1 Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: The Transoceanic Trade, 56–57.Google Scholar

2 See the essays collected in Brouwer, Al-Mukhâ: The Transoceanic Trade, and the studies “Supply of Minerals”, “Called Paijtaght”, “Sweet-Scented Shipments”, and “Cabessa” written by the same historian.

3 See Brouwer, , “Hazardous Item”.Google Scholar

4 Hartwich, , Menschlichen GenussmittelGoogle Scholar; Davenport-Hines, Pursuit of Oblivion; Scott, White Poppy; Duco, Opium; Bertholet, Opium.

5 For the “monographic studies, all periods” referred to here consult Brouwer, Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 62–68Google Scholar. One should add the same researcher's contributions “Cabessa” and “Sweet-Scented Shipments” (with the titles mentioned there, col. 64, n. 4).

6 Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 216.Google Scholar

7 Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: The Transoceanic Trade, 49, 50 and 51Google Scholar (opium classed among the drugs), 54–55, and 40, respectively.

8 Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: The Transoceanic Trade, 335.Google Scholar

9 Brouwer, , “Sweet-Scented Shipments”Google Scholar, cols. 80 and 76, respectively.

10 For these “hidden” studies about Southern Arabia drawing attention to al-Mukhâ in the years 1607–35, see Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 70–73Google Scholar (an Arabic translation has recently appeared of Playfair's History of Arabia Felix mentioned there: Blâyfîr, Târîkh al-‘Arabiyya al-Sa'îda). In id., “Sweet-Scented Shipments”, col. 65, sub n. 8, additional titles are listed. Relevant publications also include Nassar, “Early Journey to Aden”; al-Bitrîq, Min târîkh al-Yaman; ‘Arâsî, “Awdâ'”; al-'Amrî, Târîkh al-Yaman al-hadîth and “Yaman wa-duwal al-ittihâd al-ûrûbî”; Al-Amri, “Yemen Relations with the Kingdom” and “Yemen Relations with European Countries”; al-Sâlimî, Muhâwalat tawhîd al-Yaman; and Gopal, “Competition”. Studies on Yemeni coffee: Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: The Transoceanic Trade, 31–57Google Scholar, chap. 1, “Coffee” (with the publications examined on 35–37; cf. also n. 13); to be supplemented by the titles listed in id., “Supply of Minerals”, 42 (sub n. 3), Al-Mukhâ: The Transoceanic Trade, 64Google Scholar (sub n. 8), and “Sweet-Scented Shipments”, col. 65 (sub n. 8); one should add, moreover, Tuchscherer, “Coffee”, and Al-Amri, “Siege”.

11 The catalogue was not published until 1999, in Brouwer, , “United East India Company (VOC)”Google Scholar; see 274, sub XIII–6, i; cp. the “Introduction”, 229Google Scholar, on alcoholism among the Company's a)-Mukhâ-based employees.

12 Tuchscherer, , “Épices”, 96, 95.Google Scholar

13 Al-‘Amrî, “Yaman wa-duwal al-ittihâd al-ûrûbî”, 13.

14 These “hidden” studies of a wider scope, in which al-Mukhâ during the period 1607–35 is discussed, are enumerated in Brouwer, Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 73–81Google Scholar. References to supple mentary literature can be found in id., “Sweet-Scented Shipments”, col. 66 (n. 13). Schlicht, “Interkontinentale Beziehungen”, deserves to be mentioned as well. Internationally oriented coffee studies are among the publications listed above in n. 10.

15 The so-called “First Ottoman Period” in Yemeni history, 1538–1635/36, is thoroughly described in Sâlim, Al-fath al-‘Uthmânî; short surveys can be found in Ahmad, “Marâhil”, and Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 106–11Google Scholar (with numerous references, to be supplemented by al-Faysalî, Târîkh); useful tables chronologically arranged have been drawn up by Tuchscherer, , “Chronologic”, and Klaric, “Chronologie”, 29–32Google Scholar. There is no separate monograph on the later Beglerbegis; apart from the relevant lemmata in the El ², one may consult the biographies collect ed in Wüstenfeld, “Jemen”, 43–56, which have been derived from al-Muhibbî's Khulâsat al-athar. Special attention is paid to the early Qâsimids in al-Maddâh, ‘Uthmâniyyûn (heavily based on Sâlim), al-Bassâm, Al-imâm […] Muhammad, and al-Ghâlibî, Al-imâm […] Ismâ'îl. Al-Hiyed, Relations, and al-Sâlimî, Muhâwalat tawhîd al-Yaman, abound in information on the (early) post-Ottoman period.

