In cities, towns, and villages throughout Iranian Azerbaijan ˓āshiqs (professional poet-musicians) entertain audiences in coffee houses and at weddings. ˓Āshiqs compose and perform songs in a variety of poetic forms. The longest of these forms is the oral narrative poem called the dāstān in the Azeri dialect of Turkish. In his presentation of these tales, the ˓āshiq observes a standard protocol, yet within this established format, he has room to improvise, to stretch some segments of his entertainment or to cut other parts short. It is this flexibility within the framework of an established presentation format that keeps these oral narrative poems from growing stale in the mind of the performer and in the perception of the audience.

This paper will briefly describe the ˓āshiq, his training and performance. Then, one segment of a dāstān will be analyzed to show what its components are, and how they can be manipulated by the performer.

Among the factors influencing the psychology of historical individuals are the “great” cultural tradition in which he or she participates, the local expressions of this tradition, the sex roles defined by society, the traditions of one's economic class, the local child-rearing practices, and the personal history of the individual. For the Near East, the study of the influence of such factors on individuals is in its infancy, and any remarks made here will be tentative. After listing some cultural factors operative in Islamic and Iranian society, we shall look at one leader--Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī--who both reflects the interaction of some of these factors and shows some highly individual features.

Islam as a comprehensive religio-political-legal theory inculcates considerable conformity of behavior--more of behavior than of belief, unlike some religions. The central importance of religious law and of conformity to it have frequently been noted.

The subject of this paper is a patrilineage that lives in two communities six kilometers apart in the north-eastern part of Iran. Traditionally this lineage together with its collateral sections has acted as a gentry for an area composed of eighteen villages. They were and still are (both the lineage and its collateral segments) referred to as the “landlords” (arbāb) of the area although their traditional economic status and political influence has been undermined by the Iranian land reform of 1962. The number of adults (above the age of fifteen) comprising the lineage is roughly between forty and fifty and is composed of the descendants of three brothers. These three brothers are in turn descended from one of three other brothers in the next ascending generation; the descendants of the latter set of brothers comprise the entire maximal lineage, the great majority of which lives in the two above-mentioned communities. Most members of the lineage between the ages of fifteen and twenty count the latter set of brothers as of the great-grandparental generation and the former set of brothers as of the grandparental generation.

In a twenty-four-year writing career that began in 1945 with the publication of the story “Pilgrimage” in Sukhan magazine and ended in 1969 with a heart attack at age 46, Jalal Al-e Ahmad established himself as a major voice in modern Persian fiction. His first and best known collection of short stories, The Exchange of Visits, appeared in 1946, followed in short order by Our Suffering (1947), Sihtār (1948), and The Unwanted Woman (1952), which was reprinted in 1964 with two additional stories. A fifth collection of stories entitled The New Generation remains unpublished, although a sampling of stories from that collection entitled Five Stories was published posthumously. The first of five longer pieces of fiction, Tale of the Beehives, was published in 1955. Three years later The School Principal appeared. Then, in 1961, came The Letter ‘N’ and the Pen, followed in 1968 by The Cursing of the Land, of which several chapters had previously been published separately. A final novel, A Stone on a Grave, remains unpublished.

The major goal of this study is to examine the origins, development and peculiarities of the Iranian peasants’ extra-economic obligations to the landlords and the body representing them, the state, in the period between the fourth and the seventeenth centuries. Defining feudalism as a mode of production, it focuses only on the various obligations of the Iranian peasantry during this; period in an attempt to show that the feudal characteristics of servile obligations existed in Iran, reaching their heights under the Mongols in terms of legal attachment to the soil.

Feudalism is viewed as a mode of production which has two complementary aspects: the productive forces and the relations of production. A feudal economy is marked by a more or less “static” pattern of reproduction since the surplus product is spent for non-productive purposes. The act of production is largely individual in character, and the division of labor is rudimentary. Feudalism is also identified with a natural economy, i.e., an economy in which the product is produced not for sale, but for personal use.

