¹ Butler, William F. T., ‘The policy of surrender and regrant. I’ in Jn. Royal Soc. Antiq. Ire., sixth series, iii, no. 1 (Mar., 1913), pp 47–65Google Scholar; idem, ‘The policy of surrender and regrant. II’ in Jn. Royal Soc. Antiq. Ire., sixth series, iii, no. 2 (June, 1913), pp 99–128; idem, Gleanings from Irish history (Dublin, 1925); Bradshaw, Brendan, The Irish constitutional revolution of the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Brady, Ciaran, The chief governors: the rise and fall of reform government in Tudor Ireland, 1536–1588 (Cambridge, 1994)Google Scholar.

³ Numerous studies of the period have followed this interpretation. See, for example, Lyons, Mary Ann, Church and society in County Kildare, c. 1470–1547 (Dublin, 2000), pp 123–124Google Scholar. Similarly, Donal Moore has been willing to cast individuals who favoured coercion, such as Brabazon, as somehow exceptional by comparison with his contemporaries in government: Moore, Donal, ‘English action, Irish reaction’: the MacMurrough Kavanaghs, 1530–1630 (Maynooth, 1987), p. 6Google Scholar.

⁴ Bradshaw, , Irish constitutional revolution, pp 32–57Google Scholar. For an extensive critique of Bradshaw’s analysis of these papers, see Fitzsimons, Fiona, ‘Cardinal Wolsey, the native affinities and the failure of reform in Henrician Ireland’ in David Edwards (ed.), Regions and rulers in Ireland, 1100–1650: essays for Kenneth Nicholls (Dublin, 2004), pp 78–121Google Scholar, pp 80–7.

⁵ Brady, Chief governors, pp 1–44.

⁶ White, D. G., ‘The Tudor plantations in Ireland before 1571’ (Ph.D. thesis, 2 vols, Trinity College, Dublin, 1967), i, 70–112Google Scholar.

⁷ Maginn, Christopher, ‘Civilizing’ Gaelic Leinster: the extension of Tudor rule in the O’Byrne and O’Toole lordships (Dublin, 2005), pp 46–54Google Scholar. See also Montano, John, The roots of English colonialism in Ireland (Cambridge, 2011), pp 64–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ For the crown’s relationship with the septs of south Leinster and the eventual indentures arrived at by Richard II’s agents with MacMurrough and O’Byrne, see Curtis, Edmund, Richard II in Ireland, 1394–5, and submissions of the Irish chiefs (Oxford, 1927), pp 30–33Google Scholar, 165–73.

⁹ [Kite, John?], ‘The State of Ireland and Plan for its Reformation’, 1515, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 1, p. 25Google Scholar; David Beresford, ‘Kite, John’ in D.I.B. The ‘State’ was most possibly written by the archbishop of Armagh, John Kite, in consultation with political figures in the Pale. For the attribution of the text to Kite, see Fitzsimons, ‘Cardinal Wolsey’, p. 84, whom I have followed here.

¹⁰ Surrey, , ‘Surrey to King Henry VIII’, 30 June 1521, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 20Google Scholar.

¹¹ [Cowley, Robert?], ‘A discourse of the evil state of Ireland, and of the remedies thereof’, c.1526 (B.L., Lansdowne MS 159, ff 2–16)Google Scholar, calendared in L. & P. Hen. VIII, iv(ii), no. 2405. Fitzsimons, ‘Cardinal Wolsey’, p. 85, attributes the document to Cowley. Conversely, White, ‘Tudor Plantations in Ireland to 1571’, i, 48–54, attributes the document to Thomas Bathe, citing a letter by Robert Cowley, ‘Robert Cowley to Wolsey’, Sep. 1528, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 53. Brady, Chief governors, p. 249, has followed this attribution. However, it seems implausible. In the letter cited by White, Cowley notes, ‘One Bath, of Irland, hath made a boke to present to your Grace, feynyng it to bee for the reformacion of Irland. But the effect is, but to dryve the Kynge to the extremytie to sende home my Lord of Kildare with auctoritie’. A casual reading of the Lansdowne text reveals a strong anti-Geraldine bias and consequently the text cannot be that referred to by Cowley. More likely Cowley, a Butler partisan, composed the text in response to Bathe’s pro-Geraldine composition, which would now appear to be lost. Terry Clavin and Anthony M. McCormack, ‘Cowley, Robert’ in D.I.B.