16 Gaastra's Dutch East India Company (a translation of his Geschiedenis van de VOC) is considered the handiest key to opening up the vast domain of VOC studies. The Company's documents and logs touching on Yemeni history are discussed in, inter alia, Brouwer, “Dutch Archival Sources”, “Expedition to Yemen”, 58–70Google Scholar, “Rediscovered”, “Stockless Anchor”, 154–60Google Scholar in particular, and Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 91–98Google Scholar; its activities in Southern Arabia in id., Cauwa, Dutch-Yemeni Encounters, and the essays on various trade products mentioned above in n. 2. As far as the opium commerce of the VOC is concerned, extensive in time and space, this has been studied by several researchers: Baud, “Proeve”, 85–160, with apps. 2–4, supplemented by Van Dijk, “Bijvoegsels”; Vanvugt, Wettig opium, 32–126Google Scholar (popularising, mainly reiving on Baud); Om Prakash, Dutch East India Company, 57–58, 145–56Google Scholar, index, and “Opium monopoly”, 83–87Google Scholar; Van Galen, , Opium, 8–9, 26–27, 34–54, 75–78Google Scholar; Wennekes, , Gouden handel, esp. 204–205Google Scholar; Jacobs, , Koopman, 100–104Google Scholar; and Gaastra, , “Amfioen Sociëteit”Google Scholar. Wiselius, Opium, in spite of its title, deals mainly with 19th-century opium production in British India. Unfor tunately, the unpublished MA thesis by Mens (Amphioen Sociëteit) could not be consult ed.

17 Qur'ân, sûra 5:90–92Google Scholar. See, by way of intro duction, El ², vol. 4 (1978), 995–98, s.v. “amr”, 1, “Juridical aspects” (A.J. Wensinck), and 2, “As a product” (J. Sadan), with many references; and Juynboll, Handleiding, 172–73Google Scholar. Cf. Saraçgil, “Generi”. Wine in Yemen: Serjeant, “Market”, 171, sub “Articles prohibited from human consumption”; and Grohmann, Südarabien, vol. 1, 234–38Google Scholar, sub a, “Weinstock”.

18 Thus, al-Kânî praises the Beglerbegi Fadl Allâh Bâshâ (r. 1622–24) for being a pious ruler, the more so as he combated the evil of alcohol abuse (Kitâb bughyat al-khâtir, 202r). Yahyâ b. al-Husayn, who agrees with al-Kânî in this matter, paints Fadlî's successor, Haydar Bâshâ (r. 1624–29), as a wicked alcoholic (Ghâyat al-amânî, vol. 2, 818 and 819Google Scholar, respectively). Cf. Brouwer, , “Willem de Milde”, 144.Google Scholar

19 4, 89v (arrack ende ander liffelijkcke wateren); A, vol. 1, 35 (groote mennichte).

20 Jacht or “yacht”: square-rigged three-master of small dimensions, lightly armed and manned, with a volume amounting to 150 lasts (about 300 tons) at most, often used for reconnaissance voyages.; see Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, esp. 306Google Scholar (with n. 75).

21 Ta'izz: A, vol. 1, 89 (Taijesse; grooten inlandtssen handel). Zurâja: A, vol. 1, 91 (Serasia; nieuwen; vruchten van de landen); H, 58Google Scholar (schoonen rooden Wijn hier te lande gheparst). Sana'a / al-Rawda: A, vol. 1, 94 (hooff; secretaris; basja; schoone delicate roode wijn), 97 (roose; deftighe maltijdt; veel druijven), 99; H, 60. Al-Mukhâ: A, vol. 1, 106 (veel; starcke waateren te distilleren). Possibly, Grohmann's information (El ¹, vol. 3 (1936), 632, i.v. “Moa”) is relevant in this context: at the turn of the twentieth century, al-Mukhâ knew, though on a small scale, industrial spirits production, run by Jews, exclusively to supply the local market. Van Donzel, too, mentions date wine and spirits, prepared by Jews and sold to European seamen, on the basis of Viscount Valentia's observations on the spot in 1801 (El ², vol. 7 (1993), 515, i.v. “Al-Muâ”).

