¹ An overview of the scholarship on Shakespeare's Catholicism can be found in Davies, Michael, “On This Side Bardolatry: The Canonisation of the Catholic Shakespeare,” Cahiers Èlisabèthains 58 (October 2000): 31–47Google Scholar; subsequent contributions include Milward, Peter, Shakespeare the Papist (Ann Arbor, MI, 2005)Google Scholar; Wilson, Richard, Secret Shakespeare: Studies in Theatre, Religion and Resistance (Manchester, 2004)Google Scholar; Asquith, Claire, Shadowplay: The Hidden Beliefs and Coded Politics of William Shakespeare (New York, 2005)Google Scholar. See also Patterson, Annabel, Reading between the Lines (Madison, WI, 1993),123–24Google Scholar; Hamilton, Donna, Anthony Munday and the Catholics, 1560–1633 (Aldershot, 2005)Google Scholar; Duncan-Jones, Katherine, “Sir Philip Sidney's Debt to Campion,” in The Reckoned Expense: Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits, ed. McCoog, Thomas (Woodbridge, 1996)Google Scholar.

² Lake, Peter, “Religious Identities in Shakespeare's England,” in A Companion to Shakespeare, ed. Kastan, David Scott (Oxford, 1999), 61, 75Google Scholar; Tyacke, Nicholas, “Puritanism, Arminianism and Counter-Revolution,” in The Origins of the English Civil War, ed. Russell, Conrad (London, 1973), 119–43Google Scholar, and his Anti-Calvinists: The Rise of English Arminianism, c. 1590–1640 (Oxford, 1987); Collinson, Patrick, Godly People: Essays on English Protestantism and Puritanism (London, 1983), 1, 152Google Scholar; Diarmaid MacCulloch, “The Myth of the English Reformation,” Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–19, 11, 18; Haigh, Christopher, English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors (Oxford, 1993), 279, 286, 290, 295Google Scholar. For a nuanced overview, see Peter Lake, “Calvinism and the English Church, 1570–1635,” Past and Present no. 114 (February 1987): 32–33.

³ Kilroy, Gerard, Edmund Campion: Memory and Transcription (Aldershot, 2005), 2Google Scholar.

⁴ ibid., 102.

⁵ McClure, Norman, ed., The Letters and Epigrams of Sir John Harington, intro. Felix Schelling (Philadelphia, 1980), epigram 400. I will use McClure's numbering of the epigrams throughoutGoogle Scholar.

⁶ See Milton, Anthony, Catholic and Reformed: The Roman and Protestant Churches in English Protestant Thought (Cambridge, 1995), 167–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The final line of the epigram comes from a 1602 gift manuscript, identical to the 1605 manuscript except for this final line (see Kilroy, Campion, 105–6).

⁷ SirHarington, John, A Tract on the Succession to the Crown (A.D. 1602), ed. Markham, Clements (London, 1880), 7, 47Google Scholar.

⁸ ibid., 5.

⁹ ibid., 98–99.

¹⁰ ibid., 102–5.

¹¹ ibid., 106, 111, 114; Kilroy, Campion, 113–18.

¹² Kilroy, Campion, 23, 90.

¹³ ibid., 90; Harington, , A New Discourse of a Stale Subject, Called the Metamorphosis of Ajax, ed. Donno, Elizabeth Story (New York, 1962), 174Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Kilroy, Campion, 91; Harington, Ajax, 213.

¹⁵ Harington, Ajax, 243; Kilroy, Campion, 93.

¹⁶ Kilroy, Campion, 93, 96, 90.

¹⁷ ibid., 8–9, 144.

¹⁸ McClure, Letters, epigram 427; the Latin version is printed in Sir Harington, John, Nugae Antiquae, 2 vols., ed. Park, Thomas (1804; repr., New York, 1966), 1:332–33Google Scholar. The poem is dated 14 April 1603.

¹⁹ Kilroy, Campion, 100. “One’s religious belief” is perhaps an unnecessary hedge. Harington says “nostra … pietas,” thus including himself among those who no longer need practice concealment.

²⁰ Very little is known about these two episodes except that Harington got off the hook. See Craig, D. H., Sir John Harington (Boston, 1985), 9Google Scholar; McClure, Letters, 15, plus epigrams 352, 358–59; Harington, Nugae, 1:185, 330; 2:299–300, and his A Supplie or Addicion to the Catalogue of Bishops to the Yeare 1608, ed. R. H. Miller (Potomac, MD, 1979), 35, 97; M. H. M. Mackinnon, “Sir John Harington and Bishop Hall,” Philological Quarterly 37, no. 1 (January 1958): 80–86.

²¹ Harington, Ajax, 262.

²² McClure, Letters, 88–89.

