¹ Ira J. Bach and Mary Lackritz Gray, A Guide to Chicago's Public Sculpture (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1983), 95–96; James L. Riedy, Chicago Sculpture (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), 226.

² Harry Barnard, “This Great Triumvirate of Patriots” (Chicago: Follett, 1971); Bach and Gray, 80–81; Riedy, 212–14. President Washington wrote to the Hebrew Congregation in Newport, “For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support.” See George Washington to the Hebrew Congregation of Newport, Rhode Island, 18 Aug. 1790, The Papers of George Washington Digital Edition, ed. Theodore J. Crackel (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008).

³ Michael Kammen, A Season of Youth: The American Revolution and the Historical Imagination (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978); Karal Ann Marling, George Washington Slept Here: Colonial Revivals and American Culture, 1876–1986 (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1988); Gebhard, David, “The American Colonial Revival in the 1930s,” Winterthur Portfolio, 22, 2–3 (Summer–Autumn 1987), 109–48Google Scholar; Anders Greenspan, Creating Colonial Williamsburg: The Restoration of Virginia's Eighteenth-Century Capital, 2nd edn (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2009); Stephanie E. Yuhl, A Golden Haze of Memory: The Making of Historic Charleston (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2005). During the 1930s, the responsibilities of the National Park Service expanded from national parks to historic sites. See Seth C. Bruggeman, Here, George Washington Was Born: Memory, Material Culture, and the Public History of a National Monument (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2008). The Georgian-style building that houses part of the Chicago History Museum was built by the Chicago Historical Society in 1932, and perfectly reflects the trend in colonial revivalism in the city's architecture. See www.chicagohs.org/aboutus/building, accessed 4 March 2013.

⁴ Nora, Pierre, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire ,” Representations, 26 (Spring 1989), 7–24 Google Scholar, 12; DeLyser, Dydia, “‘Thus I Salute the Kentucky Daisey's Claim’: Gender, Social Memory, and the Mythic West at a proposed Oklahoma Monument,” Cultural Geographies, 15, 1 (2008), 63–94 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 81. For the complexity of issues that emerge when the symbolic landscape is imagined and then reimagined see Leib, Jonathan I., “Separate Times, Shared Spaces: Arthur Ashe, Monument Avenue and the Politics of Richmond, Virginia's Symbolic Landscape,” Cultural Geographies, 9, 3 (2002), 286–312 Google Scholar; and Johnson, Nuala C., “Sculpting Heroic Histories: Celebrating the Centenary of the 1798 Rebellion in Ireland,” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, new series, 19, 1 (1994), 78–93 Google Scholar.

⁵ Kammen; Marling.

⁶ During the 1930s a conflict erupted in Chicago when Polish American civic activists, with the support of the powerful Democratic Party machine and its mayor, changed Crawford Avenue to Pulaski Road. While it took some time, the Polish American drive to change a street named for an early local resident to one named for a Pole who died for the United States in its struggle for independence from Great Britain was controversial and ultimately successful. At first glance this may point to a conflict over the memory of the American Revolution in Chicago. However, the consternation of the businessmen on Crawford Avenue did not stem from disagreements over Pulaski's service in America's Revolutionary cause; rather, their angst centered on the financial consequences of an address change. While the Pulaski Road advocates pointed to an ethnic bias, the business owners' support for other streets or structures being named for Pulaski, and the fact that other business districts, such as those along Clark Street, State Street, and Michigan Avenue, fought off name changes, weaken the Polish American charge and strengthen the business owners' opinion that the mayor of Chicago was playing politics. As will be discussed later, this episode in Chicago history may have influenced Barnet Hodes's public-relations approach when he considered how to make his goal of erecting a statue to Haym Salomon a reality. See Seligman, Amanda Irene, “The Street Formerly Known as Crawford,” Chicago History, 29, 3 (Spring 2001), 36–51 Google Scholar.

