¹ Much of the work so far published on Angola in the nineteenth century has consisted of historical overviews, most recently the valuable outline provided by Wheeler, Douglas L. in Wheeler, D. L. and Pelissier, René, Angola (London, 1972)Google Scholar. More recent analyses in depth have mostly focused on African societies on the periphery of Portuguese colonial rule. See, for example, Miller, J. C., ‘Slaves, Slavers and Social Change in Nineteenth Century Kasanje’, in Social Change in Angola, ed. Heimer, Franz-Wilhelm (München, 1973) 10–26Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, W. G. and Moorsom, R., ‘Underdevelopment and Class Formation in Ovamboland 1854–1915’, J. Afr. Hist., xvi, 4 (1975), 365–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² This paper is based largely on research carried out in the Arquivo Histórico de Angola (AHA) in Luanda during 1974. The manuscripts in the AHA relating to nineteenth-century Angola are divided into two principal categories: códices, or copy-books of official correspondence and orders relating to all levels of the colonial administration; and avulsos, consisting of several thousand bundles (maços) of unbound original correspondence, petitions and orders, classified by district. A detailed description of the manuscript collections in Luanda has recently been provided by Miller, Joseph C., ‘The Archives of Luanda, Angola,’, Int. J. Afr. Hist. St., vii (1974), 551–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ See, for example, Clarence-Smith, and Moorsom, , ‘Underdevelopment and Class Formation’, 365–81Google Scholar. The activity of Umbundu entrepreneurs in the rubber trade in Angola is touched on by Wheeler, Douglas L. and Christenson, Diane in ‘To Rise with One Mind: The Bailundu War of 1902’, in Social Change in Angola, 55–9.Google Scholar

⁴ See, for example, Ranger, T. O., ‘African Reactions to the Imposition of Colonial Rule in East and Central Africa’, in Colonialism in Africa 1870–1960, 1, The History and Politics of Colonialism 1870–1914, ed. Gann, L. H. and Duignan, Peter (Cambridge, 1969), 293–321.Google Scholar

⁵ See particularly, for example, recent work on the prazeros of the Zambesi region: Newitt, M. D. D., Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Isaacman, Allen F., Mozambique. The Africanization of an Institution: The Zambezi Prazos 1750–1902 (Madison, 1972).Google Scholar

⁶ In the nineteenth century the concelho of Cambambe (see map) included twenty-nine sobados within its jurisdiction, lying between the rivers Lukala and Kwanza.

⁷ Information about this dispersal of population comes from the letters and relatórios of colonial officials and sobas scattered through the avulsos and códices of the AHA. Colonial administrators themselves admitted the impossibility of arriving at an exact statistical knowledge of the black population of the interior and no reliable estimate exists for the concelho of Cambambe at any moment in the nineteenth century. See particularly, AHA, códice 5–6–3, oflcio no. 606, José Vieira da Silva, administrator of Cambambe, to the governor-general, 11 Aug. 1884.

⁸ See, for example, AHA, códice (G (5) 3–33, relatório of the governor-general, c. 1868, f. 51. This relatério is wrongly dated 1840 in the catalogue of the AHA.

⁹ The separate district of Cazengo, including about thirty sobados to the north of the Lukala, was created between 1840 and 1845. It became a concelho in 1857: see Milheiros, Mário, Indice Histórico-Corográfico de Angola (Luanda, 1972), 91.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See AHA, códice G (5) 3–33, relatório, fo. 28.