²³ Ulisses upon Ajax (London, 1596), B7r.

²⁴ Harington, Ajax, 262–63. It remains his self-description in the Tract, written six years later, which begins: “To all trew Englishmen that feare God and honor the Queene, the Protesting Catholique, Purytan sendeth greeting.”

²⁵ Harington, Tract, 101–2, 109.

²⁶ ibid., 78.

²⁷ ibid., 105, 115–18.

²⁸ The manuscript is printed for the first time in R. H. Miller, “Sir John Harington's A Supplie or Addicion to the Catalogue of Bishops, to the Yeare 1608: Composition and Text,” Studies in Bibliography 30 (1977): 158–61. This was a standard Elizabethan view; see Benedict, Philip, Christ's Churches Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism (New Haven, CT, 2002), 232Google Scholar; Lake, Peter, “The ‘Anglican Moment’? Richard Hooker and the Ideological Watershed of the 1590s,” in Anglicanism and the Western Christian Tradition, ed. Platten, Stephen (Norwich, 2003), 91Google Scholar.

²⁹ Harington, Nugae, 1:332–33.

³⁰ For a description of the 1602 manuscript with the accompanying lantern, see Scott-Warren, Jason, Sir John Harington and the Book as Gift (Oxford, 2001), 195–96Google Scholar.

³¹ ibid., 197.

³² Harington, Supplie, 179; Scott-Warren, Book as Gift, 161.

³³ Scott-Warren, Book as Gift, 167–68.

³⁴ See, in particular, that of 29 May 1603 (McClure, Letters, 395).

³⁵ ibid., 39.

³⁶ Harington, Ajax, 23; McClure, Letters, 65–66; Scott-Warren, Book as Gift, 61.

³⁷ Quoted in Scott-Warren, Book as Gift, 97; the letter is dated 26 October 1596.

³⁸ Quoted in Harington, Ajax, 41.

³⁹ McClure, Letters, 97.

⁴⁰ Harington, Tract, 5.

⁴¹ Harington, Ajax, 264.

⁴² Harington, Tract, 108–9. “Catholic” here does not mean Roman Catholic. Elizabethan Protestants, including the godly, regularly described themselves as Catholic Christians. See Thomas Clancy, SJ, “Papist-Protestant-Puritan: English Religious Taxonomy, 1565–1665,” Recusant History 13, no. 4 (1976): 234, 237; also http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pacian.

⁴³ McClure, Letters, epigram 411 (the pun on “only”/“onely” implying that justification by faith alone is this particular preacher's opinion, not the faith of the English church).

⁴⁴ ibid., epigram 415. The final word in the original is “reames,” a rare variant of “realms” that rhymes with “James.”

⁴⁵ Harington, Supplie, 140, 191.

⁴⁶ ibid., 83–84. Day was, by all reports, a strong Protestant, but see Peter Lake on the unexpected (and un-Calvinist) ethical voluntarism found in a good deal of Puritan preaching (Moderate Puritans and the Elizabethan Church [Cambridge, 1982], 151–53).

⁴⁷ Harington, “A Discowrse Shewing that Elyas must personally come before the Day of Judgment,” in his Nugae, 2:293–96, 298–300. Harington's position on the Assumption stems from the doctrine's appearance in the pseudo-Augustinian Liber de Assumptione, which in Harington's day was widely held to be authentic (see http://campus.udayton.edu/mary/resources/theassumption.html).

⁴⁸ Harington, Nugae, 2:330–31.

⁴⁹ Spenser, Edmund, Faerie Queene (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1908), 1.3.16–22Google Scholar; see also 6.12.23–25. By the mid-seventeenth century, such attitudes were more widespread; see Margaret Aston, “English Ruins and English History: The Dissolution and the Sense of the Past,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 36 (1973): 231–55.

⁵⁰ Harington, Supplie, 111, 115. On the dire financial plight of the Elizabethan church, see Usher, Roland, The Reconstruction of the English Church, 2 vols. (New York, 1910), 1:216–29, 240Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Harington, Supplie, 118.

⁵² Harington, Ajax, 151.

⁵³ Harington, Supplie, 141, 118, and also 51–53, 78, 90, 100–103, and Ajax, 141–43, 150–51; McClure, Letters, epigram 92, and see also epigrams 23, 103, 292.

⁵⁴ Mackinnon, “Harington and Bishop Hall,” 82–83; Harington, Supplie, 97. For epigrams criticizing clerical marriage, see McClure, Letters, epigrams 352, 358, 359.

⁵⁵ Miller, “Harington's A Supplie,” 160.

