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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 February 2009
The article investigates relations between workers and intellectuals in the pre-revolutionary Bolshevik Party in St Petersburg and the Chinese Communist Party in Shanghai. It commences with a background examination of the social position and traditions of the intelligentsia in each country and the emergence of a stratum of so-called “conscious” workers. The position of workers in each party is then analysed, especially with respect to leadership, and the nature of tensions between workers and intellectuals explored. The investigation demonstrates that workers acquiesced in their subordination to a greater degree in Shanghai than in St Petersburg, and this and other differences are traced back to historical and cultural context. In conclusion, the implications of contextual differences are explored in order to suggest why the intelligentsia in the People's Republic of China (PRC) attracted greater odium from the party-state than its counterpart in the Soviet Union.
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2 Pareto, Michels and many subsequent writers have pointed out that intellectual radicalism varies inversely to the degree to which intellectuals are attached to the middle classes. For a valuable discussion, see Brym, Robert J., Intellectuals and Politics (London, 1982)Google Scholar.
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89 The argument of this article is not that such tensions were abnormally acute within the Bolshevik party. Indeed the evidence for 1917 suggests that they may have been more muted than in society at large. The memoir sources on which I rely differ in their estimation of the seriousness of this tension. Lydia Dan, for instance, states: “I never found the workers unfavorable to the intelligentsia. Of course, there were individual cases, but I deny categorically that it was widespread.” Haimson, Three Revolutionaries, p. 81. See also R.E. Zelnik's thoughtful observations on the differences between Kanatchikov and Fisher in this respect, in Zelnik, Reginald E., “Russian Bebels: An Introduction to the Memoirs of the Russian Workers, Semen Kanatchikov and Matvei Fisher”, part 2, Russian Review, 4 (1976), p. 426Google Scholar.
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189 Zhirong, Huang, “Guanyu yijiuersan nian zhi yijiuerqi nian Shanghai daxue dangzuzhi de fazhan qingkuang” [Concerning the conditions of development of party organization at Shanghai University in the years 1923 to 1927], Dangshi ziliao, 2 (11) (1982), pp. 98–99Google Scholar.
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201 Shanghai gongren sanci wuzliuang qiyi, pp. 112–113 and 148. The list for 1926 is in Jianying, Wang (ed.), Zhongguo gongchandang zuzltishi ziliao huibian [Edited Materials on the Organizational History of the CCP] (Beijing, 1982), pp. 39–40Google Scholar.
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211 Shanghai jiqi ye gongren yundong shi pp. 322–326.
212 Harrison, Long March, p. 99.
213 Zhongguo gongchandang di erci dao di liuci quanguo daibiao dahui wenjian huibian [Compilation of Documents on the Second to the Sixth National Congresses of the CCP] (Beijing, 1981), p. 115; Dangshi yanjiu, 2 (1983), p. 40.
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223 Wilbur, Missionaries, p. 527.
224 Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries, pp. 40–46.
225 Quoted in Harrison, Long March, P 40.
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228 Wiisa yundong, 1, p. 7.
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236 Ibid., p. 289.
237 Guanzhi, Liu, “Guanyu 1924–1925 nian Shanghai gongren yundong de hutyi” [Recollections of the Shanghai Labour Movement in 1924–25], Zhongguo gongren yundong shiliao [Historical Materials on the Chinese Labour Movement], 1 (1960), p. 37Google Scholar.
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243 Ibid., p. 310.
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248 “Erda” he “Sanda”: Zhongguo gongchandang dier-san daibiao dahui ziliao xuanbian [Selected Materials on the Second and Third Congresses of the CCP] (Beijing, 1985), p. 171.
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251 Mao Tun, Midnight, p. 425.
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254 Wusa yundong shiliao, 1, p. 275.
256 During the Cultural Revolution traditional forms of entertainment came under fire in the campaign against the “four olds”.
257 Wasserstrom, Student Protest, p. 124.
258 For the relative restraint of the early Soviet period, see Koenker, Diane P. et al. (eds). Party, State and Society in the Russian Civil War (Bloomington, 1989)Google Scholar, section 4.
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