¹¹ Two important sobas, Kakulu Kamuinsa and Hoka, each possessed coffee plantations in the concelho by the 1860s. A petition of soba Hoka, in 1884, recounts that his father had cleared the land and cultivated it from 1852 onwards, acquiring a concession from the colonial government in 1855: see O Pharoldo Povo, no. 71, 18 June 1884; similar examples are cited in no. 29, 8 Sept. 1883. According to information given to Henrique de Carvalho in 1884 there were 200 coffee plantations by African farmers in Cazengo in 1874: see Dias de Carvalho, H. A., Descripção da Viagem a Muatia¸nvua (Lisboa, 1890), 1, 122.Google Scholar

¹² In the 1860s there were three important coffee plantations owned by Europeans: Colónia and Palmira, situated in or near the sobado of Ndala Tando, between Golungo Alto and Ambaca; and Prototipo, which lay near the sobado of Kakulu Kamuinsa on the north bank of the Lukala. They are described in the governor-general's relatdrio of c. 1868 and an account of their development up to 1884 is given in Carvalho, , Viagem, I, 120–4.Google Scholar

¹³ The owner of the first successful coffee plantation in Cazengo, a Brazilian immigrant called João Guilherme Pereira Barboza, later told how, on his arrival from Brazil in the 1830s, he went to Dondo to buy twenty-five slaves with which to begin the plantation: see Boletim Official de Angola, no. 8, 1 Nov. 1845.

¹⁴ The importance of the coffee boom in Dondo's prosperity was emphasized in an editorial article published in O Mercantil, no. 55, 20 July 1871. The construction of a new road between Dondo and Caculo, the administrative centre of Cazengo, was begun in 1877.

¹⁵ This estimate is taken from the census lists (recenteamentos) of citizens eligible to vote for deputies to represent Angola in the Cortes Gerais in Lisbon between 1875 and 1886, found in the AHA, avulsos, maços 23–1–1, 23–1–3, 23–1–4, 23–2–1, 23–6–3, 23–9–4. In 1899 a total of 51 firms were listed in Dondo: see AHA, avulsos, maço 16–0–4. According to Carvalho the number of Luanda firms represented in Dondo declined with the increase in its economic importance and the consequent growth of independent establishments: see Carvalho, , Viagem, 1, 102.Google Scholar

¹⁶ In 1883 the manager of a leading European firm in Dondo stressed the almost complete dependence of Dondo's trade at this date on the availability of Bailundu carregadores: see AHA, avulsos, maço 23–8–1, petition of Sousa Lara e Cia to the chefe of Cambambe, 20 Apr. 1883.

¹⁷ See AHA, códice G (s)-3–33, relatdrio. Descriptions of the trading caravans entering Dondo and estimates of numbers of traders can be found, for example, in Monteiro, J. J., Angola and the River Congo (London, 1875, reprinted 1968), II, 131, 146Google Scholar; Carvalho, , Viagem, 1, 102–104Google Scholar; Pinto, F- A., Angola e Congo (Lisboa, 1888), 149.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Dondo's growing prosperity was celebrated particularly in O Mercantil, no. 55, 20 July 1871.

¹⁹ This was observed, for example, by Monteiro, , Angola and the River Congo, ii, 87–8.Google Scholar

²⁰ For example, soba Kilonga Kiahungu, whose sobado included Dondo itself, seems to have been regarded more as a trader than as a farmer by contemporaries: see AHA, avulsos, recenseamento of citizens in the concelho of Cambambe, 1873–86.

²¹ At least three sobas in the concelho of Cambambe operated ferry services across the Lukala and Kwanza rivers with the knowledge of the government: Kabuku Kambilo and Mubanga a Tutu, on the Lukala; and Kisuba Kiaketa, on the Kwanza: see AHA, avulsos, Cambambe, passim.

²² See AHA, avulsos, Cambambe, passim.Google Scholar

²³ The origins of most of the Europeans who settled in the concelhos of Cambambe and Cazengo in these years are hard to discover. Nor is it easy to get more than a general impression of the size of the European communities in this area, since race and colour are rarely indicated in official Portuguese documents and the numbers probably fluctuated according to trading conditions. Before 1850 barely 40 Europeans were counted as resident in the prezidios of Cambambe and Massangano, which then included Cazengo: see Lopes, J. J. de Lima, Ensaios Sobre a Statistica das Possesso¸es Portuguezes…. (1846)Google Scholar, in, 4-A, Fig. 1. Twenty years later their numbers certainly did not exceed 300. In 1876 there were calculated to be 161 Europeans in Cazengo: AHA, avulsos, maço 18–1–5, statistical map of population in the concelho. Recenseamentos in Cambambe in the 1870s and 1880s suggest that there were between 50 and 100 Europeans in Dondo, depending on the state of trade.