⁵⁶ SirHarington, John, A Short View of the State of Ireland, Written in 1605, ed. Dunn Macray, Rev. W. (Oxford, 1879), 15–16, 19Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ ibid., 16–18. Why Lake and Questier describe the Prayer Book Communion service as “a new English liturgy, entirely new” is beyond me (Peter Lake and Michael Questier, “Introduction,” Conformity and Orthodoxy in the English Church, c. 1560–1660, ed. Peter Lake and Michael Questier [Woodbridge, 2000], xiii).

⁵⁸ Miller, “Harington's A Supplie,” 160.

⁵⁹ McClure, Letters, epigrams 338, 186.

⁶⁰ Bray, Alan, The Friend (Chicago, 2003), 91Google Scholar; Bray's discussion of traditional religion is based, as Bray gratefully acknowledges, on Bossy's, JohnPeace in the Post-Reformation (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Harington, Ireland, 6–8.

⁶² Bray, The Friend, 91.

⁶³ Harington, Ajax, 225–26, 235.

⁶⁴ Scott-Warren, Book as Gift, 94, 98.

⁶⁵ Harington, Tract, 108, 110, 114.

⁶⁶ ibid., 114.

⁶⁷ On the much-vexed question of the Henrician vs. Edwardine paternity of the Elizabethan church, see G. W. Bernard, “The Church of England, c. 1529–c. 1642,” History 75, no. 244 (January 1990): 183–88; Nicholas Tyacke, “Anglican Attitudes: Some Recent Writings on English Religious History, from the Reformation to the Civil War,” Journal of British Studies 35, no. 2 (April 1996): 139–41.

⁶⁸ Christopher Haigh, English Reformations, 281, and see also his “Success and Failure in the English Reformation,” Past and Present no. 173 (2001): 47.

⁶⁹ So Walsham, Alexandranotes in “The Parochial Roots of Laudianism Revisited,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 49, no. 4 (October 1998): 627–32Google Scholar. See also Craig, John, Reformation, Politics and Polemics: The Growth of Protestantism in East Anglian Market Towns, 1500–1610 (Aldershot, 2001), 5–6Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Marsh, Christopher, Popular Religion in Sixteenth-Century England: Holding Their Peace (Basingstoke, 1998), 102–3, 145, 210Google Scholar, “Piety and Persuasion in Elizabethan England: The Church of England Meets the Family of Love,” in England's Long Reformation, ed. Nicholas Tyacke (London, 1998), 162, and “Will-Making and Popular Religion,” in Religion and the English People, 1500–1640, ed. Eric Josef Carlson (Kirksville, MO, 1998), 243, also 235; Haigh, Christopher, Pathways to Heaven: Kinds of Christianity in Post-Reformation England, 1570–1640 (Oxford, 2007), 33–35Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Marsh, Popular Religion, 25–26; see Bossy, Peace, 75–80; Bray, The Friend, 87, 90–91.

⁷² Haigh, English Reformations, 291.

⁷³ Gifford, George, A briefe discourse of certaine pointes of the religion, whiche is among the common sorte of Christians: which may bee termed the Countrie diuinitie (London, 1582), 2rGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁴ Maltby, Judith, Prayer Book and People in Elizabethan and Early Stuart England (Cambridge, 1998), 79Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Haigh, Pathways, 40; Gifford, Countrie diuinitie, 47v. See also Bossy, Peace, 79.

⁷⁶ Quoted in Haigh, Pathways, 203.

⁷⁷ Muriel McClendon, “Religious Toleration and the Reformation: Norwich Magistrates in the Sixteenth Century,” in Tyacke, England's Long Reformation, 105–7; see also Marsh, Popular Religion, 195; Walsham, Alexandra, Charitable Hatred: Tolerance and Intolerance in England, 1500–1700 (Manchester, 2006), 208–10Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Marsh, Popular Religion, 189–90; Walsham, Charitable Hatred, 208–9. See also Joseph Ward, “Religious Diversity and Guild Unity in Early Modern London,” in Carlson, Religion and the English People, 77–98.

⁷⁹ Haigh, Pathways, 140–41; Walsham, Charitable Hatred, 211.

⁸⁰ “A Sermon against Contention and Brawling” (1547), in Certain Sermons, or Homilies, 1.12, http://www.library.utoronto.ca/utel/ret/homilies/bk1hom12.html.

⁸¹ Dent, Arthur, The Plaine Mans Path-way to Heauen (London, 1601), 27Google Scholar; see also Gifford, Countrie diuinitie, 29r. Haigh, oddly, calls this “watered-down,” undemanding religion, as though loving God and one's neighbor were easier than listening to sermons (Haigh, Pathways, 79–82, 206, and English Reformations, 286).

