Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-rdxmf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T07:31:55.682Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Damascene Probate Inventories of the 17th and 18th Centuries: Some Preliminary Approaches and Results

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Colette Establet
Affiliation:
Colette Establet and Jean-Paul Pascual are researchers at the Institut de recherches et d'études sur le monde arabe et musulman, 3 avenue Pasteur, 13100 Aix-en-Provence, France
Jean-Paul Pascual
Affiliation:
Colette Establet and Jean-Paul Pascual are researchers at the Institut de recherches et d'études sur le monde arabe et musulman, 3 avenue Pasteur, 13100 Aix-en-Provence, France

Abstract

“Our present knowledge concerning the Arab city's past history is unsatisfactory,” remarked André Raymond in his Grandes villes arabes à l'époque ottomane.1 He went on to state that “the mediocrity of our information concerning the history of Arab cities is particularly noticeable for the modern period, that is, for the four Ottoman centuries.” Several explanations account for this insufficiency. First of all, “the absence of all statistical and numerical information about the urban population's social structure in relation to its dwelling conditions renders numerical and cartographical analysis difficult. As a result, specific descriptions concerning the geography of residential areas in relation to the different socioeconomic groups within a population and their dwellings is problematic.” Secondly, our knowledge concerning the better-off groups far overshadows that for the poorer levels of society: “We are only really well acquainted with the rich or middle-class dwellings in the Arab cities. In fact, it is only these types of dwellings for which urban archaeology provides a satisfactory sampling"2; archival documents usually concern only the most sumptuous and luxurious residences belonging to the highest urban real estate bracket. Finally, the study of Arab cities is obscured by several traditional ideas that affect all research in this field, particularly, the notion that traditional Islamic society was basically egalitarian and that therefore spatial segregation based upon socioeconomic criteria did not exist.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1992

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

Authors' note: The authors would like to thank Randi Deguilhem for her suggestions and corrections of the English. Abdul-Karim Rafeq for his advice, and Jean-Louis Paillet who drew the map of Damascus after one made by Dorothée Sack.

1 André, Raymond, Grandes villes arabes à l'époque ottomane (Paris, 1985), 1215.Google Scholar

2 Ibid., 272.

3 Jean-Claude, David, Le waqf d'lpšir PaŞa à Alep (1063/1653), Etude d'urbanisme historique (Damascus, 1982);Google ScholarHeinz, Gaube and Eugen, Wirth, Aleppo, Historische und geographische Beiträge zur baulichen Gestaltung, zur sozialen Organisation und zur wirtschaftlichen Dynamik einer vorderasiarischen Fernhandelsmetropol (Wiesbaden, 1984);Google ScholarBruce, Masters, The Origins of Western Economic Dominance in the Middle East, Mercantilism and the Islamic Economy in Aleppo, 1600–1750, New York University Studies in Near Eastern Civilization no. 12 (New York: New York University Press, 1988);Google ScholarAbraham, Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

4 Among others, see his articles in Abdul-Karim, Rafeq, Buḥūth fi't-ta'rīkh al-iqtiṣādī wa l-ijtimāʿī li Bilā;d al-Shām fi l-ʿahd al-ʿuthmānī (Damascus, 1985).Google Scholar

5 See Karl, Barbir, Ottoman Rule in Damascus, 1708–1758 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980) and several articles published since.Google Scholar

6 Antoine, Abdel Nour, Introduction à l'histoire urbaine de la Syrie ottomane (XVIe-XVIIIe siècles) (Beirut, 1982).Google Scholar

7 Linda, Schatkowski Schilcher, Families in Politics, Damascene Factions and Estates of the 18th and 19th Centuries (Stuttgart, 1985).Google Scholar

8 Dorothée, Sack, Damaskus, Entwicklung und Struktur einer orientalisch-islamischen Stadt (Mainz, 1989).Google Scholar

9 Fernand, Braudel, Civilisation matérielle et capitalisme (Paris, 1967), 212.Google Scholar

10 Annik, Pardailhé-Galabrun, La naissance de l'intime, 3000 foyers parisiens, XVII-XVIIIe siècles (Paris, 1988), 26.Google Scholar

11 See Ad, Van der Woude and Anton, Schuurman, eds., Probate Inventories: A New Source for the Historical Study of Wealth, Material Culture and Agricultural Development (Wageningen, 1980).Google Scholar The contributions deal mainly with Europe and the United States; Micheline, Baulant, Paul, Servais, and Anton, Schuurman, eds., Inventaires après décès et ventes de meubles, apports à une histoire de la vie économique et quotidienne, XIVe-XIXe siècle (Louvain, n.d.).Google Scholar

12 Fekete, L., “Das Heim eines türkischen Herrn in der Provinz im XVI Jahrhundert,” Studia Historica 29 (1960);Google ScholarIbolya, Gerelyes, “Inventories of Turkish Estates in Hungary in the Second Half of the 16th Century,” Acta Orientalia Hungarica 39 (1985): 275338.Google Scholar

13 Ömer, Lutfi Barkan, “Edirne askeri kassam'na âit tereki defterleri (1545–1569),” Belgeler 3, 5–6 (1968): 1479.Google ScholarKarl, Liebe-Harkort, Beiträge zur sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Lage Bursas am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts (Hamburg, 1970).Google Scholar

14 See, for example, André, Raymond, Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Damascus, 19731974).Google ScholarNicolas, Todorov, “Le numéraire des successions en tant que signe de différentiation de la population urbaine,” Rocznik orientalistyczny 38 (1976): 283–89; Rafeq, Buḥūth fi't-ta'rīkh.Google Scholar