⁷ This is not to say that the area that now makes up Chicagoland lacked nonindigenous activity during the American Revolutionary era. Interestingly, Chicagoans looked to the better-known or traditionally celebrated events and people of the American Revolution rather than events and people who were part of the struggle, but on the then frontier. For instance, British subject Jean Baptiste Du Sable, the first non-Native settler in Chicago and widely considered today the Father of Chicago, was arrested by the Redcoats as a rebel and imprisoned at Fort Michillimackinac, yet he is not part of the city's sculptural memory of the American Revolutionary War. See John Swenson, “Jean Baptiste Point Du Sable: The Founder of Modern Chicago,” in Ulrich Dankers and Jane Meredith, A Compendium of the Early History of Chicago to the Year 1835 When the Indians Left (Chicago: Early Chicago, Inc., 1999), 388–94, 390.

⁸ John Bodnar, Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Patriotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992); Judith Dupré, Monuments: America's History in Art and Memory (New York: Random House, Inc., 2007), xvi. The role public monuments play in healing is also discussed in Mona Doreen Greenberg and Robert P. Watson, “Public Memorials in American Life,” American Studies Today Online, at www.americansc.org.uk/Online/Public_Memorials.htm, accessed 23 July 2011; and Lawrence A. Tritle, “Monument to Defeat: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in American Culture and Society,” in Polly Low, Graham Oliver, and P. J. Rhodes, Cultures of Commemoration: War Memorials, Ancient and Modern: Proceedings of the British Academy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 159–79.

⁹ Bodnar. For the role of class in public formation in early America see Alfred Young, The Shoemaker and the Tea Party: Memory and the American Revolution (Boston: Beacon Press, 1999); and Cray, Robert E. Jr., “Major John André and the Three Captors: Class Dynamics and Revolutionary Memory Wars in the Early Republic, 1780–1831,” Journal of the Early Republic, 17, 3 (Autumn 1997), 371–97Google Scholar. See also Sarah J. Purcell, Sealed with Blood: War, Sacrifice, and Memory in Revolutionary America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), 7.

¹⁰ John Bodnar points to the conflict between “the official” and “the vernacular” as critical in public memory formation. His work has been enormously influential since its publication. For examples of the different ways Bodnar's model has been persuasively utilized see Gulley, H. E., “Women and the Lost Cause: Preserving a Confederate Identity in the American Deep South,” Journal of Historical Geography, 19, 2 (1993), 125–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yuhl, Stephanie E., “Sculpted Radicals: The Problem of Sacco and Vanzetti in Boston's Public Memory,” Public Historian, 32, 2 (May 2010), 9–30 Google Scholar; and Karamanski, Theodore J., “History, Memory, and Historic Districts in Chicago,” Public Historian, 32, 4 (Nov. 2010), 33–41 Google Scholar. My contention that consensus rather than conflict characterized the memory of the American Revolution is centered on statuary. However, not long before the statues discussed in this essay were erected, the American Revolution was the focus of a controversy in Chicago in the 1920s between the mayor, “Big Bill” Thompson, and the school superintendent, William McAndrew. The mayor felt that the history textbooks used in Chicago schools, from elementary schools to teacher preparation courses at the University of Chicago, taught an “unpatriotic view of the American revolution.” Consequently, Mayor Thompson accused Superintendent McAndrew of being, as John Kelley stated succinctly in the Chicago Daily Tribune, an “English propagandist.” See “Bill Points Out ‘Unfit’ Passages in School Books,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 18 April 1927, 2; and John Kelley, “Patriotic Tone Weak in Early American Texts,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 27 Nov. 1927, 8. The mayor's campaign to rid textbooks of what he considered pro-British propaganda was successful. Moreover, Mayor Thompson was attempting to create a Republican machine in the city by appealing to African Americans and immigrant groups. His anti-British textbook campaign may have appealed to the immigrant constituencies not friendly to Great Britain. Part of this campaign included his appeal to ethnic groups by explaining to them that their ancestors' role in the American Revolutionary War had not been sufficiently acknowledged. However, it would be Thompson's Democratic successors, Anton Cermak and Edward Kelly, who would successfully build the machine in the city at a time when political machines in other cities in the United States were in decline. See Douglas Bukowski, “Big Bill Thompson: The ‘Model’ Politician,” in Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli, eds., The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1995; first published 1987), 61–81; and Roger Biles, “Edward J. Kelly: New Deal Machine Builder,” in ibid., 111–25. See also Dominic A. Pacyga, Chicago: A Biography (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2009), 256–59, 263.