¹² [Cowley, ?], ‘A discourse of the evil state of Ireland, and of the remedies thereof’ (B.L., Lansdowne MS 159, ff 10–11)Google Scholar.

¹³ The notion of a two-tier, suzerain-vassal relationship has been explored in Maginn, ‘Civilizing’ Gaelic Leinster, pp 5–46.

¹⁴ Ellis, Steven, Tudor Ireland: crown, community and the conflict of cultures 1470–1603 (London, 1985), p. 131Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Donovan, Brian C., ‘A community in transition: the royal liberty and the county of Wexford, 1536–1603’ (B.A. dissertation, Trinity College, Dublin, 1989), pp 35–40Google Scholar, examines absentee landownership in Wexford at the time.

¹⁶ Fitzgerald, James, ‘Sir James Fitzgerald to King Henry VIII’, 31 Aug. 1533, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 65Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Bradshaw, Brendan, The dissolution of the religious orders in Ireland under Henry VIII (Cambridge, 1974)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ For instance Grey, Alen and Ossory were among the grantees. See ibid., pp 66–77.

¹⁹ Fitzsimons, ‘Cardinal Wolsey’; Edwards, David, The Ormond lordship in County Kilkenny, 1515–1642 (Dublin, 2003), pp 150–163Google Scholar.

²⁰ Anthony M. McCormack, ‘Finglas, Patrick’ in D.I.B.; Terry Clavin and Anthony M. McCormack, ‘Cowley, Robert’ in D.I.B.; Terry Clavin, ‘Cowley, Walter’ in D.I.B.

²¹ See, for example, Clarke, Aidan, The Old English in Ireland, 1625–41 (London, 1966)Google Scholar.

²² Oxford English dictionary.

²³ Finglas, Patrick, ‘A breviat of the conquest of Ireland, and of the decaie of the same’, c.1535, printed in Christopher Maginn and Steven G. Ellis, The Tudor discovery of Ireland (Dublin, 2015), pp 69–79Google Scholar.

²⁴ Ibid., p. 77.

²⁵ Ibid., p. 78.

²⁶ Ibid.

²⁷ Terry Clavin, ‘Brabazon, Sir William’ in D.I.B.

²⁸ ‘William Brabazon to Cromwell’, 10 Sept. 1535, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 105, p. 279. For Brabazon’s second tract to this effect, not quoted here, see Brabazon, William, ‘The Treasurer of War in Ireland to Cromwell’, c.1535, Cal. Carew MSS, 1515–1574, no. 70Google Scholar. Also see, L. & P. Hen. VIII, ix, no. 332, which may also have been authored by Brabazon and which, despite not dealing explicitly with the issue of the lordships of south Leinster, recommended the settling of 300 men from the north of England in County Kildare and the appointment of an inquisition into the state of any religious houses which might be of benefit to the crown.

²⁹ Richard Hawkins, ‘Alen, Sir John’ in D.I.B.

³⁰ ‘John Alen to the King’, 6 Oct. 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 150, p. 374.

³¹ Ibid., pp 373–4.

³² Ibid.

³³ Ellis, Maginn and, The Tudor discovery of Ireland, pp. 77–79Google Scholar; ‘Robert Cowley to Cromwell’, June 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 129, pp 325–6. The severity of Cowley’s paper has been previously noted. See Brady, Ciaran, ‘The road to the View: on the decline of reform thought in Tudor Ireland’ in Patricia Coughlan (ed.), Spenser and Ireland: an interdisciplinary perspective (Cork, 1989), pp 25–45Google Scholar.

³⁴ ‘Cowley to Cromwell’, June 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 129, pp 326–8. See, also, an anonymous paper earmarking similar locations for the planting of garrisons, the author of which may well have been Cowley: ‘Lists of castles and garrisons’, 15 Nov. 1537 (T.N.A., P.R.O., SP 60/5/44).