²⁴ Several centuries of miscegenation had produced a significant mestiço population along the Kwanza and Lukala. In the 1870s so-called ‘civilized’, Africans, assimilated in varying degrees to Portuguese culture, permeated every level of society and politics in this region, exercising a wide influence not just as traders but as lawyers and colonial officials. See, for example, Wheeler, and Pelissier, , Angola, 93–8.Google Scholar

²⁵ Pinto, F. A., in Angola e Congo, 393–4Google Scholar, contrasted this mistrust with the confidence which prevailed in relations between Africans and Europeans further north, near Ambriz.

²⁶ See, for example, Pachai, Bridglal, ‘Land Policies in Malawi’, J. Afr. Hist., xiv, 4 (1973), 681–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Slater, Henry, ‘Land, Labour and Capital in Natal: The Natal Land and Colonisation Company 1860–1948’, J. Afr. Hist., xvi, 2 (1975), 275–83.Google Scholar

²⁷ See Pinto, , Angola e Congo, 48.Google Scholar

²⁸ This was later cited as one of the chief causes of the revolt of the Ndembu against the Portuguese in 1872: see O Pharol do Povo, nos. 9, 11, 19, 23, 7 Apr.-27 July 1883.

²⁹ See Angolana (Documentação Sobre Angola), I (1783–1883), ed. António Fernandes de Oliveira, Mário (Lisboa, 1968), 188.Google Scholar

³⁰ See, for example, a letter of the makota of soba Ndumbu a Pepu to the governor-general, Mar. 1876, a copy of which was published in O Cruzeiro do Sul, no. 223, which stated that ‘… the uses and customs of the sobado Dumbo Apepo, handed down and preserved since remotest antiquity, give to the maçotas the right of electing the soba from among the relatives of the deceased ruler…’. Political attitudes among the western Mbundu regarding the holding of political power by females seem to have differed from those of eastern Mbundu tribes, at least by the nineteenth century. In the ccmcelho of Cambambe by 1870 the election of women as sobas was a fairly common practice in a number of sobados: compare, for example, Miller, J. C., ‘Nzinga of Matamba in a New Perspective’, J. Afr. Hist., xvi, 2 (1978), 201–16.Google Scholar

³¹ Evidence from Portuguese sources in the AHA, and particularly the case of Kabuku Kambilo discussed below, suggests that the employment of political stratagems based on ‘manipulations’, of kinship also played an important part in the maintenance or extension of power of sobas in this region.

³² Evidence for this comes from the avulsos and códices relating to the concelho of Cambambe in the AHA, particularly between 1876 and 1886.

³³ See, for example, AHA, códice 2–4–18, oflcio no. 210, chefe of Cambambe to the governor-general, 22 Sept. 1856; códice 5–6–36, offcio no 606, ibid. 8 Nov. 1884.

³⁴ This was acknowledged by the chefe of Cambambe in a letter dated 21 Dec. 1856: AHA, códice 2–4–18, oficio no. 278.

³⁵ See, for example, AHA, avulsos, maço 16–1–3, book of undamentos of sobas in the concelho of Cambambe, 1872–8.

³⁶ As late as 1884 the continuing power of sobas over the population of the Cambambe region, enabling them to speak of ‘my lands and my people’, was despairingly noted by a colonial administrator in a letter to the governor-general: see AHA, códice 5–6–36, offcio no. 606, 8 Nov. 1884.

³⁷ Cambillo, Cabouco. Annães do Conselho Ultramarino. Parte Naõ Official 1859–1867, 146Google Scholar, states that the sobado contained 3,000 fogos (hearths).