15 Gerelyes, “Inventories of Turkish Estates,” n. 2.

16 Gilles, Veinstein, “Note sur les inventaires après décès ottomans,” in Quand le crible était dans la paille…, ed. Dor, R. and Nicolas, M. (Paris, 1978), 383–95;Google ScholarGilles, Veinstein and Yolande, Triantafyllidou-Baladié, “Les inventaires après décès ottomans de la Crête,” in Probate Inventories, 191204;Google ScholarGilles, Veinstein, “Les pèlerins de la Mecque à travers quelques inventaires après décès ottomans,” Revue de l'Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée 31 (1981): 6371;Google ScholarYolande, Triantafyllidou-Baladié, “Les objets de première nécessité et les signes de richesse dans le mode de vie de la société ottomane de Crète aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles,” in Inventaires après décès et ventes de meubles, 349–59.Google Scholar

17 Sijill no. 15 and no. 19 of the Direction of Historical Archives in Damascus. Two other earlier registers (no. 9 and no. 10) contain probate inventories of the military (qisma ʿaskariyya). We would like to thank its head, Daʿd al-Hakim who allowed us to consult these archives.

18 A more detailed description is given by Veinstein and Triantafyllidou-Baladié, “Les inventaires après décès ottomans de la Crête,” and by Jean-Paul, Pascual, “Les inventaires après décès: une source pour l'histoire économique et sociale de Damas au XVIlème siècle,” in Les villes dans l'Empire ottoman: activités et sociétés, ed. Daniel, Panzac, pt. 1 (Paris, 1991), 4165.Google Scholar

19 A comparative example is an analogous work carried out in France by Pardailhé-Galabrun, who has headed a team studying 3,000 Parisian households from the 17th to 18th centuries. Under her direction, forty researchers have analyzed 2,783 probate inventories, which, over six years (1978–1984), amounts to a bit more than ten years per individual. Our analysis is also based on a sample study.

20 Robert, Mantran, Istanbul dans la seconde moitié du XVIIème siècle (Paris, 1962), 246.Google Scholar

21 Ibid., 233.

22 Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 17.Google Scholar

23 Mantran, , Istanbul, 240.Google Scholar

24 Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 21.Google Scholar

25 Mantran, , Istanbul, 244.Google Scholar

26 Adrien, Barthélémy, Dictionnaire arabe-français, dialectes de Syrie: Alep, Damas, Liban, Jérusalem (Paris, 19351950); jadal means “interlaced” and mabrum “twisted.”Google Scholar

27 Veinstein, “Les pèlerins de la Mecque.”

28 Edhem, Eldem, “Le commerce français d'Istanbul au XVIIIème siècle,” 2 vols. (Aix-en-Provence: University I, 1989), 168.Google Scholar

29 Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 2122.Google Scholar

30 Robert, Paris, Histoire de la ville de Marseille, ed. Gaston, Rambert, De 1660 à 1789, Le Levant (Paris, 1957), 5:324.Google Scholar

31 See Muḥammad, Amin al-Muhibbi, Khulāṣat al-Athār fi aʿyān al-qarn al-hādī ʿashar 4 vols. (Beirut, n.d.), 1:370, 3:443;Google ScholarMuḥammad, Khalil al-Muradi, Silk ad-durar fi aḥyān al-qarn al-thānī ʿashar, 2 vols. (Bulaq, n.d.), 1:15.Google Scholar See also Abdul-Karim, Rafeq, The Province of Damascus, 1723–1783 (Beirut, 1970), 6061, 96, who cited other sources.Google Scholar

32 For all these crafts and those cited infra, see al-Qasimy, M. S., Dictionnaire des métiers damascains, ed. al-Qasimy, Z., 2 vols. (Paris-The Hague, 1960) q.v., and also Barthélémy, Dictionnaire.Google Scholar

33 In this latter case, the craft has been deduced from the kinds of items owned by the deceased.

34 This suq is without a doubt the one built or renewed by Bahram Agha on the site of the ancient Qudmaniyyin suq, see n. 35.

35 The khan (or qīsāriyya) al-Bahramiyya and the adjacent suq (37 ḥānūt) were built in 1646 by Bahram Agha, katkhuda of the Sultan Ibrahim's mother. They were situated intramuros near Bab al-Jabya, north of the Qutun suq; see Waqfiyya Bahram Agha dated March 1646 (Rajab 1055) according to a copy owned by one of the authors.

36 On the location of the other khans, see Fouad, Yahya, “Inventaire archéologique des caravansérails de Damas” (Aix-en-Provence: University I, n.d.) 343.Google Scholar

37 Laylā, al-Ṣabbāgh, “Wathīqa ʿarabiyya shāmiyya min al-qarn al-ʿāshir al-ḥijrī ḥawl al-ṣināʿāt annasījiyya wa'n-nussāj,” in al-Mu⊇tamar al-dawlī al-thānī li-ta'rīkh Bilād al-Shām, 2 vols. (Damascus, 1979), 1:3594.Google Scholar

38 See Raymond, , Grandes villes arabes, 187–88.Google Scholar

39 Al-Qasimy, , Dictionnaire des métiers damascains, 2:313.Google Scholar

40 Raymond, , Grandes villes arabes, 279.Google Scholar

41 Al-Qasimy, , Dictionnaire des métiers damascains, 1:13.Google Scholar