³⁵ ‘Cowley to Cromwell’, June 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 129, p. 329; Edwards, David, ‘The escalation of violence in sixteenth-century Ireland’ in David Edwards, Pádraig Lenihan and Clodagh Tait (eds), Age of atrocity: violence and political conflict in early modern Ireland (Dublin, 2007), pp 34–78Google Scholar, esp. pp 61–2.

³⁶ Terry Clavin, ‘Cowley, Walter’ in D.I.B.

³⁷ ‘Walter Cowley to Cromwell’, 19 June 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 131, pp 332–3.

³⁸ ‘A memoriall, or a note, for the wynnyng of Leynster, too bee presented too the Kynges Majestie and His Graces most honorable Counsayle’, Feb. 1537, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 162.

³⁹ ‘Lord Deputy and council to Henry VIII’, 10 Feb. 1537, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 161, p. 408.

⁴⁰ Ibid., p. 409.

⁴¹ ‘A memoriall, or a note, for the wynnyng of Leynster, too bee presented too the Kynges Majestie and His Graces most honorable Counsayle’, Feb. 1537, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 162, pp 412–16.

⁴² ‘Lord Ossory, &c. to Crumwell’, 2 Feb. 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 113.

⁴³ ‘Indenture made 22nd January 1535, 28 Hen. VIII, between Lord Leonard Grey, Justiciary of Ireland, and Thadaeus O’Byrne, principal captain of his nation’, 22 Jan. 1536, Cal. Carew MSS, 1515–1574, no. 72; ‘Treaty of peace and final concord between Lord Leonard Grey, Deputy, and the Lord Charles McYncrosse Cavenagh, otherwise called McMurgho, principal captain of his nation’, 12 May 1536, ibid., no. 77; ‘Indenture made 14 July 1536, 28 Hen. VIII., between Lord Leonard Grey, Viscount Grane, Deputy, and Charles McMurgho, principal captain of his nation’, 14 July 1536, ibid., no. 82.

⁴⁴ ‘Lord Deputy and council to Henry VIII’, 26 June 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 133, p. 337.

⁴⁵ Ibid.

⁴⁶ ‘Walter Cowley to Robert Cowley’, 29 Apr. 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 123; ‘Thomas Alen to Cromwell’, 17 July 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 139.

⁴⁷ ‘Lord Deputy and council to Henry VIII’, 29 Oct. 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no.153.

⁴⁸ ‘Lord Deputy and council to Cromwell’, 23 Nov. 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 156, p. 392.

⁴⁹ ‘A memoriall, or a note, for the wynnyng of Leynster, too bee presented too the Kynges Majestie and His Graces most honorable counsayle’, Feb. 1537, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 162.

⁵⁰ ‘Henry VIII to the Lord Deputy and council’, 25 Feb. 1537, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 165, p. 423.

⁵¹ Montano, , Roots of English colonialism in Ireland, p. 100Google Scholar, curiously suggests that Henry accepted the advice proffered in the ‘Memoriall’, despite his having unequivocally rejected the council’s scheme.

⁵² See Fiants, Hen. VIII, no. 67, which granted Talbot a series of lands including Powerscourt and Fercullen; Maginn, ‘Civilising’ Gaelic Leinster, p. 53; ‘Robert Cowley to Cromwell’, July 1537, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 171, p. 446.

⁵³ ‘Thomas Luttrell to St. Leger’, c.1537, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 184, p. 506.

⁵⁴ Alen, John, ‘To the Honourable, by the auctorytye they use, Mr. Anthony Seintleger, George Poulet, Thomas Moyle, and William Berners, the Kinges Commyssioners in Ireland’, c. 1537, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 183, p. 498Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Brown occupied the post of seneschal of Wexford in 1521 at which time he appears to have been imprisoned for a space of three months by Ossory: Hore, Herbert J. and Graves, James (eds), The social state of the southern and eastern counties of Ireland in the sixteenth century (Dublin, 1870), p. 47Google Scholar. The presentment for the body of the shire taken by the 1537 commission features him as the first signatory. This document along with the presentment for the county was heavy with anti-Butler sentiment with numerous claims made against Ossory by Brown who states that in 1533 Ossory and his sons had robbed him, pp 45–7.