⁸² Haigh, “Success,” 49. This was the majority religion because it was the Christianity of the catechisms; see Marsh, Popular Religion, 83–86; Green, Ian, The Christian's ABC: Catechisms and Catechizing in England, c. 1530–1740 (Oxford, 1996), 69–70, 298, 346, 356, 568CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸³ Dent, Plaine Mans Path-way, 344.

⁸⁴ Haigh, “Success,” 31.

⁸⁵ See Haigh, English Reformations, 281–95; Marotti, Arthur, “Shakespeare and Catholicism,” in Theatre and Religion: Lancastrian Shakespeare, ed. Dutton, Richard, Findlay, Alison G., and Wilson, Richard (Manchester, 2003), 219Google Scholar; Walsham, “Parochial Roots,” 627–30. Various scholars have recently noted that this picture of demotic religion ignores the existence of popular forms of godly Protestantism: see Lake, “Religious Identities,” 77–78.

⁸⁶ Walsham, Alexandra, Church Papists, Catholicism, Conformity and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England (Woodbridge, 1999), 103Google Scholar (a view she herself later criticizes in her “Parochial Roots”).

⁸⁷ For example, Collinson, Patrick, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (Berkeley, 1967)Google Scholar; Lake, Moderate Puritans; Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists.

⁸⁸ For Stow's religion, see Archer, Ian, “John Stow's Survey of London,” in The Theatrical City: Culture, Theatre and Politics in London, 1576–1649, ed. Smith, David, Richard Strier, and David Bevington (Cambridge, 1995), 29Google Scholar; Collinson, Patrick, “Stow and Nostalgic Antiquarianism,” in Imagining Early Modern London, ed. Merritt, Julia (Cambridge, 2001), 37–47Google Scholar; Barrett L. Beer, s.v. “Stow, John (1524/5–1605),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (DNB) (Oxford, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/26611]). All further references to the DNB are likewise to the online edition.

⁸⁹ Collinson, “Stow,” 46.

⁹⁰ Quoted in Archer, “Stow's Survey,” 21.

⁹¹ ibid.; see also Collinson, “Stow,” 33.

⁹² Collinson, “Stow,” 33; Archer, “Stow's Survey,” 22; Stow, John, A Survey of London, ed. Thorns, William (London, 1842), 78, 100, 162Google Scholar.

⁹³ Collinson, “Stow,” 34.

⁹⁴ Archer, “Stow's Survey,” 34.

⁹⁵ Brooke, Christopher, A History of Gonville and Caius College (Woodbridge, 1985), 47, 72–77Google Scholar, and see his “The Buildings of Cambridge,” in A History of the University of Cambridge: Volume II, 1546–1750, ed. Victor Morgan with Christopher Brooke (Cambridge, 2004), 29–31.

⁹⁶ The material on Legge and Gostlin comes from Bray, The Friend, 87–93; C. N. L. Brooke, s.v. “Thomas Legge,” DNB, and Gonville and Caius, 72–92, 107, 117; James Heywood and Thomas Wright, eds., Cambridge University Transactions during the Puritan Controversies of the 16th and 17th Centuries, 2 vols. (London, 1854), 1:314–20. Like Sir Thomas Browne, Gostlin was a layman, physician, and “a high churchman in his personal sympathies” (Brooke, Gonville and Caius, 107).

⁹⁷ Bray, The Friend, 89–91.

⁹⁸ According to the Jesuit mission priest, John Gerard, Perne once counseled something very close to “Live in the new, die if you can in the old” of Harington's epigram 376. Gerard wrote twenty years after Perne's death, and Jesuits had a habit of claiming people as secret Catholics, so as information about Perne, Gerard's story is worthless. That some such rumor about Perne's beliefs might be connected to epigram 376 is possible but, I think, not likely. See Gerard, JohnThe Autobiography of an Elizabethan, trans. Philip Carman, intro. Graham Greene (London, 1951), 18–19Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Collinson, Patrick, “Perne the Turncoat: An Elizabethan Reputation,” in his Elizabethan Essays (London, 1994), 186, 192–95Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Collinson, “Perne,” 179–218, and his s.v. “Perne, Andrew (1519?–1589),” DNB.

¹⁰¹ Indoor plumbing is, I believe, a branch of civil engineering, so another link between Perne and Harington. Perne was also responsible for the fiscal planning that saved Oxbridge from the impoverishment that worked such havoc in the rest of the church.

¹⁰² Collinson, “Perne,” 203.

¹⁰³ Tyacke, “Anglican Attitudes,” 144. See also Collinson, Godly People, 152; Lake, “Calvinism and the English Church,” 34, and Moderate Puritans, 226, 236.

¹⁰⁴ Tyacke, , “Anglican Attitudes,” 141; Mark Curtis, Oxford and Cambridge in Transition, 1558–1642 (Oxford, 1959), 166Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Victor Morgan, “The Cambridge Electoral Scene in a Culture of Patronage,” in his History of the University of Cambridge, 346–48, 362–66.

