^{page 29 note 1} Iraq, XV, Pt. I. p. 34fGoogle Scholar. for a description of the site and plan on Fig. 4.

^{page 32 note 1} Knudtzon, , Gebete an dsn Sonnengott, Bd. I, pl. 43, 112Google Scholar Rs. (I am indebted to Mr. H. W. F. Saggs for this reference.)

^{page 32 note 2} Note that this tablet belongs to a period of reconstruction after the Burnt Palace proper had been destroyed and is therefore later than the preceding level which contained the well known collection of ivories; this was proved by the stratigraphy obtained in the season of 1953. Cf. also. Iraq, XV, Pt. 1, p. 17Google Scholar, where this now well established conclusion was anticipated.

^{page 33 note 1} AṢ-a can be read clearly but the true rendering is doubtful. There are two other examples amongst these tablets, of this unusual writing of the sign AS. with an extra diagonal stroke, often a barely recognisable flick; cf. ND. 2307, 1; ND.2093, 15. Plate VI, V.

^{page 33 note 2} adru “winnowing floor” cf. Smith, Sidney, P.E.Q., 1946, 5 ffGoogle Scholar. and P.E.Q. 1952, 112 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 33 note 3} The meaning of this verb is doubtful. It may be that ṭi is used for ta as in the Mari Letters, in which case the text would read i-ta-pu-šu-u-ni 1/2 of epešu, but there is no other example in L. Assyrian tablets, of this value for ṭi. There is a verb ḫabu meaning to cover, hide away, (Bez., 117), hence (karpaf) ḫabū a vessel. There does not seem to be any precedent for its use in the sense of storing grain or goods, but a word ḫa-bu-u-ni occurs in J.A.D.D., 780, relating to the repayment, with interest, of some barley, cf. J.A.D.D. IV, Glossary.

^{page 34 note 1} IV-tú-šû, also written IV-ut-ti-šu, ND. 2338, 2342, 2322, 2099. The latter is certainly a form from rabuttu ‘a quarter’. cf. Von Soden, Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik, par. 70, j.

^{page 34 note 2} 3 ru-ṭu. A word of unknown meaning but coupled with lānu meaning stature or appearance, perhaps refers to marks on the figure or age. The phrase occurs in J.A.D.D., nos. 312, 313, 317, in the same context as here, and must be a description of the slave which could be easily recognised. 3, 4, and 5 rutu are mentioned.

^{page 34 note 3} Perhaps sinkin = sikin - sikkin, but Tallquist read sinqi, also spelt si-in-ki and si-nig.

^{page 34 note 4} benna disease, ‘affecting the muscles’, perhaps epilepsy, D.A.B., 191, note 2.

^{page 34 note 5} ur-ki’ this word occurs in J.A.D.D., 105, in the form ur-ki’ u-ti and in 307, where 3 men, a boatman, a laundryman and another are stated to be (amel) urkiu(pl) for the woman sold, from epilepsy, sa-ar-te qata and claims on her person for debt. These are presumably poor men, and all they have probably done is to have made statements legally binding, that the woman is not a pledge and is not subject to two diseases, urkiu therefore in this case seems to mean one who has declared the woman free of certain defects which would lessen her value.

^{page 34 note 6} qaq-qi-ri pu-si-e cf. J.A.D.D. no. 351 ff.

^{page 34 note 7} For magarrate of straw cf. J.A.D.D. no. 151.

^{page 35 note 1} cf. the name Tab-šār-Ištar, etc. Tallquist, Assyrian Personal Names, 257.

^{page 35 note 2} emidūni normally used in law cases, cf. J.A.D.D. nos. 166, 171, etc.

^{page 35 note 3} DU₈. ŠI.A. = dušu stones = crystal, glass, D.A.C.G., but more likely to be DU₈. ŠI.A = (mašak) du-šu-u, 248, “uncured leather” cf. Ebeling, Glossar zu den neubabylonischen Briefen.