⁵⁶ The Wexford Devereuxs were related to the more well-known branch who became the earls of Essex late in the century. The residence of the family was Balmagir which Robert Devereux, second earl of Essex, visited in 1599. John Devereux held the constableship of the castle of Durbard’s Island in 1530 at which time Ossory had illegally attacked the castle (ibid., p. 39). He furthermore had acted as justiciary for the county at the beginning of Henry’s reign. The presentment for the county of Wexford taken in 1537 appears to have been heavily influenced by Devereux whose name appears as the first signatory and whose complaints are prominent (ibid., pp 39–45). In 1539 he was appointed chancellor of Wexford by St Leger and the other commissioners, however, John Alen blocked the appointment: John Devereux to Cromwell, 15 Aug. 1539 (T.N.A., P.R.O., SP 60/8/26). See also Donovan, ‘Community in transition’, p. 36, where Devereux is noted as being the foremost of the Old English landowners in the county.

⁵⁷ The Keatings were a prominent family in Wexford at the time with a number of Keatings conspicuous in the presentments of 1537, however, except for a mention of the fact that he had applied for a bull to Rome, Alexander’s name is absent from the documents: Hore, and Graves, (eds), Social state of the southern and eastern counties, p. 46Google Scholar. See also a letter he addressed to Cromwell complaining of measures for Wexford, Keating to Cromwell, Aug. 1537 (T.N.A., P.R.O., SP 60/5/5).

⁵⁸ White, ‘Tudor plantations in Ireland before 1571’, i, 105–6, has briefly surveyed this scheme. On the record of these families in the local administration of Wexford, see Quinn, D. B., ‘Anglo-Irish government, 1485–1534’ in I.H.S., i, no. 4 (Sept. 1939), pp 354–381Google Scholar, esp. pp 375–7.

⁵⁹ Walter Brown, of Mulrancan, John Devereux and Alexander Keating, of County Wexford, to Cromwell, 24 June 1537 (T.N.A., P.R.O., SP 60/4/27, f. 80r).

⁶⁰ For perhaps the best, though generally under-appreciated, account of the League, see Wilson, Philip, The beginnings of modern Ireland (Baltimore, 1913), pp 171–226Google Scholar; McCormack, Anthony M., The earldom of Desmond, 1463–1583: the decline and crisis of a feudal lordship (Dublin, 2005), pp 58–74Google Scholar.

⁶¹ ‘Devyses of your moste humble subjectes for reformation of Laynster, and for contynuance of the same’, 14 Nov. 1540, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 330.

⁶² Ibid., pp 272–3. This scheme was to a certain extent a resurrection of the Brotherhood of St George, which had been established for defence of the Pale either in 1473 or 1474. For instance, it was stated that the members would assemble each St George’s day at Ferns, while half of the pensioners, with the head, were to appear before the deputy and a host of government officials twice a year to make account of their activities: Good, Jonathan, The cult of St. George in medieval England (Woodbridge, 2009), p. 109Google Scholar.

⁶³ On the growth of the Butler clientage network at this time, see Edwards, Ormond lordship in County Kilkenny, pp 163–75.

⁶⁴ Emmett O’Byrne, ‘MacMurrough Kavanagh (MacMurchadha), Cathaoir’ in D.I.B.; ‘Devyses of your moste humble subjectes for reformation of Laynster, and for contynuance of the same’, 14 Nov. 1540, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 330, p. 275.

⁶⁵ The Kavanaghs named on both the council’s and the Butlers’ proposed board were Cahir McArt, Donal McCahir, Art McDonogh, Murghe McGarad and Creven.

⁶⁶ Ibid., p. 276.

⁶⁷ ‘Henry VIII to the Lord Deputy and council’, 1541, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 337, p. 293.

⁶⁸ Maginn, ‘Civilizing’ Gaelic Leinster, pp 65–76.

