The life and works of ‘Abd Allah b. al-Muqaffa', probably the Abdala the Saracen with whose mention the Christian humanist Pico della Mirandola opens his great Oration on the Dignity of Man (1486), have received some attention in modern scholarship. His life and work, however, have not been systematically studied in the context of the revolution of his time—namely, the ‘Abbasid revolution. This paper will try to show that Ibn al-Muqaffa's impressive intellectual output appears in a new light when it is properly put in this context, and is seen from the perspective of the breakdown of the Umayyad state and the ensuing process of revolution.

In the history of the medieval Middle East, Khurasan deserves special attention for a number of reasons. After the collapse of the ‘Abbasid Empire by the middle of the tenth century, local regimes and new elites replaced central governmental control throughout the provinces of the old empire. Khurasan was the first settled society that the Turkish Ghaznavid dynasty (established c. 994-98) and the Saljuqs (by 1040) encountered, and it served as a testing ground for the new elite's relations with Muslim communal organizations. Over the centuries, the ulama had developed their own structures of authority and organization (the madhhabs) independent of the state. These religious associations had come to represent Islam in its social and doctrinal aspects. In Khurasan, the religious prestige, judicial authority, and organization of the ulama made them a focus of identity and loyalty and gave them a broad base of popular support.

The Seljuk and Khwarazmid periods witnessed a growing relationship between Sufism and the state in the central Islamic lands. This link grew even stronger during the Ilkhanid Mongol period when there was an immense rise in the influence of Sufi masters in court circles, so much so that, in many ways, some Sufi figures became the primary religious authorities in Ilkhanid Iran. At the same time, there also appears to have been a blurring of the philosophical line separating Sufism from Shi'ism.

The family of wealthy Sufi masters from Bahrabad in Khurasan has attracted the attention of modern scholars on account of their involvement with the highest levels of the Ilkhanid state machinery and their association with the Kubrawi order and its influential figures, such as Najm al-Din Kubra, Sayf al-Din Bakharzi, and ‘Ala’ al-Dawla Simnani.

One of the least-studied eras of Iranian history is that between the invasion of Changiz Khan (Genghis Khan) in the early 13th century and the establishment of the Safavid Empire early in the 16th. This was a time of unprecedented political upheaval when much of the Iranian world became subject to rule by Mongols and Turks. The period between the collapse of the (Mongol) Il-Khan dynasty in 1335, however, and the consolidation of the empire of Timur (Tamerlane) in the 1380s was an age of regionalism par excellence and one of cultural florescence. The most important of the minor dynasties that flourished at this time were the Muzaffarids in Fars, Iraq-i ‘Ajam and Kirman (1314-93), the Jalayirids in Iraq, Kurdistan and Azarbaijan (1336-1432), and, in Khurasan, the Karts at Herat (1245-1389) and the Sarbidars at Sabzavar (1336-81).

Shortly after the investiture of Shah Isma'il (r, 907-30/1501-24) in Iran as the first Safavid monarch, Twelver Shi'ism was declared the religion of the new empire. Shah Isma'il and succeeding monarchs seemed determined to convert Iran from Sunnism to a literate urban version of Twelver Shi'ism, distinct from the folk religion of the Turkoman nomads. The process of conversion to Shi'ism is best understood within the larger political framework of Ottoman-Safavid relations, as an attempt to demarcate Safavid territory against Ottoman encroachments and insulate its inhabitants from Sunnite leanings. To disseminate the Shi'ite creed and apply Islamic law (sharī'a) in accordance with the Shi'ite school (madhhab), the shahs invited the Shi'ite ulama from Arabic-speaking territories such as Iraq, Bahrain, and Jabal ‘Amil (in present-day Lebanon) to reinforce their counterparts in Persia. Among these, the contribution of the scholars of Jabal ‘Amil became especially notable as they successfully cultivated Safavid patronage and reaped unprecedented socio-economic power.

It has traditionally been taught that Iran, a Sunni polity for many centuries, was converted to Twelver Shi'ism virtually overnight when the armies backing the Safavid house took power in 907/1501. In recent years scholars have begun to question the manner and rapidity of the process of conversion, what it meant to be “Shi'i” or “Sunni” in sixteenth-century Iran, and what, if anything, can be said about Safavid Sunnism.

It has been noted that Sunnism in Iran was phased out only gradually. For example, there are references in the Persian chronicles to persecution of Sunnis as late as 1017/1608. Some sources suggest that Sunni influence persisted at the court of Shah Tahmasp and name prominent Sunnis during his reign. As late as the second decade of the eighteenth century, the conqueror of Isfahan, Mahmud Afghan, attempted to alter the balance of population in the city by relocating 5,000 Sunni families from Hamadan.

The Safavids evolved from a Sufi order (1301) into a messianic movement (1447) before they finally established their imperium with world-conquering aspirations (1501). Isma'il, the first pīr (spiritual guide) of the Safavid order to assume the political role of shah, claimed to be the reincarnation of a host of prophets and kingly heroes from Iran's cultural past. “Prostrate thyself! Pander not to Satan! Adam has put on new clothes, God has come,” writes Isma'il in his poetry (Divan), composed as he, together with his adepts, the Qizilbash (Redheads), conquered Iran and Iraq (1501-13).

In less than twenty years, Nadir Shah built an empire across Iran, India, and Central Asia. When he took the throne on the Mughan steppe in 1148/1736, Nadir confronted the problem of how to legitimize his reign after two centuries of Shi'i Safavid rule. He attempted to solve this problem, in part, by challenging Iran's Twelver Shi'i identity.

Nadir proposed to the Ottomans that Twelver Shi'ism be considered a fifth school of Sunni Islam, to be called the Ja'fari madhhab after the sixth Imam, Ja'far al-Sadiq. In exchange for Shi'i renunciation of such practices as sabb (the ritual cursing of the first three caliphs), Nadir proposed that the Ottomans give this Ja'fari madhhab all the privileges enjoyed by the four Sunni schools, and that a fifth pillar be erected in the Ka'bah in Mecca to commemorate it. He asked that the Ottomans allow him to appoint the leader of the annual ḥajj caravan from Iran.