³⁸ See map. The origins of the sobado are not clear. Possibly it was founded by the Imbangala chief ‘Jaga’, Cabucu, an early ally of the Portuguese against Ndongo in the seventeenth century, who was settled beyond the Lukala, near the fortress of Mbaka: see Oliveira de Cadornega, Antonio de, História Geral das Guerras Angolanas, 1680 (reprinted Lisbon, 1972), 1, 286Google Scholar. Cadornega also mentions a sova Cabucu Cabio who was settled in the vicinity of the fortress of Cambambe in 1604: História, iii, 241.

³⁹ See Magno, D., Guerras Angolanas (Porto, n.d.), 17Google Scholar; also AHA, códice C) 8–3 (g. 23 no. 98), ‘Oficios para Angola 1798–1854’, passim.

⁴⁰ Literally translated as ‘black war': the African auxiliary forces gathered and led by black chiefs and joined with European soldiers in campaigns.

⁴¹ Written as ‘Dembo’, in Portuguese sources, this was apparently an honorary title commonly used by the Portuguese from the seventeenth century onwards when addressing or referring to powerful chiefs. However, one nineteenth-century source also alleges that the rulers of Kabuku Kambilo derived their title actually from the chiefs called Ndembu, in the region of Kazu a Ngongo (Cazuangongo), from whom they claimed descent: see AHA, avulsos, maço 16–1–7, petition of soba Ndumbu a Pepu to the governor-general, 31 May 1875.

⁴² See AHA, codice C-8–6, fo. 12^v, oficio dated 6 June 1856. Kabuku had held the post of captain-major since 1828: see AHA, códice 2–4–8, oficio no. 260, 18 Nov. 1856.

⁴³ It also seems to represent official recognition of Portuguese dependence on Kabuku's influence over the population of a far wider area than the concelho of Cambambe itself—where the reliance of the Luanda government on Kabuku's loyalty in ensuring the success of colonial policy was explicitly recognized in 1857: see Boletim Official de Angola, no. 612, letters of the secretary general to the governor of Golungo Alto and ‘Dembo’, Cabouco, 16 and 20 June 1857.

⁴⁴ Information concerning Kabuku's family connexions has been collected entirely from the descriptions which occur in Portuguese documentary sources. In May 1866, for example, André Fernandes Torres was said to be engineering the election of close relatives in different sobados in order to facilitate his trading interests. In this year he violently expelled the ruler of Mubanga a Tutu (Mubanga Atuto) with the help of armed followers. Previously Torres had placed his ‘daughter’, as soba Kisuba Kiaketa (Quissuba Quiaqueta). Both were small but strategic sobados controlling ports on the Lukala and Kwanza respectively: see AHA, códice G (5) 19.3, nos. 103 and 104, 12 and 19 May 1866.

⁴⁵ The little which is known of Kabuku's lineage and kinship relationships suggests that they covered a wide area, including several powerful sobas in neighbouring concelhos, for example, a ‘father-in-law’, soba Kakulu Kamuinsa of Cazengo, and a ‘grandson’, soba Hebo a Kimbi of Massangano. Kabuku also claimed kinsmen among the unsubdued African rulers on the periphery of Portuguese rule, among the Ndembu and Jinga, to the north and north-east of Cazengo.

⁴⁶ Dom Antonio was unable to speak or write Portuguese. Throughout his long career as soba his relations with the colonial government were conducted through interpreters and secretaries, who were sometimes also his close relatives.