^{page 35 note 4} šumma la a negative expression used to introduce a strong positive statement, cf. Smith, Sidney, Statue of ldri-mi, p. 106Google Scholar, under šumma and Von Soden, Grammatik, para. 185, 9, h.

^{page 35 note 5} NI = nasabu, so perhaps nesḫu excerpt, copy.

^{page 35 note 6} ezib can be used as a preposition “besides”. cf. Von Soden. Grammatik, par. 114, u; here a subst.

^{page 36 note 1} For a name Aḫi-i-pa-da, cf. Tallquist, A.P.N., p. 16.

^{page 36 note 2} rišitti-šu, Sidney Smith suggests “harness”, connected with the Arabic rasanu, ‘a halter’.

^{page 36 note 3} For this previously unknown limmu, cf. Wiseman, , Nimrud Tablets, 1953, Iraq, XV, Pt. 2. ND. 3449, 3454–3454Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 1} It would be possible to read ṣi if the two vertical strokes are to be taken as part of the sign and not fortuitous marks.

^{page 38 note 2} There is a name in J.A.D.D. no. 285, which may read Abdi-asuzi.

^{page 38 note 3} It is difficult to explain the long e if this is taken as a suffix, the only alternative seems to take ši-e-ni as part of the list of nudunnu although it is divided from the next line by the space with seal impressions.

^{page 38 note 4} sabubu perhaps dittography for sappu, a drinking cup.

^{page 38 note 5} dumaqi, cf. Driver, and Miles, , Assyrian Laws, 193Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 6} sabirri might be the same word as šeberru, Bez., 264, generally taken to mean some kind of staff.

^{page 38 note 7} qudāsi, said to be ‘rings’, Oppenheim, , J.N.E.S. VIII, 177Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 8} pá-áš-lum used of gold in the Cappadocian tablets, ba-ša-lim (C.C.T., I, 9 and BM. 113530)Google Scholar; also used of ivory and lapis (Bottéro, , R.A., 43, 144, lines 74, 75)Google Scholar, meaning doubtful but in the case of silver and gold perhaps ‘drawn’ to make wire or ribbon for jewellery such as is still made in the East.

^{page 38 note 9} urnutu and ḫušunu garments occur on ND. 2311, a fragmentary list of garments. The latter possibly the same as ḫuṣannu Bez., 125, thought to be a belt, girdle or loin cloth.

^{page 38 note 10} balata kaspi; perhaps ‘things having silver on them’ from (w)abalu.

^{page 38 note 11} Doubtful if this is to be read gulini, a garment or material which could be used to cover the head, Driver, and Miles, , Assyrian Laws, par. 40, p. 407Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 12} gamedutu garment features in a fragmentary list of garments for individuals probably officials, ND. 2657.

^{page 39 note 1} diqaru Š.L., 143, 19.

^{page 39 note 2} qanū Amarna Letter 14, 11,1. 3, ‘ganū containing mikjda’, a flask?

^{page 39 note 3} ni supu cf. M.V.A.G., 1936, Assyrische Königritual 62, 1. 5Google Scholar, thought to be a ‘scraper’ but more likely here to be a receptacle.

^{page 39 note 4} ḫuzabu cf. Ebeling, , Glossar zu den neubabylonischen Briefen, 101Google Scholar, a fruit container of something like wicker work, in which dates were put, also a blade of some grass or reed, DA.B., 18, or just ‘a blade’, p. 222; reed baskets for various are included in a list of the tir ḫata in C.T., VIII, 2, aGoogle Scholar.

^{page 39 note 5} ḫaltu cf. D.A.C.G., 176.

^{page 39 note 6} ḫurallu, cf. D.A.C.G., 174.

^{page 39 note 7} rikī possibly for riqqi spices, spelt ri-qi-e in J.A.D.D., no. 310, r. 9.

^{page 39 note 8} esiqanni, perhaps the plural of isqu-išqu Bez., 75.

^{page 39 note 9} The ideogram for the month looks like AD but is perhaps intended for APIN.