¹¹ With the exception of the Jefferson statue and the Washington monument in Indian Boundary Park, the number presented here is based on Bach and Gray, A Guide to Chicago's Public Sculpture. See also John Graf and Steve Skorpad, Chicago's Monuments, Markers, and Memorials (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2002), 128. For Civil War-related sculpture in Chicago see Karamanski, Theodore, “Memory's Landscape: The Civil War and Public Memory in Chicago,” Chicago History, 26, 2 (Summer 1997), 54–72 Google Scholar. Regarding Civil War commemoration at a national level see Kirk Savage, Standing Soldiers, Kneeling Slaves: Race, War, and Monument in Nineteenth-Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997). This study focusses on statuary that depicts individuals of the Revolutionary era, which necessitated excluding a sculpture with a Fourth of July theme. While included numerically as one of the early American-themed sculptures, it is not considered Revolutionary War-themed statuary.

¹² Alfred F. Young and Terry J. Fife, with Mary E. Janzen, We the People: Voice and Images of the New Nation (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993), 207. Young, 180–81, 189.

¹³ Chicago, like other American cities, named streets after American Revolutionaries. In the 1830 Thomas Plat map, before the city of Chicago had been incorporated, one can see that streets had already been named for Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson. See Robert A. Holland, Chicago in Maps, 1612 to 2002 (Rizzoli: New York, 2005), 52–53. Thanks to Gerald Danzer for bringing this book to my attention. While naming streets after famous American Revolutionaries was a fairly common practice, creating sculpture was not because of the price involved. Due to the cost, monuments are not erected “without good and sufficient reason.” See Taft, Lorado, “The Monuments of Chicago,” Art and Archaeology, 12, 3–4 (1921) 120–27Google Scholar, 120.

¹⁴ Bach and Gray, 284–85, 13–14; Graf and Skorpad, 128.

¹⁵ The following discussion of the event in the WGN studio is based on “Nation Honors Its Stalwart Sons in R.O.T. C.,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 23 Feb. 1940, 1. For the role that George Washington's birthday played in the highly partisan politics of the early republic see Newman, Simon P., “Principles or Men? George Washington and the Political Culture of National Leadership, 1776–1801,” Journal of the Early Republic, 12, 4 (Winter 1992), 477–507 Google Scholar. Washington's birthday was made a federal holiday in 1879.

¹⁶ Ohio State University Alumni Monthly, Oct. 1939 and March 1961, at www.militarymemorialmuseum.org/bio/Ford.pdf, accessed 28 July 2011.

¹⁷ Robert G. Kirkwood to Robert R. McCormick, 26 Feb. 1940, and Bruce Portland to Robert R. McCormick, 23 Feb. 1940, Cantigny Military Series, I-60, Box 99, Robert R. McCormick Papers, First Division Museum, Colonel Robert R. McCormick Research Center, Wheaton, Illinois.

¹⁸ “Chicago R.O.T. C. History,” 27 May 1940, ibid.

¹⁹ Robert R. McCormick to Robert G. Kirkwood, 29 Feb. 1940, ibid.

²⁰ Richard Norton Smith, The Colonel: The Life and Legacy of Robert R. McCormick, 1880–1955 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 362; “McCormick against Intervention,” New York Times, 4 Sept. 1939, 11.

²¹ Smith, 375–76, 388–91, 405, 407–10; David M. Kennedy, Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 404, 472, 474; “M'Cormick Warns of War: Conspiracy to Drag Us in Is Seen by Chicago Publisher” New York Times, 5 July 1939, 11; “President Assailed Sharply by Lewis; Republicans Cheer,” New York Times, 20 June 1940, 1.