⁶⁹ Butler, ‘Policy of surrender and regrant I’; idem, ‘Policy of surrender and regrant II’; idem, Gleanings from Irish history; Maginn, Christopher, ‘“Surrender and regrant” in the historiography of sixteenth-century Ireland’ in Sixteenth Century Journal, xxxvii, no. 4 (winter, 2007), pp 955–974CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘The limitations of Tudor reform: the policy of “surrender and regrant” and the O’Rourkes’ in Breifne, xi, no. 43 (2007), pp 429–60; Brady, Chief governors, pp 25–44; Heffernan, David, ‘Tudor “reform” treatises and government policy in sixteenth-century Ireland’ (Ph.D. thesis, 2 vols, University College Cork, 2013), i, 72–85Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Bradshaw, Irish constitutional revolution.

⁷¹ There are only two extant policy papers that explicitly promoted the idea of ‘surrender and regrant’ and even one of these cannot be disassociated from attempts to reduce south Leinster, concerned as it was with the lordships of Carlow and Wicklow. See ‘Devises for the ordering of the Cavenaghes, the Byrnes, Tooles and OMayles for such lands as they shall have within the county of Carlow, and the marches of the same county, and also of the marches of the county of Dublin’, c.1537, Cal. Carew MSS, 1515–1574, no. 113; Cusack, Thomas, ‘Cusackes Devise to your most Noble and Honorable Wisdomes, concernyng soche yeftes, as the Kingis Majestie shall make to Irishmen of the landes and cuntreis which nowe they have, and to give them name of honor, and upon what conditions they should have the same, and ther requestes to have ther landes by yeft, as is aforsaide’, 1541, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 347, pp 326–330Google Scholar.

⁷² Bradshaw, Irish constitutional revolution, passim. On Finglas, Luttrell and others, see pp 32–57, 108–10. See, in particular, the description of Brabazon as ‘a species of minor demon’ (p. 261).

⁷³ Maginn, ‘Civilizing’ Gaelic Leinster, pp 59–62.

⁷⁴ ‘Sentleger, &c. to Crumwell’, 2 Jan. 1538, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 196, p. 536.

⁷⁵ Butler, ‘Policy of surrender and regrant I’; idem, ‘Policy of surrender and regrant II’; Maginn, ‘“Surrender and regrant”; idem, ‘Limitations of Tudor reform’; Brady, Chief governors, pp 25–44; Heffernan, ‘Tudor “reform” treatises and government policy’, i, 72–85.

⁷⁶ Maginn, Christopher, ‘A window on mid-Tudor Ireland: the “matters” against Lord Deputy St. Leger, 1547–8’ in Hist. Res., lxxviii, no. 202 (Nov. 2005), pp 465–482CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 482; Lord Deputy and council to the King, 16 Jan. 1544 (T.N.A., P.R.O., SP 60/11/32).

⁷⁷ ‘St Leger to Henry VIII’, 8 May 1542, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 365, pp 377–8.

⁷⁸ ‘Alen to Henry VIII’, 4 June 1542, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 369, p. 393.

⁷⁹ Ibid.

⁸⁰ ‘St Leger to the privy council of England’, 15 May 1543, S.P. Hen. VIII, no. 392, pp 461–2.

⁸¹ Most studies of late Henrician Ireland have consequently skipped over the last three to four years of the reign. For exceptions to this, see Peter Piveronus, ‘The life and career of Sir Anthony St. Leger of Ulcombe, Kent (1496–1559), Lord Deputy of Ireland: a biographical study in the evolution of early Tudor Anglo-Irish policy’ (Ph.D. thesis, Michigan State University, 1972), pp 106–38; White, ‘Tudor plantations in Ireland before 1571’, i, 155–94.

⁸² ‘Lord Deputy and council to the privy council in England’, 6 May 1545, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 414, p. 519.

⁸³ Fitzsimons, Fiona, ‘The lordship of O’Connor Faly, 1520–1570’ in William Nolan and Timothy O’Neill (eds), Offaly: history and society (Dublin, 1998), pp 207–242Google Scholar, esp. pp 251–78.

⁸⁴ Alen, John, ‘A note of the state of Ireland with a dyuise for the same’, c.1546, (T.N.A., P.R.O., SP 60/11/53, f. 158v)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Ibid.

⁸⁶ Ibid., f. 155r.

⁸⁷ Ibid., f. 156r.

⁸⁸ ‘Alen to Henry VIII’, 6 Oct. 1536, S.P. Hen. VIII, ii, no. 150, p. 374.