^{page 39 note 10} (sal) laḫ-ḫi-nu-tú cf. Wiseman, Iraq, XV, Pt. 2, p. 141 (following A.F.O. x, 150–151)Google Scholar ND. 3426, 31, where the title (amel) laḫ-ḫi-nu šá (d) Ninurta occurs.

^{page 39 note 11} šelutu, the only previous occurrence of this tide seems to be in the oracle of Ištar of Arbilu to Esarhaddon, K. 4310, R. IV, pi. 61, col. V, 1. 51, ša pi-i (sal) Ištar-bel-da-i-ni še-lu-tu ša šarri.

^{page 39 note 12} (al)DIŠ-tú cf. J.A.D.D. 168, 7Google Scholar, read Anatu by Johns.

^{page 39 note 13} mamenu-šu (NIN-nu-šû) also occurs in J.A.D.D. 471, r. 3.

^{page 40 note 1} rab boni Deimel Š.L. 230/38 but the title rab bani ilani(ni) does not seem to be known elsewhere.

^{page 40 note 2} Written A-ḫar-ṭi-e-šu later in the text, cf. A.R.U. 37, 33Google Scholar for a name A-ḫar-ṭi-ši.

^{page 40 note 3} Ḫa-a-a, a known diety, cf. Deimel, , Pantheon, 961/45Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 4} tu-si-li-iš has been taken as III, 2 of elu, pret. 3 s.f. with 3rd s, pronom, suffix abbreviated; the feminine subject may be either Milki-Ḫaia or the amta.

^{page 40 note 5} e-taḫ-si has been taken as 1, 2 of aḫaia pret. 3 s.m. with pron. suffix ši, etaḫiz-ši = etaḫišše = etaḫisi = eta˘si.

^{page 40 note 6} iqqarab and iqqarabuni seem to be IV, 1 form, although BeZ. does not give this form. It has been taken in an active sense ‘to approach oneself to’ in an obscene way, which could be explained by the nature of the duties of some of the temple votaries.

^{page 40 note 7} This is the only possible reading of this sign, the top of which is broken but not the end. Nesū to be distant, absent, is suggested as a possible explanation of the form i-si-i = is-si-i = in-si-i, but the sense is not very satisfactory.

^{page 40 note 8} el seems the only possible reading of this sign, which is clearly written.

^{page 41 note 1} cf. J.A.D.D., 53, 57, 105Google Scholar; on the day which begins with the new crescent moon seen in the evening; the day beginning with sunset.

^{page 41 note 2} kibsi has been translated ‘footstool’ (R.A..VII, 158), perhaps this is a technical way of describing the temple treasury, like ‘the lap of the god’ ina burki.

^{page 41 note 3} This denomination seems to be unknown. Deimel, , S.L. 112/46Google Scholar gives sibu as a possible meaning for SI. It might therefore be a seventh of a shekel.

^{page 41 note 4} irabbi must be intended here, but the unusual writing is difficult to explain, tarbi the adjectival form is frequently used.

^{page 41 note 5} The meaning of this line is doubtful; one would expect TAḪ to be a verb, but eṣepu is not applicable, although ‘at the collecting of the grain’ might be expected. In 3rd Dyn. of Ur there was a month called (ITU) ŠE. TAḪ. ḪA Deimel, , Š.L. 376/10Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 6} Unless the title of this limmu is given it is generally impossible to know which limmu is intended. Lakipi, a well known name appears in contracts from the time of Kanunaia (672 or 666 B.C. cf. ND.2317), until the time of Dadi (in the reign of Šamaš-Šar-iškun).

^{page 42 note 1} ‘I shekel for his nail mark’ seems an odd phrase to use on a tablet bearing seal impressions only. These are too faint to recognise the design.

^{page 43 note 1} This title does not seem to be known.

^{page 43 note 2} (amel)ŠAM. cf. Wiseman, , Iraq, XV, Pt. 2, ND. 3426Google Scholar; seems to denote a profession or status. ‘a bought as opposed to a home born slave.’ Loc. cit., p. 160.