²² The parade and dedication ceremony are based on Gene Morgan, “10,000 in R.O.T. C. Parade amid Cheers of Youngsters,” Chicago Daily News, afternoon edn, 4 June 1940, 5; Seymour Korman, “Hale Ceremony Stirring Finale of R.O.T. C. Day,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 5 June 1940, 1. Ira Katznelson captures well the contrasting moods when he writes, “The apprehension and dread that later marked responses to Nazi aggression were hardly apparent when Balbo began his tour of various democratic countries in July 1933.” Ira Katznelson, Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time (New York: Liveright Publishing Corp., 2013), 64.

²³ Kammen, A Season of Youth; Cray, Robert E. Jr., “The Revolutionary Spy as Hero: Nathan Hale in the Public Memory, 1776–1846,” Connecticut History, 38, 2 (1999), 90–91 Google Scholar, 93–94, 96; Paul David Nelson, “Nathan Hale,” in John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes, eds., American National Biography, Volume IX (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 832. This is not to say that Americans during the early republic were not interested in visiting such sites. For instance, when President George Washington made his tour of the southern states he often stopped at Revolutionary War battlefields. See Archibald Henderson, Washington's Southern Tour, 1791 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1923).

²⁴ Quoted from Cray, “The Revolutionary Spy as Hero,” 87.

²⁵ Ibid., 87–88.

²⁶ George Washington to Lund Washington, 6 Oct. 1776, The Papers of George Washington Digital Edition; Cray, “The Revolutionary Spy as Hero,” 89; “The Testimony of Asher Wright” (1836), in George Dudley Seymour, Documentary Life of Nathan Hale (New Haven: Privately Printed for the Author, 1941), 317–18; “Asher Wright Memorial,” in ibid., 480–81; Stephen Hempstead, “The Capture and Execution of Capt. Hale, in 1776,” Missouri Republican (1827), in ibid., 311–14, 312; M. William Phelps, Nathan Hale: The Life and Death of America's First Spy (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2008), 190–92. Hale's capture was somewhat of a mystery until fairly recently when a manuscript of the American Revolution by a Connecticut shopkeeper and Loyalist, Consider Tiffany, was donated to the Library of Congress in 2000. The analysis by James Hutson, chief of the Manuscript Division at the Library of Congress, gives credence to the account. See James Hutson, “Nathan Hale Revisited: A Tory's Account of the Arrest of the First American Spy,” Library of Congress Information Bulletin 62, 7–8 (July–Aug. 2003), at www.loc.gov/loc/lcib/0307-8/hale.html, accessed 8 Feb. 2013.

²⁷ Samuel Clarke, Memoir of Gen. Hull (Boston: David Clapp & Sons, 1893), 4; Hempstead, 313; Frederick Mackenzie, Diary of Frederick Mackenzie (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1930), 61–62. Under a flag of truce, Hale's execution and famous last words were conveyed to American officers, including William Hull, by British officer Captain John Montressor. See Clarke, 5; and Cray, “The Revolutionary Spy as Hero,” 85, 90. Essex Journal (Newburyport, MA), 13 Feb. 1777. it is believed that the legendary and stirring last words of Hale, a student of literature, sprang from Act 4, Scene 4 of the popular eighteenth-century play Cato, by Joseph Addison. See George Dudley Seymour, “Hale's ‘Last Words’ Derived from Addison's ‘Cato’: A Psychological Parallel,” in Seymour, Documentary Life of Nathan Hale, 376. F. K. Donnelly suggests that Hale may have been influenced by a seventeenth-century English Leveller. See F. K. Donnelly, “A Possible Source for Nathan Hale's Dying Words,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 42, 3 (July 1985), 394–96. There have been variations on the famous quote, including the above quote from the Essex Journal. In 1781, the Independent Chronicle quoted Hale as saying, “I am so satisfied with the cause in which I have engaged, that my only regret is, that I have not more lives than one to offer in its service.” See Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser (Boston), 17 May 1781. See also Phelps, 192. For McCormick's views on the American Revolution see Robert R. McCormick, The American Revolution and Its Influence on World Civilization (Chicago: Chicago Tribune, 1945). In the foreword to the book, he explains how in school he had been exposed to the history and literature of other countries, “but of American history and of American literature in school and college there was not one page.” Ibid., 1.