22 232, 257 (arack; niet te krijgen is).

23 259, 830–31 (830: laschaers; 831: bouratcha; arack ofte wijn). For laskars see Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 313.Google Scholar

24 453, 264 (Jubelle).

25 R, vol. 2, 42–43 (42: Scisser; 43: Cauwa-Hauser).

26 See Brouwer, , “Called Paijtaght”Google Scholar, for instance, 16, 17, and 27 (English text).

27 For population strata and religions adhered to in al-Mukhâ see Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 201–206 and 227–31Google Scholar, respectively.

28 This interpretation deviates from the impres sion of things sketched in Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 216 and 219Google Scholar, implying distilled drinks were found only within Jewish circles. Incidentally, Baldry (“English East India Company's Settlement”, 18, 19–20Google Scholar) draws interesting observations from English records dating from the early decades of the eigh teenth century concerning supply and consumption of wine and beer by staff members of the English and Dutch factories in al-Mukhâ. It turns out that drunkenness was no rarity at all amongst them. The Dutch even went so far that they sold, from their “punch-house”, alcoholic drinks to the Yemenis…

29 The standard work of reference on qât is Schopen, Qât (historical survey: 45–62); Rodinson, “Esquisse”, Weir, Qat, and Kennedy, Flower of Paradise, may be consulted with success as well. Other important publications include Qât; Chelhod, “Qât”; Serjeant, “Market”, 171–75, sub “Qât”; al-Hibshî, Thalâth rasâ'il; and al-Mu'allimî, Qât. Cf. Grohmann, , Südarabien, vol. 1, 253–56Google Scholar, sub c, “Qât”. See, for a general introduction, El ², vol. 4 (1978), 741, s.v. “Qât” (J.J. Hess).

30 Opium in Yemen: Schopen, , Traditionelle Heilmittel, 49–50Google Scholar, s.v. “khishkhâs”; Sha'bân ibn Salîm, Natâ'ij al-fikar, 76 (vss. 1131–45), 185–86, 321–23 (K1131–44); in Grohmann, Südarabien, the product is not mentioned at all. Opium in a wider context: apart from the publications indicated above in n. 4, El ², vol. 1 (1960) 243, s.v. “Afyûn” (C.E. Dubler); and Yule & Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, 640–2Google Scholar, s.v. “Opium”. For opium in Safavid Persia—with which Yemen maintained warm trade relations—see Matthee, , Pursuit of Pleasure, 97–116.Google Scholar

31 Affioen: A, vol. 1, 27Google Scholar. Anfioen: for instance, 56, 206r. Anfion: A, vol. 1, 89Google Scholar, etc. Amphioen: inter alia, 245a, 393vGoogle Scholar; 613, 1495. Amphion: for example, 479, 23r. Amphioen (amphion) alias (ofte) opium: 453, 264Google Scholar; 457, 196v; 665, 165. Merely orthographic variants include Amfioen (H, 37) and amfion (61, 97v).

32 A, vol. 1, 27 (Misigit Siasaellem; Echamhar; valt); 4, 87r (Misigidt Crasalem, no doubt to be read as “Siasalem”); A, vol. 2, 245 (Misigit Bamsar; gemackt; Champhar). Concerning Van den Broecke's expeditions to Yemen in 1614 and 1620, consult Brouwer, , Cauwa, 21–24 and 35–36Google Scholar, respectively; on the latter voyage, moreover, id., “Expedition to Yemen” (in which, 56, n. 21, the identification of M. Siasaellem and M. Bamsar is discussed).