^{page 43 note 3} ilkakati perhaps for ilqaqati from laqatu, used of gathering or gleaning corn, cf. Wiseman, Alalakh Tablets, no. 236, 1, but ‘gleanings’ seems inappropriate on a receipt dated in Nov.-Dec. For the form cf. Von Soden, Grammatik, par. 55, r. subst. in the plural with reduplicated middle syllable.

^{page 43 note 4} Perhaps for Aqabi-ili, cf. Iraq, XV, Pt. 2, ND. 3435.

^{page 43 note 5} It will be seen from the text that this sign is confused by an erasure, but martu seems the only possible reading.

^{page 43 note 6} All the signs in this line are perfectly clear except šak, the head of the first vertical (or verticals) being broken and the upper of the first two horizontals not being clear. The interpretation of the line is obscure; it is possible but unlikely that the scribe made a mistake in writing the first sign and that it should be mar.

^{page 44 note 1} i-tas-aṣ the only possible verb seems to be naṣu 1, 2 in the sense of contemning or disgracing, Bez., 187.

^{page 44 note 2} GAL = rabū, must here stand for urabbi particularly used of bringing up children, in the sense of supporting them.

^{page 44 note 3} ina qata-šu lu-ba-i-u cf. J.A.D.D., 128, no. 619. 4 This sign is doubtful, the first vertical of ku cannot be seen.

^{page 44 note 5} putūḫu, cf. ND. 2335.

^{page 44 note 6} telit generally means ‘expenditure’ in Neo-Babylonian documents, cf. Moore, , Neo-Babylonian Documents, 309 n., 188, 6Google Scholar. Perhaps here ‘produce’.

^{page 44 note 7} Certainly RIM not KI.

^{page 44 note 8} An interesting dual of I, 1 pres. The final u is either a divider or is a wrong addition for the usual plural i-na-ši-u.

^{page 45 note 1} KAS. might represent ‘caravan’ in the sense of ‘caravan goods’, but it is quite likely that there is an omission of pu and we should read kas-pu.

^{page 45 note 2} pu-tu-ḫu ḫarrani, Subst. II, 2 form of paḫu; for the form cf. Von Soden, Grammatik, para. 56, o, no. 34.

^{page 45 note 3} For this phraseology cf. A.K.U. 237. eṭiru normally used in Neo-Babylonian Documents in the sense of ‘to pay’, but here some mutual action is described and ‘settle’ seems the best translation, cf. Ebeling, , Glossar zu den neubabylonische Briefen, 68Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 4} natabaqi = natbaqa, cf. Bez., 131 (a) A.R.U., 232, na-da-ba-ak-te?

^{page 45 note 5} pūtuḫu, this is probably the correct spelling as it gives the long quantity rightly.

^{page 46 note 1} ramu II, 2. urtame ‘changes pitch or dwelling”.

^{page 46 note 2} The first sign looks like BU but the sense requires ŠE ina. This provision may be included to circumvent some law such as C.H.113.

^{page 46 note 3} Possibly the same as Manzarme, šakin of Kullania (684 B.C.)

^{page 46 note 4} In J.A.D.D., 373, 1 homer, 2 sutu of land is sold for 10 shekelsGoogle Scholar.

^{page 46 note 5} ugalapa, galapu, to scrape off, used of shaving, but never elsewhere of an agricultural process. Sidney Smith suggests that there is another root kalabu which appears in the word kalabu, ‘an axe’, and in later Semitic languages survives in the Syriac word kulbo, ‘hand axe8, and kalubto, ‘a fork’. Further cleaning has shown that in ND. 3457 (Iraq, XV, Pt. 2) exactly the same phraseology is used e-ra-aš e-ṣi-id u-ga-lab e-li. In view of the writing of this tablet, e-ṣi-di on 2342 must be a verb and not a noun. For this writing with final i, cf. Von Soden, Grammatik, par. 82, e.

^{page 47 note 1} not iṣ as copied.