²⁸ “Schools Given Tribune Pictures of Nathan Hale,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 15 Sept. 1940, 23.

²⁹ Barnard, “This Great Triumvirate of Patriots”, 83. This may be construed as nothing more than a rhetorical ploy by a savvy politician, especially since fundraisers were held at swanky places such as the Standard Club in downtown Chicago. However, the fact that the project began in July 1936 and was not completed until December 1941, suggests that Hodes did rely on popular subscription to bring the project to completion. Moreover, ads in magazines urging readers to contribute to the $60,000 needed to complete the statue underscored this point. (In the end, the project was completed for $50,000.) For a speech at a fundraiser held at the Standard Club, see Richard E. Gutstadt, “A Picture for the Future …” (1930s), Barnet Hodes Papers, 10, Folder 14, Chicago History Museum. For the effect of the Depression on Chicago, see Pacyga, Chicago, 250–56.

³⁰ Barnard, 79. Such works by the Reverend Madison C. Peters include The Jew as a Patriot (New York: The Baker & Taylor Co., 1902), The Jews in America: A Short Story of Their Part in Building the Republic (Philadelphia: The J. C. Winston Company, 1905); and The Jews Who Stood by Washington: An Unwritten Chapter in American History (New York: The Trow Press, 1915). There were only 69 Jews in LaSalle in 1927, making it likely that there were probably even fewer when Hodes was in grade school and in high school. See Rader Marcus, To Count a People: American Jewish Population Data, 1585–1984 (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1990), 60.

³¹ Later, a descendent of Thomas Paine, Robert Paine, sculpted a statue of Haym Salomon. It was dedicated in Hollenbeck Park in Los Angeles in 1944. See Beth S. Wenger, “Sculpting an American Jewish Hero: The Monuments, Myths, and Legends of Haym Salomon,” in Deborah Dash Moore and S. Ilan Troen, eds., Divergent Jewish Cultures: Israel and America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001) 132–51, 142.

³² For information on Haym Salomon see William Pencak, Jews & Gentiles in Early America, 1654–1800 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005), 225; and Laurens R. Schwartz, Jews and the American Revolution: Haym Salomon and Others (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 1987), 28–29. Regarding the 1828 affidavit suggesting that George Washington assigned Salomon the job of torching New York City see Simon Wolf, “A Sketch of Haym Salomon,” in Wolf, The American Jew as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen, ed. Louis Edward Levy (New York: Brentano's, 1895), 14–26, 16, 23–24. For a skeptical view of the stories surrounding Haym Salomon see Wenger.

³³ Jacob Rader Marcus, United States Jewry, 1776–1985, Volume I (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 67–68; Edgar J. McManus, “Salomon, Haym” American National Biography Online, Feb. 2000, accessed 18 Feb. 2015; Leo Hershkowitz, “Haym Salomon,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd edn (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007). Biography in Context, Web, accessed 18 Feb. 2015; James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 27 Aug. 1782, Letters of Delegates to Congress, Volume 19, 96 and James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 30 Sept. 1782, ibid., 214, at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/amlaw/lwdg.html, accessed 14 July 2010.

³⁴ For the failed effort in New York City, see Wenger. Hodes self-consciously avoided the pitfalls encountered in New York and was prepared to meet what little opposition he did encounter. See Paul H. Douglas to Hamlin Garland, 30 Nov. 1936, Taft Papers, Box 11, University Archives, University of Illinois, Urbana, IL; and Emanuel Celler to I. B. Pearlman, 15 Dec. 1939, and Barnet Hodes to I. B. Pearlman, 3 Jan. 1940, Barnet Hodes Papers, Box 10, Folder 14, Chicago History Museum. See also Barnard, 76; and Young, Christopher J., “Barnet Hodes's Quest to Remember Haym Salomon, the Almost-Forgotten Jewish Patriot of the American Revolution,” American Jewish Archives Journal, 63, 2 (December 2011), 43–62 Google Scholar. As a member of the Democratic machine in Chicago and eventually the Corporation Counsel who had to contend with the legal particulars of the Pulaski Road controversy, it is reasonable to assume that in addition to the failure of Poles in New York City to erect a statue of Salomon, Hodes learned from this experience how to have Haym Salomon successfully recognized without becoming embroiled in a controversy. For Hodes's role in the street-naming imbroglio, see Seligman, “The Street Formerly Known as Crawford,” 44.

