, footnote 1 Supra .Google Scholar

9. In Pachai, B., Smith, G.W., Tangri, R.K., eds., Malawi Past and Present, C.L.A.I.M., Blantyre 1971). A former Dutch missionary to Malawi J.T. Heynes wrote “The Dutch Reformed Church Mission and Education in Nyasaland,” (Unpublished B.Ed essay, University of Stellenbosch, 1932). An English translation is currently under my editorship. Also available is a biography by Retief, M.W. of William Murray of Nyasaland, (1958). Murray led the D.R.C.M. in Malawi from 1900 to 1937 whereas Retief served as a D.R.C. missionary at Magwero in Zambia.Google Scholar

10. See for example Retief, , William Murray … Google Scholar

11. For details of white penetration of the Southern African northern interior see, among several others, Keppel-Jones, A., South Africa A Short History (London 1965 reprint) ch.vii; Denoon, Donald, Southern Africa Since 1800 (London, 1972), Ch. 7.Google Scholar

12. See Oliver, , Missionary Factor … pp. 117–118; Linden, Ian (trans. and ed.), “Mponda Diary 1889–1891,” International Journal of African Historical Studies Vol. 7, no. 1 (1974):272–303 (part 1); Ibid, vol. 7, No. 2 (1974):493–515 (part 2); ibid vol. 8, No. 1 (1975):111–135 (part 3).Google Scholar

13. Mlozi, E.G. at Karonga, Jumbe at Nkhota Kota and the Yao Chief Mponda with his Swahili “guests” at his court at Mangochi (old Fort Johnston on the southern tip of Lake Malawi). Cf Johnston, H.H., British Central Africa (London 1897); Shepperson, George, “The Jumbe of Nkhota Kota …” in Lewis, I.M., ed., Islam in Tropical Africa (London 1966).Google Scholar

14. Pretorius, , “D.R.C.M….”, in Nyasaland J. 10, 1 (1958):12.Google Scholar

15. This deliberate plan is mentioned in Retief, , William Murray … p. 26.Google Scholar

16. Cf. Livingstone, W.P., Laws of Livingstonia (London, 1921); Laws, Robert, Reminiscences of Livingstonia (London, 1934); McCracken, K.J., “Livingstone and the Aftermath: The origins and development of Livingstonia Mission,” in Pachai, B., ed., Livingstone, Man of Africa (London 1973).Google Scholar

17. See Stokes, Eric, “Malawi political systems and the introduction of colonial rule 1891–1896,” in Stokes, Eric and Brown, Richard, eds, The Zambezian Past: Studies in Central African History, (Manchester 1965).Google Scholar

18. Mvera, After, Kongwe, , Livulezi, , Nkhoma, and Mlanda, came Mphunzi (1903), Chinthembwe, (1903), Malingunde, (1907), Mchinji, (1914) and of course Kasungu, the gift from Livingstonia. Pastoral work was also launched by T.C.B. Vlok in Salisbury to cater for migrant Malawians there. By 1914 the D.R.C.M. had 66,700 pupils in 750 schools with 1400 teachers and teacher evangelists. Pretorius, , “D.R.C.M.…,” in Pachai, , ed., Early History … p. 369. After the war pupil numbers declined, something which puzzled the missionaries who noted a definite revival and explosion of interest among the young people in the much disliked traditional Nyau institution. But the drop seems to have something to do with African disillusionment about European culture, which they believed brought about the miseries of World War I shared by Malawians.Google Scholar

19. Nyasaland Education Department Report (Ed. Dep. Rep) 1927 p. 18. In their schools 1926–27 the D.R.C.M had 21,452 boys and 22,589 girls while Blantyre catered for 13789 boys and 5286 girls, and Livingstonia Mission 17,522 boys and 10,640 girls. Totals D.R.C.M. 44,041, Blantyre 19,075, Livingstonia 28,162. Ibid p. 19.Google Scholar