¹⁰⁶ For Young's religious views, see Anthony Milton, s.v. “Laud, William (1573–1645),” DNB. See also Stephen Wright, s.v. “Hawford, Edward (d. 1582)”; and John F. Jackson, s.v. “Harvey, Henry (d. 1585),” both in the DNB.

¹⁰⁷ Strype, John, The Life and Acts of John Whitgift, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1822), 2:228Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Victor Morgan, “The Constitutional Revolution of the 1570s,” in his History of the University of Cambridge, 77.

¹⁰⁹ Lake, Moderate Puritans, 236.

¹¹⁰ Anthony Milton's wonderful essay, which I discovered too late to use, makes it clear that Overall was a whole-hog Haringtonian, although he does not use that term (“‘Anglicanism’ by Stealth: The Career and Influence of John Overall,” in Religious Politics in Post-Reformation England, ed. Kenneth Fincham and Peter Lake [Woodbridge, 2006], 159–66). For Overall's distinctive account of predestination, see Seán Hughes, “The Problem of ‘Calvinism’: English Theologies of Predestination c. 1580–1630,” in Belief and Practice in Reformation England, ed. Susan Wabuda and Caroline Litzenberger (Aldershot, 1998), 229–49.

¹¹¹ Morgan, “Cambridge Electoral Scene,” in his History of the University of Cambridge, 350; Lake, Moderate Puritans, 236; Strype, Whitgift, 2:317–18.

¹¹² Lake, Moderate Puritans, 202.

¹¹³ Porter, H. C., Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge (Cambridge, 1958), 385Google Scholar; Cooper, Charles Henry and Cooper, Thompson, Athenae Catabrigienses, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1861), 2:274–78; Strype, Whitgift, 2:304Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Strype, Whitgift, 2:246–58.

¹¹⁵ Mullinger, James Bass, The University of Cambridge from the Royal Injunctions of 1535 to the Accession of Charles I (Cambridge, 1884), 467–68Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Tyacke, “Anglican Attitudes,” 142–43.

¹¹⁷ These were Baro, Peter, Petri Baronis … in Jonam prophetam praelectiones 39 In quibus multa pié doctéque disseruntur & explicantur (London, 1579)Google Scholar, and De fide, ejusque ortu, & natura, plana ac dilucida explicatio (London, 1580).

¹¹⁸ Mark Shaw, “William Perkins and the New Pelagians,” Westminster Theological Journal 58, no. 2 (Fall 1996): 280. See also Cooper and Cooper, Athenae Cantabrigienses, 2:274–75; Heywood and Wright, Cambridge University Transactions, 1:123ff.

¹¹⁹ Caius, John, Of Englishe Dogges, the diversities, the names, the natures, and the properties, trans. Abraham Fleming (London, 1576), A2rGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁰ Lake, Moderate Puritans, 170.

¹²¹ ibid., 177. See also Heywood and Wright, Cambridge University Transactions, 1:503–22.

¹²² Lake, Moderate Puritans, 176.

¹²³ Everard Digbie his dissuasive from taking away the lyvings and goods of the Church (London, 1590), 17, 30, A4v (the front matter is unpaginated).

¹²⁴ ibid., A2r–A3v, 16, 30, 2; Lake, Moderate Puritans, 172–73.

¹²⁵ Lake, Moderate Puritans, 173.

¹²⁶ McCullough, Peter, ed., Lancelot Andrewes: Selected Sermons and Lectures (Oxford, 2005), 83–84Google Scholar. The sermon, although preached in 1590, was first published in the 1629 volume of Andrewes's Latin works edited by Laud and Buckeridge (the Opuscula quaedam posthuma) and then in English translation in 1646 under the title Sacrilege a Snare; see McCullough's superb commentary in Andrewes, 331–47.

¹²⁷ Field, Nathaniel, Some Short Memorials Concerning the Life of that Reverend Divine Doctor Richard Field, ed. Le Neve, John (London, 1717), 33–36, 44, 22–23Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ ibid., 43–44, 29, 21, 53–54. For Andrewes, see Porter, Reformation and Reaction, 342; McCullough, Andrewes, xiii–xvi. For another pre-1603 Harington-style Oxonian, see Kenneth Fincham and Nicholas Tyacke's discussion of John Howson in Altars Restored: The Changing Face of English Religious Worship, 1547–c. 1700 (Oxford, 2008), 86–88, to which it should be added that immediately after his 1597–98 anti-Calvinist Paul's Cross sermons, Howson was made royal chaplain; four years later (1602), he was elected vice-chancellor of Oxford.

