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Reflections on Proportionality, Military Necessity and the Clausewitzian War
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 June 2012
Abstract
This article explores the significance of the reference, in proportionality analyses, to proper purpose and legitimate ends, given the traditional aversion of international humanitarian law (IHL) to questions of (political) legitimacy. It demonstrates the centrality of that aversion in doctrinal assertions concerning the goals, characteristics and operational strategy of IHL yet argues that, at its historical and conceptual foundations, the law draws on a construction of war that presupposes legitimacy of the political type. That construction remains embedded, though implicit, in contemporary proportionality analyses.
Thus, the instrumental understanding of war by Carl von Clausewitz poses several challenges to entrenched contemporary doctrinal claims about the law, how it operates and the effects it produces. This provides an impetus for critical reassessment of the aversion to politics and the interaction between the humanitarian, military and political spheres in the operation of IHL norms. Such critique helps to identify novel strategies of humanitarian protection in war outside the confines demarcated by orthodox doctrine.
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References
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22 ibid.
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26 St Petersburg Declaration (n 11).
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35 ibid 99: ‘Strictly speaking war is neither an art nor a science. … war … is part of man's social existence. War is a clash between major interests, which is resolved by bloodshed – that is the only way in which it differs from other conflicts. Rather than comparing it to art we could more accurately compare it to commerce, which is also a conflict of human interests and activities, and it is still closer to politics, which in turn may be considered as a kind of commerce on a larger scale. Politics, moreover, is the womb in which war develops’ (emphasis in the original).
36 ibid, 266, 526. Compare to Sassòli, Bouvier and Quintin (n 7) 93 note 15 (‘The state fighting in self-defense has only to weaken the military potential of the aggressor sufficiently to preserve its independence; the aggressor has only to weaken the military potential of the defender sufficiently to impose its political will; the governmental forces involved in a non-international armed conflict have only to overcome the armed rebellion and dissident fighters have only to overcome the control of the government of the country (or parts of it) they want to control’).
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40 In the Clausewitzian war, writes Peter Paret, ‘[t]he political purpose for which a war is fought should determine the means that are employed and the kind and degree of effort required. The political purpose should also determine the military objective’: Paret, ‘Clausewitz’ (n 33) 206–07; see Clausewitz, ibid 80–81. While the military purpose ‘is dependent on the political purpose’, it also depends on other factors: ibid 585–86. On the escalatory tendency of war, see, for example, ibid 589.
41 Clausewitz, ibid 585.
42 Paret, ‘Clausewitz’ (n 33) 207.
43 Clausewitz (n 33) 585–89; see also 77–78.
44 ibid 585–89.
45 ibid 585.
46 Paret, ‘Clausewitz’ (n 33) 199, 213.
47 Clausewitz (n 33) 75 (emphases in the original). For conflicting evaluations of Clausewitz's position on law in war see, eg, Green, LC, ‘Cicero and Clausewitz or Quincy Wright: The Interplay of Law and War’ (1998) 9 United States Airforce Academy Journal of Legal Studies 59Google Scholar; cf van Creveld, Martin, ‘The Clausewitzian Universe and the Law of War’ (1991) 26 Journal of Contemporary History 403CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
48 US War Department, Instructions for the Government of Armies of the United States in the Field, General Orders No. 100, 24 April 1863 (emphasis added). I explore the central role that the instrumentality of war plays in its restraint in the Lieber Code in Giladi, Rotem, ‘A Different Sense of Humanity: Occupation in Francis Lieber's Code’ (2012) International Review of the Red Cross (forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Though acknowledged as the first modern codification of the laws of war, and as a highly influential precedent of what was to follow, the Lieber Code and, in particular, the roots of the concept of humanity it enacts still await systematic uncovering. Otherwise, see Baxter, Richard R, ‘The First Modern Codification of the Law of War: Francis Lieber and General Orders No. 100’ (1963) 25 International Review of the Red Cross 171, 183Google Scholar; Carnahan, Burrus M, ‘Lincoln, Lieber and the Laws of War: The Origins and Limits of the Principle of Military Necessity’ (1998) 92 American Journal of International Law 213CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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52 US Department of the Army, Joint Publication 3-0: Joint Operations, February 2008, §1–68 (emphasis in the original).
53 ‘Termination design is driven in part by the nature of the conflict itself … The underlying causes of a particular conflict – cultural, religious, territorial, resources, or hegemonic – should influence the understanding of conditions necessary for joint operation termination and conflict resolution’; ibid §IV–7.
54 Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States, UNGA Res 36/103, UN Doc A/Res/36/103 (1981), 9 December 1981, Preamble.
55 Legitimisation obviates the need to inquire, in concrete cases, into the propriety of purpose: the legitimate purpose is the conduct of war per se. As long as a measure can be couched in terms of military necessity, and is not strictly unlawful ‘in accordance with the laws and customs of war’, the legitimacy of the end for which it is employed would remain presumed. Thus, IHL permits what may well amount to indefinite detention of civilians in occupied territories if the occupant considers it ‘necessary, for imperative reasons of security’. GC IV (n 5), art 78, presupposes, in other words, that the occupant may legitimately enforce its control over the territory it occupies, and that it occupies the territory for legitimate reasons. Military necessity is predominantly permissive, not restrictive. Charter norms make this presupposition unwarranted. IHL refrains from engaging questions of purpose; in doing so, in effect, it validates all purposes as proper.
56 Text accompanying n 14.
57 Discussed by Best (n 14) 14; but cf 120.
58 Text following n 40.
59 Pictet (n 18) 15.
60 Text following nn 30, 50.
61 I seek some answers to this question in Rotem Giladi, ‘Rites of Affirmation: Progress and Immanence in International Humanitarian Law Historiography’ (on file with the author).
62 GC IV (n 5), art 55.
63 Text to n 2.
64 Sassòli, Bouvier and Quintin (n 7) 114. See also Giladi (n 9).
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68 Sassòli, Bouvier and Quintin (n 7) 115 (‘from the humanitarian point of view, the victims of the conflict on both sides need and deserve the same protection’).
69 Greenwood (n 17) 227 (the purpose of humanitarian norms, rather than to confer benefits onto parties to a conflict, is ‘to protect individuals and to give expression to concepts of international public policy’).
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