20. The 1910 mission Education Code reduced grades of schools from five to three as follows: Google Scholar (i) Vernacular (village) Google Scholar (ii) Anglo-vernacular (central) Google Scholar (iii) Institutions and colleges with Normal school, commercial, medical, theological and technical training under qualified European supervision.Google Scholar Prior to 1910 the position was as follows:Google Scholar (i) Vernacular (village) schools under untrained African teachers Google Scholar (ii) Vernacular (village) schools under certified African teachers Google Scholar (iii) Vernacular (village) schools under certified African teachers with Anglo-vernacular Normal training.Google Scholar (iv) Anglo-vernacular schools Google Scholar (v) Institutions and colleges which afforded Normal school, commercial, medical, theological, arts and technical training under a qualified European supervisor.Google Scholar

21. Pretorius, , p. 372. Pretorius distinguished himself as an active D.R.C. missionary educationist (1930s to late 1960s) based at Nkhoma as Education Secretary.Google Scholar

22. Victor Murray, A, The School in the Bush (London 1967), p. 28.Google Scholar

23. See Alan, H. Cairns, C., Prelude to Imperialism (London 1965); Thompson, T.J., “African leadership in the Livingstonia Mission 1875–1900” in Journal of Social Science (Malawi) Vol. 2 (1973), 76–91.Google Scholar

24. A man known to the author attended both Nkhoma and Kongwe Boarding Schools, strongholds of Dutch education rated by him as often academically good, and Dutch teachers. His student experiences are first hand and confirm the story.Google Scholar

25. Heynes, , “D.R.C.M.…,” Ch. 2 p. 1: also see Oldham, J.H. and Gibson, B.D., The Remaking of Man in Africa (London, 1931), esp. Ch. 2.Google Scholar

26. Interview with Rev. A. Labuschagne, Chongoni, 9 June 1981, a D.R.C. missionary to Malawi from 1943 to date although now serving under the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian, Nkhoma Synod.Google Scholar

27. The Rotherham Advertiser cited in Murray, , School in the Bush p. 235; also Drummond, Henry, Tropical Africa (London, 1894, ed.). Drummond's is perhaps the most severe description of Africans.Google Scholar

28. Cairn's, Prelude to Imperialism … still stands out as one of the best analyses of missionary attitudes towards Africans in Central Africa.Google Scholar

29. Alfred Hoernle, R.F., “Native education at the crossroads in South Africa,” Africa Vol. 11, No. 4, (4 Oct 1938):290.Google Scholar

30. Horrell, Muriel, Bantu Education to 1968 (Johannesburg, 1968) p. 5.Google Scholar

31. Heynes, , “D.R.C.M.…” Ch. V, p. 1.Google Scholar

32. Oldham, and Gibson, , Remaking of Man …, p. 51.Google Scholar

33. Steytler, , Educational Adaptations … p. ix. D.R.C.M. bush schools numbered 3992 by 1939.Google Scholar

34. School categories: Google Scholar Vernacular (village) schools: 4–5 years Google Scholar Lower middle or central village schools at mission stations or at centrally located villages: 3–4 years up to Standard 3 Google Scholar Upper middle school: 3 years to complete the primary course, a total of 11 years.Google Scholar Some of the approved vernacular schools received government financial assistance (grants).Google Scholar

35. Heynes, , “D.R.C.M.…” Ch. IV, p. 3. This was in the 1920s.Google Scholar

36. See Malawi Parliamentary Hansard , 18 December 1981 pp. 508–509; Ngwazi, H. Kamuzu Banda Dr., Life President of Malawi, originally from Kasungu, had his early education from the once Livingstonia Mission school at Kasungu which was subsequently handed over to the D.R.C.M. who struck off English from the syllabus. He related the episode: Google Scholar “One can understand; English was not their language; they were Dutch. But what was even worse, about fifteen years before that they had been conquered by the British whose language was English. So they hated the very name or the word ‘English’, apart from the fact that they did not know it. Thus, there was no longer teaching of English at Kasungu” Google Scholar For Rev. Hanock Msokera Phiri and the A.M.E.C. see Macdonald, R.J., “Rev. Hanock Msokera Phiri and the Establishment of the African Episcopal Church,” African Historical Studies vol. 3, No. 1 (1970):75–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