¹²⁹ Shelford's Discourses were published by Cambridge in 1635. See Diarmaid MacCulloch, “Myth,” 17; Collinson, “Perne,” 202.

¹³⁰ Walsham, “Parochial Roots,” 651. A recent study of the Laudianism of another country gentleman, the Viscount Scudamore, strengthens intimations of a link between traditional and Caroline religion, especially in its account of Scudamore's attachment to the ancient Palm Sunday custom of distributing pax cakes with the greeting “‘peace and good neighbourhood’ to symbolize reconciliation and forgiving old grudges” (Ian Atherton, “Viscount Scudamore's ‘Laudianism’: The Religious Practices of the First Viscount Scudamore,” Historical Journal 34, no. 3 [September 1991]: 569–71, 583). Already in 1572, this conjunction of cakes, ritual, and parish community had excited hostile Puritan notice; see Maltby, Prayer Book, 62. See also the Laudian Bishop Piers's 1633 letter defending the church-ales still being kept throughout his diocese “for the civilizing of people, for their lawfull Recreations, for the composing of differences by occasion of the meeting of friends, for the increase of love and unity, as being Feasts of Charity, for the reliefe of the poore, the richer sort keeping then in a manner open house. … It is found also by true experience, that many Suits in Law have bin taken up at these Feasts by mediation of friends, which could not have bin so soone ended in Westminster Hall … [and] many poore Parishes have cast their Bells, repaired their Towers, beautified their Churches, and raised stocks for the poore” (reprinted in William Prynne, Canterburies Doome [London, 1646], 142–43). Equally Haringtonian are Scudamore's outrage at the post-Reformation pillaging of the church, his attack on lay impropriations, and his costly reconstruction of a ruined Cistercian abbey into the exquisite church of Abbey Dore.

¹³¹ Graham Parry notes the same passionate concern to protect “the endowments of the Church” in Andrewes (The Arts of the Anglican Counter-Reformation: Glory, Laud and Honor [Woodbridge, 2006], 171–72).

¹³² The Works of the Most Reverend Father in God, William Laud, D.D., 7 vols. (Oxford, 1849), 2:398–400.

¹³³ Trevor-Roper, Hugh, From Counter-Reformation to Glorious Revolution (Chicago, 1992), 141Google Scholar. One might note here Scudamore's friendship with Hobbes, Mersenne, and Grotius (see Ian Atherton, s.v. “Scudamore, John, first Viscount Scudamore [1601–1671],” DNB).

¹³⁴ Works of William Laud, 2:362, 402–3.

¹³⁵ Shelford, Discourses, 240; quoted in Milton, Catholic and Reformed, 64; Harington, Tract, 108.

¹³⁶ MacCulloch, “Myth,” 16–17.

¹³⁷ Collinson, Patrick, The Reformation (London, 2003), 116Google Scholar, and Elizabethan Essays, 109–111, 114; Susan Doran, “Elizabeth I's Religion: The Evidence of Her Letters,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 4 (October 2000): 707–10; Atherton, “Scudamore,” 595; Fincham and Tyacke, Altars Restored, 81.

¹³⁸ Christopher Hatton, Lord Chancellor from 1587 to 1591, belongs even more clearly in the traditionalist camp: see Usher, Reconstruction of the English Church, 1:31; Wallace T. MacCaffrey, s.v. “Hatton, Sir Christopher (c. 1540–1591),” DNB.

¹³⁹ Patrick Collinson, Godly People, 147; Pauline Croft, “The Religion of Robert Cecil,” Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 791; Strype, Whitgift, 2:286–87.

¹⁴⁰ Strype, Whitgift, 2:302–3.

¹⁴¹ Heywood and Wright, Cambridge University Transactions, 2:99ff.; Lake, Moderate Puritans, 178.

¹⁴² Fincham and Tyacke, Altars Restored, 82. It was this commentary that Abraham Fleming translated.

¹⁴³ Julia Merritt, “The Cradle of Laudianism? Westminster Abbey, 1558–1630,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 4 (October 2001): 624–28, 638, 646.

¹⁴⁴ Porter, Reformation and Reaction, 113, 126, 178. For the traditionalism of Burghley's religion, see Pauline Croft, “The New English Church in One Family: William, Mildred and Robert Cecil,” in Platten, Anglicanism, 74–78.

¹⁴⁵ Harington, “Breefe Notes and Remembraunce” in Nugae, 1:173–74.

¹⁴⁶ ibid., 1:236.

¹⁴⁷ Burghley's will is unmistakably Protestant (see http://www.oxford-shakespeare.com/new_files_may_06/PROB%2011-92.pdf [accessed 27 March 2008]), yet speaks of “hope” rather than “assurance” of salvation, does not refer to election or predestination, and describes his Roman Catholic parents as good Christians.