33 705, 167r (van Aden off Arabia). Details on Wurffbeen's voyage are found in Brouwer, , Cauwa, 60–63.Google Scholar

34 A, vol. 1, 44–45 (44: Haddermuijt; 45: groote cantitijdt).

35 A, vol. 1, 89 (grooten inlandtssen handel; Taijesse), 99 (de groote stadt; Gibbelenne; gemackt). Van den Broecke's South Arabian expedition in 1616 is described in Brouwer, Cauwa, 24–32, and id., “Under the Watchful Eye”.

36 453, 264 (Jubbelle; de vrugtbaerste plaetse van 't geheele lant; in grooten ouervloet); 457, 196v (van J[a]bbe). Both the city description of al-Mukha (453) and the price list (457) may have been drawn up by De Milde himself or his assistant Isaack Sallaert.

37 56, 206r (van Arrabiën; van Roema).

38 705, 167r (Hindustantse van Mirtha; amphioen d'Misser).

39 706, 155v (weijnich exquijs goet); 708, 598v (geen goede).

40 705, 167r (valt beter; is soo goet niet van deught).

41 56, 206r (the price of Turkish opium is given there, erroneously, per ûqiyya).

42 A, vol. 1, 27 (den besten affioen van Arabia Felickx), 99 (den besten anfioen van heel Jemen); A, vol. 2, 245 (den besten amfion van geheel Arabia); 453, 264 (den besten amphioen). The phrase sijnde den besten van geheel Orijenten, uut Egipten ende Arabija Felix, used by Johan Carstensz in 665, 165, is read here as a qualification not of opium and roosemala together, but of the latter product only; cf. Brouwer, “Sweet-Scented Shipments”, col. 81, sub 6, “Rassemale”.

43 4, 87r (alderhanden drogerijen als anfioen ende meer dirgelijcke dingen); 613, 1495 (andere droogen); 695, 1250–51 (1250: droogen); 705, 167r (diverse droguen, soo medicinale als andere; continuele indispositie; winckeliers).

44 665, 174 (Mooren; uut de hant eeten).

45 Bhaar: 457, 196v; see below, n. 69. Lb.: 245a, 393v; 708, 598v; etc.

46 Packen: 245a, 393v (1,187 Dutch pounds, divided by 6); 479, 23r. Packjiens: 271, 394r (380 pounds, divided by 18). Pacxkens: 275, 396r. Casse: 5, 336.

47 Wockia: 56, 206r; etc. Frasle: 698, 1314. Ratel: 705, 167r.

48 In 705, 167r, in a passage devoted to the opium commerce during the season of 1640, Wurffbeen equates the ratl with the Dutch pound, and 100 ûqiyya with 6⅔ ratls; these deviating values are not adhered to in the present study.

49 Reals of eight: for example, 56, 206r. Guldens: 271, 394r, etc.

50 H, 37 (Arabia in 't roode Meyr); A, vol. 1, 18 (die vijet Arabia Felickx; veel anflon; mangellen).

51 For the present “Gulf of Aden” as an integral part of the Red Sea (het Roode Meer, or simply net meer, that is, “the sea”) in the early sqeventeenth century (1614), see, for instance, A, vol. 1, 25, 26, 34, 49, and H, 45. Hence, Van den Broecke, with the Nassau in the roads of Aden on 31 August 1614, could not refrain from remarking that the northwesterly gale showered a “rain of big, red sand” on the yacht's deck (A, vol. 1, 29 (my italics); cf. H, 40)! For a contemporary manuscript map including the main ports on the South Arabian coast see pl. 1.

52 A, vol. 1, 49 (Catsinj; Conninck; Saidi Bonsaidi; quantitijdt van anfion).

53 A, vol. 1, 27 (met groote menichte […] overal vervoerdt); cf. A, vol. 2, 245, sub 19 August 1620: Khanfari opium is overal vervoerdt (“transported everywhere”).

54 A, vol. 1, 33 (gouvr.); 4, 89r (Soltani).

55 A, 90v (Cihiri), 91r; 17, 83v.

56 5, 336.

57 A, vol. 1, 106 (de principalste ende defticht coopstadt van geheel Jammen).

58 33, 168v (Moca; gefameert voor een plaets van grooten proffijt[en?]); droogen).