37. Interview with Louw, J.K. Dr., 2 Feb 1980. Zomba. Louw served in Malawi as a lay missionary educationist from 1942 to 1972.Google Scholar

38. Heynes, , Ch. 4, p. 15.Google Scholar

39. Ibid. Ch. 4. p. 16.Google Scholar

40. Jones, Thomas Jesse, Education in East Africa (Report, Phelps Stokes, London 1925) p. 211. For a thorough and critical discussion of the Phelps Stokes reports, see King, K.J., Pan Africanism and Education (London, 1971); also Munthali, H.E., “The Colonial attitude towards African education in Malawi,” History Research Seminar Paper 1976/77, Chancellor College; Lamba, I.C., “African Women's education in Malawi 1875–1952,” Journal of Educational Administration and History Vol. 14, No. 1, (Jan 1982):46–53. The Colonial Office too came to support mass education. See its policy publications, Educational Policy in British Tropical Africa (1925) and Memorandum on the Place of the Vernacular in Native Education and African Communities (1935).Google Scholar

41. Cf. Heynes, , “D.R.C.M, …,” Ch. 4, p. 16.Google Scholar

42. Interview with Louw, , 2 Feb 1980.Google Scholar

43. Travers Lacey, A. (Director of Education) to Heads of all Missions, 23 Nov 1932 (Ref No. 2/27/1) Nkhoma Mission Correspondence with Government 1925–1937, Box 1, Malawi National Archives (MNA), Zomba. Lacey as an individual glorified mass education, a pleasing ethic to the Dutch. J.L. Pretorius of the D.R.C.M. launched the Chipamphale mass education scheme in later years which however left no lasting impact. Cf. Pretorius, J.L., “A mass education experiment in Nyasaland,” Overseas Education Vol. 19, Apr. 1948. Also idem, “The Chipamphale Development Scheme,” Community Development Bulletin,” Vol. 4, No. 2 (March 1953):73–8; Phwitiko, Elliot F.W., “A historical survey of adult education in Malawi, 1920–1960,” History Dept. Research Seminar Paper (1976/77), Chancellor College. A useful book is Village Education in Africa: Report of the Inter-territorial “Jeanes” Conference Salisbury (South Africa, 1935).Google Scholar

44. For example villages like Ezikiel Ndebvuzamwaye, Joshua and a few others along the Nkhoma-Lilongwe road up to Kamphata.Google Scholar

45. Heynes, , Ch. 2, p. 22.Google Scholar

46. Hoyini Bhila has discussed the Zimbabwe situation in his “The role of missions in African education: A commentary,” CC/H/356/76 (mimeo 1976) History Dept, Chancellor College, Zomba, Malawi.Google Scholar

47. Report of the Second General Missionary Conference 1904 (Livingstonia, 1905) p. 58.Google Scholar

48. Heynes, , Ch. 3, p. 23. “It seemed that missionaries (particularly the Dutch) were not very anxious that government should contribute towards the education as it would mean government would have more control over the education …” Google Scholar

49. See Rev. Ross, Andrew, “The African—‘A child or a man’—the quarrel between Blantyre Mission of the Church of Scotland and the British Central Africa Administration 1890–1905,” in Stokes, and Brown, , (eds.), Zambezian Past … pp. 332–352.Google Scholar

50. Vlok, T.C.B., Elf Jaren p. 21 cited by Pretorius in Pachai, , ed., Early History … p. 371.Google Scholar

51. District Magistrate of Central Angoniland to Vlok of Nkhoma Mission, 4 Sept. 1908; Nkhoma Mission Correspondence Box 1, MNA, 1900–1924.Google Scholar

52. CO. Ockenden (Resident) to Vlok, , 10 May 1911, Nkhoma Mission Correspondence, Box 1, 1900–1924, MNA .Google Scholar

53. CO. Ockenden to Vlok, , 10 May 1910, Nkhoma Mission Correspondence, Box 1, 1900–1924, MNA .Google Scholar

54. Heynes, , op cit Ch. III, p. 23.Google Scholar

55. Ibid.Google Scholar

56. Interviews, Louw on 2 Feb 1980 and Thomas Price, a lay educational missionary of Blantyre Mission (Nov 1928–1946) on 17 Feb 1982 in Glasgow.Google Scholar