¹⁴⁸ For Robert Cecil's proper title at any given time, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Cecil%2C_1st_Earl_of_Salisbury.

¹⁴⁹ The following is based on Croft's splendid “The Religion of Robert Cecil.”

¹⁵⁰ Harington, Supplie, 58, and Tract, 44.

¹⁵¹ Parry, Anglican Counter-Reformation, 100; Croft, “The Religion of Robert Cecil,” 787.

¹⁵² See Croft, “New English Church,” 86–87, and “The Religion of Robert Cecil,” 790–91.

¹⁵³ Lake, Moderate Puritans, 226; MacCulloch, “Myth,” 18; Tyacke, “Anglican Attitudes,” 143–44.

¹⁵⁴ Porter, Reformation and Reaction, 337–38.

¹⁵⁵ Strype, Whitgift, 2:238–41 (Whitgift to the heads, 8 June 1595). See also Whitgift's letter to Burghley, 2:258.

¹⁵⁶ ibid., 2:270 (Whitgift to the heads, 30 September 1595); Lake, Moderate Puritans, 212.

¹⁵⁷ Strype, Whitgift, 2:259–61 (heads to Whitgift, late summer 1595).

¹⁵⁸ ibid., 2:282 (Whitgift to heads, November 1595).

¹⁵⁹ Lake, Moderate Puritans, 236.

¹⁶⁰ Elizabeth Gilliam, “To ‘Run with the Time’: Archbishop Whitgift, the Lambeth Articles, and the Politics of Theological Ambiguity in Late Elizabethan England,” Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 2 (Summer 1992): 333–36.

¹⁶¹ We know of this only from a remark Harsnett made thirty years later; see http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=30422http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=30422; Tyacke, “Anglican Attitudes,” 149.

¹⁶² Tyacke, “Anglican Attitudes,” 149; see also MacCulloch, “Myth,” 16; Lake, “Calvinism and the English Church,” 34–35, and his “Review: The Impact of Early Modern Protestantism,” Journal of British Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1989): 300.

¹⁶³ Frank Brownlow, Walsh, Shakespeare, Harsnett, and the Devils of Denham (Newark, NJ, 1993), 42–43Google Scholar; see also Moore, Jonathan, English Hypothetical Universalism: John Preston and the Softening of Reformed Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2007), 58nGoogle Scholar. Harsnett's sermon is such a devastating critique of predestination that the fact that it got no reaction besides a private rebuke from Whitgift is astounding. Maybe he preached during a thunderstorm. Lake, however, suggests that Whitaker's February 1595 university sermon was precisely a response to Harsnett (“The ‘Anglican Moment,’” 109).

¹⁶⁴ Lake, “The Impact,” 300.

¹⁶⁵ Tyacke, “Anglican Attitudes,” 151.

¹⁶⁶ Nicholas W. S. Cranfield, s.v. “Bancroft, Richard (bap. 1544, d. 1610),” DNB; Collinson, Godly People, 442.

¹⁶⁷ Lake, “The Impact,” 300.

¹⁶⁸ Lake, Moderate Puritans, 240.

¹⁶⁹ See Steinmetz, David, “Calvin and the Divided Self of Romans 7,” in Augustine, the Harvest, and Theology (1300–1650), ed. Hagen, Kenneth (Leiden, 1990), 300–313Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁰ Milton, Catholic and Reformed, 530. Milton, however, terms this churchmanship “Laudianism” and locates it in the Caroline period.

¹⁷¹ Parry, Anglican Counter-Reformation, 171–72.

¹⁷² ibid., 41, 190.

¹⁷³ See Lake, “The Impact,” 302–3.

¹⁷⁴ Frederick James Furnivall, “Sir John Harington's Shakespeare Quartos,” Notes and Queries, 7th ser., vol. 9 (1890): 382–83; see also Craig, Harington, 14. As of 1610, Harington owned fifteen plays by Shakespeare.

¹⁷⁵ Knapp, Jeffrey, Shakespeare's Tribe: Church, Nation, and Theater in Renaissance England (Chicago, 2002), 177, 52Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁶ ibid., 16, 43, 52, 27, 30, 142.

¹⁷⁷ Meyjes, G. H. M. Posthumus, “Protestant Irenicism in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” in The End of Strife, ed. Loades, David (Edinburgh, 1984), 78, 91Google Scholar. De Dominis (1560–1624) left Rome for Canterbury because he viewed the Church of England as “an exemplary case of a reformed church in which the ancient orders of ministry had been preserved, the eucharistic … celebrated with great solemnity, and parish churches were dedicated to the saints and martyrs and to the Blessed Virgin Mary”; he returned to Rome a few years later, having discovered that the reality was a little more complicated. See W. B. Patterson, s.v. “Dominis, Marco Antonio de (1560–1624),” DNB.

