Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 January 2014
On July 21, 1683, William, Lord Russell, the former leader of the Whig party in the House of Commons, was executed in Lincoln's Inn Fields for high treason. The week before a jury had convicted him of conspiring with other Whig leaders in schemes that have become known as the Rye House Plot to raise rebellion by capturing King Charles II's guards and, thereby, in law, to kill the king. But Russell is not known in history as a traitor or even as a Whig conspirator. Rather he is remembered as a Whig martyr, as a victim of late-Stuart tyranny, a man who suffered death in the cause of the liberties and rights of Englishmen and the true Protestant religion. To explain how the Whig conspirator became the Whig martyr and has remained so from 1683 to the present is my central purpose in this essay. I will show that the carefully constructed image of Russell as martyr drew inspiration from familial and political considerations and that it has influenced our understanding not only of Russell but also of late-Stuart politics and political ideas.
It is self-evident, I think, that a martyr is made—and made only by the interaction of three factors. First, an individual must die or endure suffering with great courage on behalf of some cause or principle. Although this is true of all martyrs, there seem to be no personality traits common to them. A common pattern of psychological behavior does seem apparent, however, among sixteenth-century English Protestant martyrs awaiting execution. Curiously, given the quantity of twentieth-century martyrs, modern psychiatrists have not studied martyrs systematically, but one has ventured the suggestion that a physiological condition—a “highly developed cortical base” in the brain that increases a person's capacity for empathy and decreases his regard for egocentric needs—may account for an individual's self-sacrifice. This is a tantalizing thought, but, obviously, at this remove in time it is impossible to discover anything about the structure of Lord Russell's brain. But evidence does show that he was a heedless person, prone to act without calculating the consequences.
1 See Oxford English Dictionary (OED), s.v. “martyr.”
2 See Byman, Seymour, “Ritualistic Acts and Compulsive Behavior: The Pattern of Tudor Martyrdom,” American Historical Review 83 (1978): 625–43CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. Elizabeth Read Foster called this article to my attention.
3 Kenneth B. Clark's remarks, delivered in 1979 before the American Psychological Association convention, were reported by Munson, Howard, “Newsline: Ethics: The Biology of Martyrdom,” Psychology Today (November 1979), pp. 39–40Google Scholar.
4 Wright, Paul, ed., The New and Complete Book of Martyrs, or, an Universal History of Martyrdom: Being Fox's Book of Martyrs, Revised and Corrected with Additions and great Improvements … (London, 1784), p. 768Google Scholar.
5 There is no modern biography, but in 1819, Russell, Lord John published The Life of William Lord Russell: With Some Account of the Times in Which He Lived (London), which had a 4th ed. in 1853Google Scholar. Russell has been overshadowed in history by Anthony Ashley Cooper, first earl of Shaftesbury, the Whig party leader, and by Algernon Sidney and John Locke, contemporaries of greater intellectual ability.
6 Henning, Basil Duke, ed., The History of Parliament: The House of Commons, 1660–1690, 3 vols. (London, 1983), 3:366Google Scholar.
7 Hampshire and Bedfordshire returned him. Russell chose to sit for Bedfordshire. He was first elected to the House in 1660.
8 Historical Manuscript Commission (HMC), Manuscripts of the Marquess of Ormonde, n.s. (London, 1906), 5:473Google Scholar.
9 For Russell's reputation as inarticulate, see, e.g., Cobbett, William, ed., Complete Collection of state trials and proceedings for high treason (London, 1809–1826), 9:611Google Scholar; Foxcroft, H. C., Life and Letters of Sir George Savile, First Marquis of Halifax, 2 vols. (London, 1898), 1:135Google Scholar and n. 1. But Russell made at least twenty-one speeches in the Cavalier Parliament and over twenty in the Exclusion Parliament (see Henning, ed., 3:367). It is possible that he was actually less tongue-tied than some contemporaries thought. See, e.g., strong speeches as reported by Grey, Anchitell, Debates of the House of Commons From the Year 1667 to the Year 1694, 10 vols. (London, 1763), 2:227, 3:420, 7:147–48Google Scholar. In the autumn of 1680, it was said that only “a very few of the old” members of the House, among whom Russell was one, were listened to and remarked that Russell, as well as some others, had delivered “some very home speeches,” meaning that the speeches were very effective and touched the heart of the matter. See HMC, Manuscripts of the Marquess of Ormonde, 5:467Google Scholar, and Seventh Report (London, 1879), pt. 1, app., p. 496bGoogle Scholar. “Home,” in the sense of “effective,” appeared in Luttrell, Narcissus, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs from September 1678 to April 1714, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1857), 1:200Google Scholar. See OED, s.v. “home.”