57. Ian, and Linden, Jane, Catholics, Peasants and Chewa Resistance in Nyasaland 1889–1939 (London, 1974).Google Scholar

58. Between 1892 and 1901 new missions to enter the Malawi field included the Zambezi Industrial Mission, the South African General Mission, the Nyasa Industrial Baptist Mission (Nyasa Mission), the Baptist Industrial Mission of Scotland (Gowa Mission), the Montfort Marist Fathers Catholics Mission, the White Fathers Mission, the Seventh Day Adventists and Seventh Day Baptists, Providence Industrial Mission, the African Church of Christ Mission and the African Methodist Episcopal Mission. Ed Dep Rep 1931, p. 6.Google Scholar

59. See Linden, , “Mponda Diary …” in I.J.H.S. cited in Footnote 12 Supra .Google Scholar

60. Interview with Louw, , 2 Feb 1980.Google Scholar

61. Resident (Lilongwe) to Vlok, , 9 Dec 1910, Nkhoma Mission Correspondence, Box 1, 1900–1924, MNA .Google Scholar

62. Interview with Father O'Leary, Catholic Education Secretary, Mzuzu Bishopric, 9 Sept 1980. Fr. O'Leary came to Malawi in 1949, two years after the establishment of the northern diocese.Google Scholar

63. Interview with Mr.Fiddes, R.W., Government Education Officer in Malawi 1953–1973, in Edinburgh, 13 Feb 1982.Google Scholar

64. Ockenden, C.O. to Vlok, , 30 Sept 1911; Nkhoma Mission Correspondence, Box 1, 1900–1924, MNA .Google Scholar

65. These were 73,000 Muslims recorded in 1925 in Malawi against about 51,000 Protestant Church members. See Roome, William J.W., A Great Emancipation: A Missionary Survey in Nyasaland, Central Africa (London 1926) p. 51 and table at the back.Google Scholar

66. The government opened a shortlived secular school for Muslims at Liwonde in the early 1930s.Google Scholar

67. Du Plessis, to Murray, William, 19 Aug 1920, Box 1, Mission Committee Correspondence 1896–1922, Mission, Nkhoma, MNA .Google Scholar

68. Du Plessis, to Murray, , ibid. A Government grant of £1,000 a year for distribution to all missions was inaugurated in 1907 and was only doubled in 1918.Google Scholar

69. Relief, William Murray …, p. 63.Google Scholar

70. See Elston, Philip, “A note on the Universities' Mission to Central Africa 1859–1914,” in Pachai, , ed., Early History …, pp. 344–360.Google Scholar

71. Dedza Resident to T.C.B. Vlok, 2 Sept 1920, Box 1, Mission Committee Correspondence 1896–1922, Mission, Nkhoma, MNA.Google Scholar