⁴⁷ Mukoso, Kangongui and Lukala. These may have grown up at natural resting-points for trading caravans. A description of the feira of Mukoso in 1884 appears in Carvalho, , Viagem, i, 110–11Google Scholar. These three feiras remained under Kabuku's exclusive control until 1894: see AHA, avulsos, maijo 16–7–4, secretary-general to the chefe of Cambambe, , 28 May 1894.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See AHA, cédice 6–1–10, oflcio no. 464, 14 July 1876; avulsos, maço 18–4–2, relatório of the chefe of Cazengo, 28 Nov. 1882; O Pharol do Povo, no. 49, 30 Jan. 1884. Soon after Dom Antonio's succession as ‘Dembo’, Kabuku the Portuguese commander of the military garrison at Dondo was surprised and impressed by the comfort of Kabuku's mbanza and the plentiful supply of imported European food and wine: see O Mercantil, no. 187, 1 s Jan. 1874. Contemporary estimates of Kabuku's annual income from the Lukala ferry by the 1880s varied between three thousand and six thousand escudos: see Carvalho, , Viagem, i, 114Google Scholar. According to Hammond, R. J. in Portugal in Africa 1815–1910 (Stanford, 1966), 50 n.Google Scholar, a thousand escudos was worth somewhat more than a thousand dollars in this period.

⁴⁹ Following the institution of the contract labour system by the Portuguese in 1875 the independent enclave of Libolo was a major generating point of labourers, or serviçães, contracted in Dondo to work on the plantations of the Kwanza valley and of São Thomé. Many of the sobas of Libolo co-operated actively in the exchange of people for alcohol, gunpowder and other goods. Evidence of Kabuku's participation in this commerce occurs in 1883, when he was said to be a partner with sobas Nzumba a Panji and Kisongo of Libolo in the capture and sale of free men: see AHA, avulsos, maço 23–7–3, petitions to the chefe of Cambambe, 25 Oct. and 29 Dec. 1883.

⁵⁰ After 1880 it was alleged that Kabuku employed the people of the sobados he controlled along the Kwanza in attacking and robbing carregadores and traders on the road between Dondo and Pungu a Ndongo: see O Pharol do Povo, no. 53, 20 Feb. 1884.

⁵¹ According to Cadornega, , Guerras Angolanas, i, 79Google Scholar, Ndumbu a Pepu was already a powerful presence in the Cambambe region by the early 1600s. The sobado was calculated to contain 1,107 fogos in the 1860s: see Annães do Conselho Ultramarine. Parte Não Official, 1850–1867, 146.

⁵² Bumba Aquissanza.

⁵³ See Birmingham, D., Trade and Conflict in Angola: the Mbundu and their Neighbours under the Influence of the Portuguese 1473–1790 (Oxford, 1966), 94.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ AHA, avulsos, maço 23–57–4, Kabuku to Major Joaquim Marques, 7 Apr. 1875. Details of the progress of the conflict are contained in AHA, avulsos, maços 23–57–4 and 16–1–7, passim.

⁵⁵ See articles published in O Cruzeiro do Sul by José Fontes de Pereira and others, Aug. 1875–July 1876.

⁵⁶ See O Pharol do Povo, no. 50, 6 Feb. 1884.

⁵⁷ Pedro Alexandra do Valle, vice-president of the Camara Municipal in Dondo whom Kabuku appointed to represent his interests in that town in June 1875; and Manoel José da Silva Sant'Anna, an important judicial functionary who conducted the investigation leading to Ndumbu a Pepu's imprisonment in Aug. 1875: see O Cruzeiro do Sul, 4 July 1875; AHA, avulsos, maços 23–57–4, 16–1–7, passim.

⁵⁸ At this date Salles Ferreira was a professor in the Escola Principal of Luanda, becoming administrator of the concelho in 1877: Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (AHU) in Lisbon, Angola, file 1,1° Repartição (2° Secção), oficio no. 265, 8 Aug. 1881. Possibly he was a relative of Major Francisco de Salles Ferreira, leader of the Portuguese military expeditions of the 1850s, with whom Kabuku's family had closely co-operated in that period.

⁵⁹ AHA, avulsos, maço 23–3–2, Kabuku to the chefe of Cambambe, 7 Nov. 1877.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Huaxilla a Banza.