³⁵ For the German-American Bund, see United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “German-American Bund,” Holocaust Encyclopedia, at www.ushmm.org/resesarch/library/citation, accessed 18 June 2010; Pacyga, 267; “Evading Nazi vandals,” Chicago Sun-Times, 17 Dec. 1991, 5. Hodes's interest in Salomon centered on the Revolutionary financier's Jewish heritage, not his Polish origins. The papers of the cochairman reveal a particular interest from Jews and gentiles in general, but not from a specific ethnic group such as the Poles in America. The monument by the Patriotic Foundation of Chicago recognized, among other things, Jewish participation in the founding of the United States. The non-Jewish Polish community in Chicago found its American Revolutionary War heroes in Thaddeus Kosciuszko and Casimir Pulaski. As stated earlier in this essay, a statue of Kosciuszko was dedicated in 1904 in a Polish neighborhood, nearly four decades earlier than the Washington–Morris–Salomon monument, and a street was named for Pulaski later in the century.

³⁶ Quotes from Paul H. Douglas to Alfred S. Alschuler, 30 Nov. 1936, Taft Papers, Box 11, University Archives, University of Illinois, Urbana, IL. For the decision to pursue the Washington–Morris–Salomon monument over the Fountain of Creation piece, see Paul H. Douglas to Hamlin Garland, 30 Nov. 1936, and Paul H. Douglas to Albion Headburg, 30 Nov. 1936, ibid.

³⁷ Franklin Roosevelt to Barnet Hodes, 13 Nov. 1941, Barnet Hodes Papers, Box 10, Folder 8, Chicago History Museum.

³⁸ Barnard, “This Great Triumvirate of Patriots”, 93. Quotes, ibid. A year after its conceptualization, it was reported that the sculpture would be erected in Grant Park. See Chicago Daily Tribune, 20 Sept. 1937, 17.

³⁹ “Dedicatory Program for Presenting the George Washington–Robert Morris–Haym Salomon Monument to the City of Chicago,” 15 Dec. 1941, and “A Great Patriotic Event for Chicago and the Nation, the Unveiling and Dedication of the George Washington, Robert Morris, Haym Salomon Monument, December 15, 1941,” Haym Salomon file, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, OH.

⁴⁰ “Thousands Gather in Chicago at Dedication of Washington–Morris–Salomon Monument,” Jewish Telegraphic Agency, 16 Dec. 1941, at www.jta.org/1941/12/16/archive/thousands-gather-in-chicago-at-dedication-of-washington-morris-salomon-monument, accessed 27 May 2015; “3 Religions to Aid in Dedication of Salomon Shaft,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 7 Dec. 1941, 21.

⁴¹ “City to Observe Bill of Rights' 150th Birthday,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 14 Dec. 1941, B10; “Dedicate Shaft to 1776 Heroes at Rights Bill fete,” Chicago Daily Times, 15 Dec. 1941, 38; “Chicagoans Join Nation in Tribute to Bill of Rights,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 16 Dec. 1941, 2; Senator Scott Lucas's notes as well as a rough draft for his speech can be found in the Scott Lucas Papers, Box 65, Folder 32, Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library, Springfield, Illinois.

⁴² “The Rights of Man,” Chicago Daily Times, 15 Dec. 1941, 27, original emphasis.

⁴³ Young, The Shoemaker and the Tea Party; Edward Tabor Linenthal, Sacred Ground: Americans and Their Battlefields (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 9–51.