The subject of historiography for the Iranian scholar has traditionally been of lesser importance than the actual writing of history. The problems and various techniques of historiography were little discussed and practically unknown until this century. Recently, several articles have appeared in Iranian journals which clearly indicate that Iranian historians intend to rectify this past imbalance. Furthermore, the publication of the journal Bar-rasī'hā-yi Tārīkhī (Historical Studies) suggests a renewed effort to present recent research and historiographical techniques in a more exacting and scientific manner than in the past.

Any discussion of the degree and extent of governmental authority in early Qajar Iran involves an examination of the basic administrative structure as well as the more important restraints imposed by the nature of traditional society on the exercise of such authority. This study will focus, therefore, on the development and functioning of administration at the central and provincial levels, including the methods and machinery employed by the early Qajar state in the collection and distribution of taxable revenues. In addition, the problem faced by the first two Qajar monarchs in obtaining popular concensus with regard to the legitimacy of their rule and acceptance of their edicts will be examined.

Acculturation has been accomplished traditionally when a society has absorbed foreign elements originally superimposed by invasion or acquired through excursions and study in other countries. These traditional means have been supplemented more recently by modern forms of communication and rapid travel, which tend to aggravate the natural imbalance of acculturation and to raise the specter of a cultural imperialism attended by a decline in quality or a reduction in number of indigenous cultural undertakings.

In Iran, with respect to musical acculturation, this hazard has been recognized for some time. For instance, Tehran's Conservatory for National Music was formally established by the Ministry of Culture and Art in 1949 with the specific objectives of systematically restoring national music and reviving the original Iranian instruments, and, in 1968, a High Commission of Culture and Art was formed to consider, among other matters, the question of acculturation.

The most obvious and compelling reality of the contemporary Middle East, as with most of Asia, is the passing of traditional society and the creation, through development and social change, of an entirely new scheme of life with new norms and patterns of behavior, new forms of organization and new directions of loyalty and interest. As Middle Easterners, Iranians are waging their own battle with the complex forces of change and are shaping a new order in terms of their own values and preferences. The process of modernization is generally granted to be stimulated and emanate from a foreign, not to say Western, source—but is also now claimed to be partially self-generating indigenously--primarily in the form of new industries, new technologies and new systems of organizing knowledge and data and putting them to use for the society at large. In the face of this onslaught of diverse and often unfamiliar forces a wide range of responses and reactions may be noted.

The history of Iran, in the years just before World War I is dominated by a general institutional crisis called the Persian Constitutional Revolution. Although the narrative line most often followed through those years is a sequence of political and military encounters, the revolution was in fact a systemic crisis which affected nearly all of the institutions that contained the Persian people. Like all revolutions, however, it had its own idea of what it was up to; in fact, it had several. In common with other modern revolutions, it held the principle to be self-evident that through the revolution a new freedom was being created and a corrupt tyranny destroyed. Such views were, of course,rationales not interpretations of history, but like the latter they extended backward in time to describe the period before the revolution. In short, they explained not only what the revolutionaries themselves were doing, but what much of the history of Qajar Persia amounted to.

One of the more pervasive implicit assumptions about Amīr Kabīr in both Persian and Western sources is that he was an innovator who wished to transform Iranian society. Not unrepresentative of such an assumption are comments like the following: “If Amīr Kabīr had not been killed at the hands of Nāṣir al-Dīn Shāh's executioners, how much he would have entangled the fate of Iran in a significant transformation.” In the same vein there is a tendency to view Amīr Kabīr as a visionary of political freedom. This tendency is perhaps most evident in two rather popularized Persian accounts of his life and career, that of Hāshimī Rafsanjānī and that of Ḥusayn Makkī. But with the advantage of hindsight, many less exaggerated accounts, also, attribute more to the intentions of Amīr Kabīr than can perhaps stand up under scrutiny. It is not uncommon, as Algar points out, for Amīr Kabīr to be reckoned among the precursors of the Constitutional Revolution.

Political systems which are able to develop share two general characteristics: first, they show an ability to assimilate political demands, and second, they sustain a dynamic integrity. The study of bureaucracy derives its importance from the essential role it plays in this dual process through its functions of recruitment of new elements on one hand, and socializing the new recruits and providing for the functioning of the system on the other.

The sale of offices as a part of this system—maintenance mechanism will be studied here through its functions of recruitment and socialization. I will attempt to study the problem as a subsystem within the larger context of a patrimonial state, and as a natural extension of the concept of an office as a piece of property. Then, I will discuss the reasons for the increase of the sale of offices during the second half of the nineteenth century in Iran, the nature of the sale itself, and finally the effect of it on the Iranian political system.