I concluded my previous paper on this subject with the remark that the people of Boir Ahmad, faced with the depletion of their pastures, the unavailability of new land, the difficulty of obtaining higher education, and the low wages earned from migrant labor, were looking toward the future trusting a merciful God to open, as they say, five doors for each one that was closed. That was in 1971. Since then, doors have indeed been opening up for the people of Boir Ahmad, a process which is filling them with new expectations for the future, but which is also changing basically the structure of their traditional way of life. These changes are most pronounced in the western and eastern parts of Boir Ahmad, i.e., in the nearer and farther environs of the administrative centers of Yasuj and Deh Dasht. In the present paper I shall describe these changes, using as an example a village 36 kilometers to the northwest of Yasuj, the Deh Bozorg Sisakht, commonly called Sisakht, the largest village of Boir Ahmad (pop. in 1976: 2596).

It is surprising, somehow, to witness the degree to which the concept of national character doggedly maintains its intuitive appeal in the social sciences. Despite widespread criticism of the use of the concept as the basis for studying human societies, few researchers find themselves able to deny that different societies seem to have a distinctive “feel” to them, and it is a rare field worker indeed who doesn't speak, informally at least, of the members of a society in which he has worked in terms of collective “psychological” characteristics. Widely used anthropological concepts such as “ethos,” “value system,” and even “culture” itself reflect this feeling in differing degrees. The inherent intuitive appeal of the national character concept persists, then, despite our best efforts to repudiate it.

In trying to understand this phenomenon, it seems a vain effort to return once again to the question: “Do national characters exist?”. In place of this well-worked exercise, I feel it more profitable to turn away from the natives and focus on the epistemology of the observer.

A decade ago, amidst general enthusiasm for nation-building activities, Samuel Huntington raised the question of whether political institutions might not decay as well as grow. Although he provided but a few guidelines to symptoms of institutional decay, he did introduce a healthy measure of skepticism into the literature on political development. This skepticism is particularly warranted in the case of representative institutions.

Throughout much of the Middle East, the life of both political parties and legislatures at the national level have tended to be more formal than real. Institutionbuilding has been attempted at the local level, too, although local politics has received far less attention from students of comparative politics. This essay discusses the roles of political representatives at the local level and the impact of the political milieu upon the way in which these roles are shaped and interpreted by their occupants.

The scorching wind mingled the dirt and sand, blowing it in the pilgrims’ faces. The sun burned and shrivelled everything. The camels stepped to the monotonous melody of iron and brass bells, their necks swaying rhythmically, their frowning snouts and hanging muzzles revealing their dissatisfaction with their fate.

Through the dust, the caravan moved slowly in the middle of the grey dirt road. The ash-colored, dry, sandy desert stretched as far as the eye could see, shimmering in the heat and at times forming a series of low mounds at the side of the road. For miles not even a date palm relieved the monotony. Wherever there was a handful of stagnant water in a ditch a family had pitched a shelter. The air burned everything, taking one's breath away. It was like stepping into the corridor of hell.

The caravan had been on the road for thirty-six days. Their mouths dry, their bodies weak, their pockets empty, the pilgrims had watched their money supply diminish like snow under the hot Arabian sun.

Having lost Transcaucasia to the Russians some one-hundred-and-fifty years ago, Persian scholars have ignored the history of this region which once was a part of Iran under the Qajars. Russian and Armenian sources, although numerous, have tended to emphasize Russian rule in the area. They have also failed to utilize primary sources, such as those in archives, have neglected to record the favorable aspects, and instead have concentrated on a blanket condemnation of Persian rule in the Caucasus. Although it is true that Muslim rule, especially in the Qajar era, was particularly oppressive towards the Christian population of Transcaucasia, some bright moments did exist. This study, based on primary and archival sources, focuses on one such period in a specific area: the governorship of Ḥusayn Qulī Khān Qazvinī in the Khanate of Erevan (Eastern Armenia) during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Before discussing the khān's twenty-year tenure in Erevan, a biographical and historical sketch is in order.