72. It is impossible to enumerate all the many bush or village schools particularly of the D.R.C.M. so that the following details do not show these schools.Google Scholar (i) Teacher Training Schools: Blantyre, Zomba, Domasi (Blantyre Mission); Livingstonia (Livingstonia Mission); St. Michael's College, Makulawe (U.M.C.A.); Nkhoma (D.R.C.M.); Dombole (Zambezi Industrial Mission); Nguludi (Marist Fathers); Thyolo (Nyasa Industrial Mission); Malamulo (Seventh Day Adventist Mission).Google Scholar (ii) Agricultural, technical and industrial schools: Blantyre, Livingstonia, Nkhoma, Mitsidi, Dombole, Benbeke (Catholic), Thyolo, Likhubula, and Gowa (Baptist Industrial Mission).Google Scholar (iii) Hospitals operating para-medical training included Blantyre, Livingstonia, Zomba, Domasi, Nkhoma.Google Scholar (iv) Central Station Schools: Blantyre, Mulanje, Domasi, Zomba (Blantyre Mission); Livingstonia (Livingstonia Mission); Mlanda, Nkhoma (D.R.C.M.); Likoma, Likwenu, Malindi and Nkhota Kota (U.M.C.A.); Mua (Catholic); Thyolo (Nyasa); Malamulo (S.D.A.) Google Scholar (v) Central Schools and some village schools: Google Scholar Blantyre Mission: Blantyre, Mulanje, Domasi, Zomba, Kachere and Kapeni Villages.Google Scholar Livingstonia Mission: Livingstonia, Google Scholar U.M.C.A.: Likwenu, , Kota, Nkhota, Mvumu, , Nkhwazi, , Mbungu, , Ulisa, , Yofu, .Google Scholar Marist Fathers: Chimkombero, .Google Scholar Nyasa I.M.: Thyolo, and Likhubula, Google Scholar S.D.A.: Nyodola, Google Scholar Z.I.M.: Dombole, , Mitsidi, , Ntonda, , Chiole, .Google Scholar D.R.C.M. Nkhoma, Mlanda, Dzenza, Kachepa's Village.Google Scholar Baptist I.M.: Gowa, .Google Scholar African Church of Christ: Namiwawa, .Google Scholar P.I.M.: Chiradzulu, .Google Scholar (vi) Girls Homes: Blantyre Mission: Blantyre, , Domasi, , Mulanje, .Google Scholar Livingstonia Mission: Livingstonia, .Google Scholar D.R.C.M.: Nkhoma, , Dzenza, .Google Scholar Marist Fathers: Limbe, .Google Scholar Source: Ed Dep Rep 1927, p. 6.Google Scholar

73. The new 1930 Ordinance largely dealt with the management of assisted schools with a grant system based on: Google Scholar a) efficiency, attendance and certified teachers in village schools; Google Scholar b) salary grants for European and African teachers in Normal institutes, and maintenance of boarders therein; Google Scholar c) salary of grants for European and African teachers in other schools and maintenance of boarders therein; Google Scholar d) building and equipment grants, etc.Google Scholar There was no stipulation against opening of new bush schools. Ed Dep Rep, 1931, p. 7.Google Scholar

74. Oldham, and Gibson, , A Great Emancipation … p. 98.Google Scholar

75. Some details in Pretorius, , “D.R.C.M. …,” Nyasaland J. vol. 10, No. 1 (Jan 1957):pp. 17–18.Google Scholar

76. Oldham, and Gibson, , p. 97.Google Scholar

77. Ed Dep Rep 1927, p. 19.Google Scholar

78. Pretorius, p. 373. For strategies in girls' education see Lamba, , “African Women's Education …” Google Scholar

79. Oldham, and Gibson, , p. 97.Google Scholar

80. Murray, , School in the Bush … p. 232.Google Scholar

81. Oldham, and Gibson, , p. 104.Google Scholar

82. Steytler summarises causes of low enrollment or school attendance as follows: Google Scholar (i) general apathy of parents towards education Google Scholar (ii) child labour on plantations Google Scholar (iii) economic pressure: boys leave home to look for work Google Scholar (iv) children are required by parents to do their own share of work in the gardens and to act as goat, calf and cattle herders.Google Scholar (v) gardens have in some areas to be guarded against the depredations of game and baboons Google Scholar (vi) native customs often seriously interfere with the attendance of the older boys Google Scholar (vii) many have no money for school fees Google Scholar (viii) the schools are too unattractive Google Scholar (ix) general truency with or without the knowledge of the parents Educational Adaptations … p. 16 Google Scholar But Steytler forgets the apathy and lack of innovativeness among some missionaries and the absence of proper economic incentives from education.Google Scholar

83. Oldham, and Gibson, , p. 98.Google Scholar

84. Interview with Louw, 2 Feb 1980. For further details see Pretorius, Pauline, “An attempt at Christian initiation in Nyasaland”, International Review of Missions, Vol. 39 (1950):284–291.Google Scholar

85. Ibid Google Scholar

86. Interview with Councillor Phiri, Mayor of Mzuzu Municipality, at Mzuzu, 10 Sept 1980.Google Scholar

87. Statistical tables attached.Google Scholar