59 56, 206r (Arrabiën; Roema); 61, 97v. Particulars on the Nassau expedition in Brouwer, Cauwa, 24–32, and id., “Under the Watchful Eye”. Cf. id., Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 408, DM1.

60 245a, 393v; 271, 394r; 275, 396r; 479, 23r, 24v. Regarding the violent actions of the Samson and the Weesp see Brouwer, , Cauwa, 37–38Google Scholar, and id., “Willem de Milde”, 107–11 (letters of safe-conduct: 108, 109). For a reproduction of 271, 394r, see pi. 2. Cf. Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 408–409Google Scholar, DM3, and id., “Non-Western Shipping Movements”, pt. 1, 140–43, M102–M104, M117–M118, and M106, respectively. Schip or “ship”: two-decked, square-rigged, flat-sterned three-master, with large armament and crew, with a carrying capacity of 500 lasts (about 1,000 tons) at most; see Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 306Google Scholar (with n. 75).

61 457, 196v (inlandtse goederen). As mentioned before, the author may also have been the junior merchant Isaack Sallaert, appoint ed as De Milde's deputy.

62 665, 165 (de principaelste negotie of uutleveringe). On Carstensz's fleet see Brouwer, , Cauwa, 46–48Google Scholar. Cf. id., Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 409–10Google Scholar, DM7.

63 673, 1495 (cleijne partijckens; monsters ende prouuen). Grijph's expedition is dealt with in Brouwer, , Cauwa, 48–50Google Scholar. Cf. id., Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 410Google Scholar, DM8.

64 Pietersen: 695, 1250–51 (1250: deese inlantse). Van den Broecke: 698, 1314. Rarob mission: Brouwer, , Cauwa, 56–60Google Scholar. Cf. id., Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 410Google Scholar, DM9. Fluit or “flute”: two-decked, square-rigged three-master with rounded stern, lightly armed and manned, the lastage of which amounted to 200 at most (about 400 tons), used for cargo transport in particular; see ibid., 306 (with n. 75), and the publications mentioned in id. “Cabessa”, col. 20, sub n. 21.

65 700c, 359v. Cf. Brouwer, Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 388, AM25.

66 705, 166v–167r. Lot not purchased: 706, 155v (exquijs goet); 708, 598v. Details on Wurffbeen's Arabia voyage in Brouwer, , Cauwa, 60–63Google Scholar. Cf. id., Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 410Google Scholar, DM10.

67 61, 97v (eenich).

68 Samson booty: 245a, 393v; 479, 23r (eenige), 24v (total booty: 1,800 pounds); Weesp booty: 271, 394r; 275, 396r.

69 457, 196v. Erroneously, the unity of weight is not mentioned, but the quantities of the surrounding items—fuwwa, coffee beans and elephant tusks—are defined in bahârs.

70 613, 1495 (cleijne partijckens).

71 700c, 359v (weijnich).

72 706, 155v (weijnich); 708, 598v.

73 56, 206r. The price for opium from Roema (Turkey) is mistakenly given per ûqiyya (de wockia) instead of per 100 ûqiyyas (de 100 wockia).

74 245a, 393v; 271, 394r (here, erroneously, 't pack—“per pack”—instead of 't lb.—“per pound”); 275, 396r. In 479, 24v, the looted opium remains “untaxed” (ongetaxeert).

75 457, 196v.

76 698, 1314.

77 705, 167r. The author, Wurffbeen, mistakenly equates 1 “light” ratl with 1 Dutch pound, and 100 “light” ûqiyyas with 6⅔ artâl (cf. above, sub n. 48); the prices communicated here are read as prices per ratl of 1¼ pounds and per 100 ûqiyyas of over 7 artâl.

78 656, 144v (goede goude ducaeten; quartieren).

79 56, 205r (samboeken; cabier Mochas; waechgelt; alfanding; poortgelt); 453, 265 (forde). According to 453, the transport wages from weighhouse to storehouse amounted to 1 kabîr per collo only. In a future essay the weighing costs and import duties will be examined further. Sanbûq: Arab sailing vessel of small size and draught, used within the harbour for the transport of goods, passengers and messages; cf. Brouwer, , Al-Mukhâ: Profile, 278–81.Google Scholar