⁶¹ See AHA, avulsos, maço 23–3–1, investigations concerning the attack on Ngola Kalunga, June 1878. An order to seize Kabuku and bring him to Dondo on charges of having ordered his people to fire on Portuguese troops sent to defend Ngola was never executed.

⁶² See AHA, avulsos, maço 23–4–3, petition of soba Nhangui a Pepi to the chefe of Cambambe against attacks on his mbanza, 30 Nov. 1880.

⁶³ See, for example, AHA, avulsos, maço 16–1–7, chefe of Cambambe to the secretary-general, 24 June 1875Google Scholar. Kabuku's military power was increased in this period by a government order to place a detachment of soldiers from the Dondo garrison in his mbanza, under his command as colonel of the guerra preta: see AHA, cddice 6–1–10, oficio no. 294, 5 Apr. 1876.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Apart from the main route across the river, controlled by Kabuku himself, another crossing point further upstream was controlled from the Cambambe side by soba Mubanga a Tutu. In 1876 Dom Francisco André Fernandes Torres, apparently a close relative of Kabuku, was elected ruler of this sobado: see AHA, códice G (5) 2–15, fo. 8, offcio no. 521.

⁶⁵ See AHA, avulsos, maço 23–3–1, 23–4–3, passim.

⁶⁶ See AHA, avulsos, maço 23–6–1, Augusto César Manaças to the chefe of Cambambe, 9 Mar. 1881Google Scholar. The careers of Manaças and of Manoel Antonio Affonso, two of Kabuku's chief enemies among the white traders of Dondo, can be traced in the recenseamentos and avulsos relating to Cambambe in the AHA.

⁶⁷ Freitas was a native of Madeira who had arrived in Angola some time during the 1860s. His career was typical of that of a successful white trader in Angola at this time: a lesser member of the Dondo trading community in 1868, he had soon become active in Cazengo as the agent of a Luanda trading firm and by 1875 owned property there. He was several times accused of illegal extortions of land and even murder, charges which were never examined, due to his close intimacy with successive colonial administrators and his own position as a colonial official. His conflict with Kabuku can be traced in AHA, avulsos, ma–o 18–2–3, passim., cédice B–20–2 (G. 52, no. 209), oficio no. 278; códice 32–1–46, oficio no. 122.

⁶⁸ See Angolana I, 403–5,415–16,684; AHA, avulsos, maço 23–4–4, telegrams exchanged between the ckefes of Cambambe and Cazengo, Jan. 1880: these mention that Kabuku had assembled a force of about 600 followers on the Cambambe side of the Lukala.

⁶⁹ Angolana, i, 409.

⁷⁰ Angolana, I, 405, 415–17; Boletim Official de Angola, 1880, no. 11, portaria no. 17, 29 Jan. 1880.

⁷¹ Details of the previous history of this sobado can be found in the AHA, avulsos, maços 16–1–3, 23–3–2, 23–3–1, passim.

⁷² AHA, avulsos, maço 23–4–3, confidential letter of the chefe of Cambambe to the secretary-general, 14 Nov. 1880; Angolana, 1, 191–9.

⁷³ In 1879 Salles Ferreira had led an independent government commission which had attempted to provide a just solution to the land questions pending between Africans and Europeans in Cazengo. Throughout 1880 outraged white fazendeiros had tried hard to convince the Luanda government that Kabuku was planning a full-scale revolt against the Portuguese, aided by sobas from the Duque de Bragança region, to the north-east of Cazengo. Perhaps on the advice of Salles Ferreira—who sent Kabuku secret warning of these accusations—the governor-general personally reassured Kabuku that he would never attach any importance to the intrigues of his enemies: see Boletim Official de Angola, 1880, no. 11, Portaria no. 17, 29 Jan. 1880; AHA, códice 32–1–46, offcios nos. 108, no, 134, May-June 1880; Angolana, i, 452–3.

⁷⁴ See Angolana, 1, 187–205.

⁷⁵ See correspondence from Dondo in O Mercantil, nos. 600–3, 3–24 Feb. 1881.