⁸⁹ ‘J. Alen’s charges against Sentleger’, c.1546, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 441; ‘Sentleger’s answer to J. Alen’s charges’, c.1546, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 446; ‘J. Alen’s answer to Sentleger’s charges’, c.1546, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 447.

⁹⁰ Bryson, Alan, ‘The Ormond–St Leger feud, 1544–6’ in I.H.S., xxxviii, no. 150 (Nov. 2012), pp 187–210Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Included in Alen’s charges was the accusation that St Leger had failed to reform Leinster and also a reiteration of his assertions concerning the untrustworthiness of Brian O’Connor Faly expressed in his ‘Note’. See Alen, John, ‘Certen notes on the State of Ireland’, 1546, S.P. Hen. VIII, no. 441, p. 564Google Scholar; ‘Alen to the privy council’, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii no. 446, pp 577–8.

⁹² ‘The Lord Justice and council of Ireland to the privy council in England’, 25 May 1546, S.P. Hen. VIII, iii, no. 444.

⁹³ Edwards, David, ‘Further comments on the strange death of the 9th earl of Ormond’ in Jn. But. Soc., iv, no. 1 (1997), pp 58–64Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Bryson, Alan, ‘Sir Anthony St Leger and the outbreak of the Midland Rebellion, 1547–8’ in Proc. Royal Ir. Acad., section C, cxiii (2013), pp 251–278Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ White, D. G., ‘The reign of Edward VI in Ireland: some political, social and economic aspects’ in I.H.S., xiv, no. 55 (1965), pp 197–211Google Scholar, at p. 199.

⁹⁶ For example, see Ellis, Tudor Ireland, pp 228–77, 314–20; Lennon, Colm, Sixteenth-century Ireland (Dublin, 1994), pp 164–175Google Scholar; Edwards, ‘Escalation of violence in sixteenth-century Ireland’; Maginn, ‘Civilizing’ Gaelic Leinster, pp 86–98; O’Byrne, Emmett, War, politics and the Irish of Leinster (Dublin, 2003), pp 173–186Google Scholar; Power, Gerald, A European frontier elite: the nobility of the English Pale in Tudor Ireland, 1496–1566 (Hannover, 2012), pp 113–144Google Scholar; Montano, Roots of English colonialism in Ireland, pp 117–22.

⁹⁷ Brabazon, William, ‘A note giuen to Mr Bellingham, the worthie generell anno primo E. 6th’, c.1547 (B.L., Lansdowne MS. 159, f. 31r)Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Ibid.

⁹⁹ Maginn, ‘A window on mid-Tudor Ireland’; White, ‘Reign of Edward VI in Ireland’, pp 201–2; Bryson, ‘Sir Anthony St Leger’, pp 267–72.

¹⁰⁰ For evidence of Alen’s involvement cf. no. 45 of the ‘Matters’ which addresses the reform of Leinster and O’Connor with a nearly identically worded point on the same issue in Alen, John, ‘A Note of the State of Ireland with a Dyuise for the same’, c.1546, (T.N.A., P.R.O., SP 60/11/53, f. 155r)Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ See in particular nos 28–48, 68–72, in Maginn, ‘A window on mid-Tudor Ireland’, pp 473–6.

¹⁰² Ibid., p. 482.

¹⁰³ White, ‘Reign of Edward VI in Ireland’, p. 203.

¹⁰⁴ ‘Offers of Gerald Aylmer, Sir John Travers, and others, for the inhabiting and cultivating of Leix, Irry, Slewmarge, and other possessions of the O’Mores’, c.1550 (T.N.A.: P.R.O., SP 61/2/69), printed in D. B. Quinn, ‘Edward Walshe’s ‘Conjectures’ concerning the state of Ireland’ in I.H.S., v, no. 20 (Sep., 1947), pp 303–22, at pp 321–2.

¹⁰⁵ See, for instance, Dunlop, Robert, ‘The Plantations of Leix and Offaly, 1556–1622’ in E.H.R., vi, no. 24 (Jan. 1891), pp 61–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 64.

¹⁰⁶ Bradshaw, Irish constitutional revolution, p. 31.

¹⁰⁷ For his comments on a draft version of this paper I wish to thank David Edwards of University College Cork.