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Simeone, John B.
1967.
1967 Annual Supplement.
p.
1.
Article contents
The Suez Canal Dispute: A Case Study in Peaceful Settlement
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
Extract
If the United Nations system is to outlaw the unilateral use of force, except in cases of self-defense, it is clear that some provision must be made for the peaceful settlement of disputes and for peaceful change. In the past, peacekeeping operations have often succeeded in restoring a fragile peace. Yet collective actionall too frequently has been limited to a restoration of the status quo ante. Indeed, states have usuallyfailed to accept any collective responsibility to deal with the grievances that initially led to the outbreak of hostilities. If peace is to be maintained over any extended period of time, peacekeeping operations must not, asAmbassador Arthur J. Goldberg recently warned, “be a sofa to provide a comfortable respite from efforts atpeaceful settlement” but instead should “be a springboard for accelerated efforts to eliminate the root causes of conflict.”
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References
1 Statement made in the Special Political Committee, December 14, 1965, United States Mission to the United Nations, Press Release No. 4748, p. 2.
2 Act of Concession of the Viceroy of Egypt for the Construction and Operation of the Suez Maritime Canal and Appurtenances Between the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea, Cairo, November 30, 1854, in The Suez Canal Problem, July 26–September 22, 1956 (Department of State Publication No. 6392) (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1956), p. 1Google Scholar.
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8 Article I. The text of the Convention Between Great Britain, Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Russia, Spain, and Turkey, Respecting the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime Canal, Constantinople, October 29, 1888, can be found in The Suez Canal Problem, pp. 12–20.
9 See Hurewitz, Vol. 11, p. 100.
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17 Britain and France argued that the Canal Company was endowed with public international personality which gave it immunity from nationalization; they also declared that the international character of the Canal or its waters provided a right to operate the Canal through an international agency such as the Suez Canal Company.
18 Ibid., p. 236.
19 See ibid., pp. 327–330.
20 See the letter from UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld to Egypt's Foreign Minister Mahmoud Fawzi, dated October 24, 1956, found in Wint, Guy and Calvocoressi, Peter, Middle East Crisis (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1957), pp. 138–141Google Scholar.
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35 Corbett, Percy E., “Power and Law at Suez,” International Journal, Winter 1956–1957 (Vol. 12, No. 1), p. 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Julius Stone argued in a similar manner that in such circumstances a minimal regard for law and justice in inter-State relations might require the use of force in due time to vindicate diese standards, and avoid even more catastrophic resort to force at a later stage.
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53 Originally contained in the draft resolution submitted by France and the United Kingdom (UN Document S/3671) and adopted by the Council in Resolution S/3675.
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64 Fisher, Roger, “Fractionating Conflicts,” Daedalus, Summer 1964 (Vol. 93, No. 3), pp. 920–941Google Scholar. In effect this was what the Secretary-General was trying to do. It is clear from his letter to Fawzi that he was attempting to isolate technical questions from the political struggle.
65 Iklé, p. 52.
66 Richard Neustadt, in die recent Radner Lectures at Columbia University, argued that Anglo-American misunderstanding did not result as much from a failure to communicate as from an inability to comprehend each other's “rules of die game,” which led in turn to the mutual misperception of each odier's point of view.
67 See Deutsch, Morton, “Trust and Suspicion,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 12 1958 (Vol. 2, No. 4), pp. 265–279CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
68 Jackson, Elmore, Meeting of Minds (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1952), pp. 137–145Google Scholar.
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