⁷⁶ AHU, Lisbon, Angola, file 1, 1° Repartição (2° Secção), oficio no 5, 22 Feb. 1881.

⁷⁷ See O Mercantil, no. 604, 3 Mar. 1881. Reports that Kabuku continued secretly to encourage attacks on white-owned fazendas in Cazengo during 1881 were also ignored by the government: see AHA, códice 32–1–46, passim.

⁷⁸ See AHA, avulsos, maço 23–8–1, petition oitoba Ndombu a Ndala (Dombo Andalla) to the chefe of Cambambe, 10 Oct. 18831 maço 23–9–1, information of the chefe of Cambambe to the governor-general, n.d., c. 1882, that Kabuku is placing in different sobados his ‘nephews’, and ‘grandchildren’, as sobas.

⁷⁹ Details of Silva's career and opinions are found in AHA, avulsos, maços 16–3–1, 16–4–4, 18–3–1, 18–2–4, codice 5–6–36, passim. In Aug. 1883, Silva informed Kabuku that he would not tolerate any refusal to obey government orders and withdrew the soldiers stationed in his mbanza since 1876, also depriving Kabuku of his command of the guerrapreta: see AHA, codice 5–6–36, oficios nos. 434 and 544, 22 Aug. and 21 Sept. 1883.

⁸⁰ Widespread resistance had made collections of this tax impossible before 1883. In Cambambe the effective opposition of sobas to the renewal of the decima had been attributed to the secret instructions of Kabuku. In 1884, however, apparently under personal pressure from the governor-general, Kabuku had authorized its collection: see Angolarta, ii, 291; AHA, códice 5–6–36, oficio no. 434, 2 Aug. 1883.Google Scholar

⁸¹ See AHA, avulsos, maço 16–3–3, Kabuku to the chefe of Cambambe, 27 Jan. 1885.

⁸² See AHA, avulsos, maços 16–4–3, 23–6–4, 16–4–4, ‘16–3–3 codice 5–6–36, passim

⁸³ See AHA, códice 5–6–36; avulsos, maços 23–9–2, 16–3–3, 16–4–3, passim.

⁸⁴ AHA, avulsos, maço 16–3–3, Kabuku to the chefe of Cambambe, 18 Feb. 1884.

⁸⁵ AHA, avulsos, maço 16–5–4, passim.

⁸⁶ Kabuku's ‘grandson’, Dom Paschoal, whom he had helped to power in Kambambe Kalunga in 1881, arrogantly rejected his authority with gunfire three years later: see AHA, avulsos, maço 16–3–3, Kabuku to the chefe of Cambambe, 6 Aug. 1884.

⁸⁷ White opposition to Kabuku's exclusive control of the Lukala ferry had intensified after 1880. Construction of the bridge, called Pinheiro Chagas, was at last authorized in Jan. 1884. Kabuku refused to obey government orders to provide labourers from his sobado for the work and violently opposed any attempts to break his monopoly before it was completed.

⁸⁸ See AHA, avulsos, maço 16–7–3, chefe of Cambambe to the secretary-general, 5 May 1894.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ See AHA, avulsos, maço 16–7–3, chefe of Cambambe to the secretary-general, 30 Mar. 1894.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Angolana, ii, 287.

⁹¹ AHA, coódice G (5) 3.6, chefe of Cambambe to Kabuku, 25 June 1888.Google Scholar

⁹² AHA, avulsos, maço 16–7–3, two letters from Kabuku to the governor-general, 11 Mar. 1894.Google Scholar

⁹³ The population of Kabuku Kambilo may have shared the same fate as that of bordering sobados along the Lukala, Kabuku Ka Ndala a Kitanda (Cabouco Candalla Aquitanda) and Mubanga a Tutu, which were reported to have been almost wholly wiped out by sleeping sickness in April 1899: see AHA, avulsos, maço 16–9–4, commando do Nhangue Apepe, oficio no. 66, 15 Apr. 1899.Google Scholar