¹⁷⁸ Merritt, “The Cradle of Laudianism,” 626.

¹⁷⁹ Marsh, Popular Religion, 55.

¹⁸⁰ MacCulloch, “Myth,” 1, 11, 18 (emphasis added); David Daniell, “Shakespeare and the Protestant Mind,” Shakespeare Survey 54 (2001): 2–3. This is an unusually strong formulation, but the point differs little from MacCulloch's claim that from 1559 through the 1620s “discontinuity with the pre-Reformation past was more characteristic than continuity” (“Myth,” 14; see also Lake, “Religious Identities,” 76). The oddest claim along these lines is Duffy's assertion that the “Elizabethan injunctions … recognized that the very stones of the parish churches remembered their Catholic past, and attempted to bulldoze away that material memory” (Eamon Duffy, “Bare ruined choirs: Remembering Catholicism in Shakespeare's England,” in Dutton, Findlay, and Wilson, Theatre and Religion, 45). There remain hundreds of medieval parish churches in England; I know of none deliberately destroyed in the Reformation and certainly not by bulldozers.

¹⁸¹ Walsham, Church Papists, 6, 49, 97, 103; Haigh, “The Continuity of Catholicism in the English Reformation,” Past and Present no. 93 (November 1981): 40.

¹⁸² The full text can be found at http://traditionalcatholic.net/Tradition/Prayer/Tridentine_Creed.html (accessed 20 May 2008). See also Lake and Questier, “Introduction,” xv.

¹⁸³ Fincham, Kenneth, “Introduction,” in The Early Stuart Church, 1603–1642 (Stanford, CA, 1993), 3–4Google Scholar; see also Lake, Peter, “Puritan Identities,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 35, no. 1 (January 1984): 118Google Scholar. “Anglican” used in contradistinction to “Calvinist” dates from 1797.

¹⁸⁴ Diarmaid MacCulloch, “The Church of England 1533–1603,” in Platten, Anglicanism, 18.

¹⁸⁵ Lake, “Religious Identities,” 76.

¹⁸⁶ ibid., 71, 78.

¹⁸⁷ I have passed over Judith Maltby's Prayer Book Protestants, since so much of her evidence comes from materials written by conformists in 1641–42 attempting to persuade Parliament not to dismantle the church; these tracts and petitions decry Laudian innovation, but, given their aim, what other tack could they have taken with any hope of success? Yet all we have are these materials, and they do not sound much like Harington.

¹⁸⁸ “High church” dates from ca. 1700, “Anglo-Catholic” from ca. 1840.

¹⁸⁹ Croft, “The Religion of Robert Cecil,” 787.

¹⁹⁰ MacCulloch, “Myth,” 17; Collinson, “Perne,” 199. With the disappearance of “Anglican,” “high church” inevitably expands to cover some of the abandoned terrain. “High church” as distinct from “Anglican” has a narrower scope than “high church” as distinct from “Puritan.”

¹⁹¹ Parry's work suggests that this diffuse multifocality may even hold for what we think of as Laudianism (Anglican Counter-Reformation, 191).

¹⁹² ibid., 52; Merritt, “The Cradle of Laudianism,” 623–29.

¹⁹³ Marsh, “Piety and Persuasion,” 142.

¹⁹⁴ If one's point of reference is London, this would be a natural assumption, but New York is a two-river city. And in Paradise there were four (Gen. 2:10–14). “Mainstream” need not imply numerical majority (an unknowable figure). For early modern England, a position can be defined as mainstream if it meets two criteria: (1) those who espouse it may hold important positions in state and church, and (2) an adherent could find a (formal or informal) community of like-minded persons in most cities and larger towns across England.

¹⁹⁵ This sense of continuity stands over and against the Calvinist “sympathy with the continental Reformed tradition … and a sense of identification with the West European Calvinist Churches and their fortunes” (Milton, Catholic and Reformed, 8, 424–26).

¹⁹⁶ Haigh, English Reformations, 281.

¹⁹⁷ Harington, Tract, 7, 40, 47, 115–16.

¹⁹⁸ For example, Bishops Guest, Freke, Cheyney, and Young. Fincham and Tyacke suggest that Thomas Bentley's 1582 Monument of Matrones points “to the existence of an Elizabethan protestant lay piety in quiet revolt against the contemporary teaching of Calvinist divines,” but the accent must fall on “quiet” (Altars Restored, 69–71).

¹⁹⁹ Kaufman's, PeterThinking of the Laity in Late Tudor England (Notre Dame, IN, 2004)Google Scholar, which examines Puritan lay activism, thus depends almost exclusively on clerical sources. The one great exception is St. Thomas More.