10 See his admission in debate in 1676 that he seldom read statutes (Grey, 4:71).
11 His travel diaries and youthful letters provide evidence of William's ability to write in an engaging and coherent manner. His letters won fulsome praise from his pardonably proud tutor. (See John Thornton to William Russell, May 7, 1657, Chatsworth, Russell Papers Unsorted, box 1; and Russell, William, “A Diary of Travels in France,” Bedford Office, London [BOL], Russell MSS, box 38Google Scholar. Note that the numbers that appearin HMC, Second Report [London, 1871]Google Scholar, app., to designate boxes of material in the Bedford archives have been retained at BOL.) Direct evidence about William's reading habits is scrappy. He had some interest in astronomy, once ordering two copies of a book on that subject, one in Latin, one in English (William Russell to John Thornton, June 11, 1674, BOL, Russell MSS, box 36, no. 14). He also read religious tracts: Lady Rachel referred, in a draft letter, dated 1682, to an unidentified correspondent, to an unidentified book that had made William “in love with heaven” (Chatsworth, , Russell Letters, 28:2Google Scholar). During his imprisonment, William read the Bible and Richard Baxter's Dying Thoughts (see Burnet, Gilbert, bishop of Exeter, History of His Own Time: with Notes by the Earls of Dartmouth and Hardwicke, Speaker Onslow, and Dean Swift [Oxford, 1833], 2:370Google Scholar). Lady Rachel sometimes referred to the “prints,” meaning tracts, and it may be assumed that William read the current polemical political literature. During his imprisonment, he talked about the “state of Hungary and the affaires of Europe just as he used to doe,” Burnet reported (see “Dr. Burnet's Account [of William's Imprisonment],” Chatsworth, Russell Papers Unsorted, box 1). Russell's household accounts, which might have shown expenditures for books, have not survived, but those of his father do not indicate regular purchases. Indeed his father's library was not extensive. (See BOL, “List of Books of the earls and dukes of Bedford.”)
12 Burnet, 2:83.
13 Ibid., p. 365. Portraits by Claude Lefevre and John Ridley and a miniature show a frank open face with brown eyes, full lips, strong nose, and a dark curly periwig. William stood approximately five feet, ten inches, and was rather heavy set. His height is deduced from the measurement of his casket interred at Chenies, which Marie Draper kindly arranged. For his generosity and concern for others, see William Russell to John Thornton, January 3, [1674], and June 4, 1674; BOL, Russell MSS, box 36; and “Dr. Burnet's Account….” William's father wrote out advice for his sons that may have influenced him. It was published in Practical Wisdom; or, The Manual of Life: The Counsels of Eminent Men to their Children … (London, 1824)Google ScholarPubMed.
14 Russell's elder brother, Francis, died in 1678, at which time William became known as Lord Russell.
15 William Russell and his uncle Colonel John Russell were rivals for the favor of Elizabeth Hamilton, to whom James, duke of York, was also attracted. Some kind of fracas occurred, the details of which are clouded. (See Public Record Office [PRO], State Papers [SP] 29/116/83, and SP 44/22/37; and also Calendar of State Papers, Domestic [CSPD], 1664–1665, p. 281.) Exuberant spirits, indulgence in horseplay with family members, and impetuousness continued to characterize his later behavior as a man in his thirties (see Berry, Mary, Some Account of The Life of Rachel Wriothesley Lady Russell … [London, 1819], p. 63Google Scholar; and HMC, Manuscripts of the late Allan George Finch, esq. of Burley-on-the-hill Rutland [London, 1922], 2:3–4)Google Scholar.
16 The Works of Sir William Temple, Bart., 4 vols. (London, 1757), 2:532Google Scholar.
17 Grey, 6:360, quoted in Henning, ed., 3:367.
18 Burnet, 2:83.
19 Berry, p. 129. Lady Russell insisted that William's views were based on his “own” understanding and “not another's” (see Letters of Lady Rachel Russell; From The Manuscript in the Library at Woburn Abbey … [London, 1773], p. 39)Google Scholar.
20 Henning, ed., 3:366.
21 Margaret Spencer, Shaftesbury's third wife, and Rachel Russell were cousins; their grandfather was Henry, third earl of Southampton. An example of William's devotion to Shaftesbury is that he put up £1,500 as bail in November 1681 to help secure the earl's release from prison (see Haley, K. H. D., The First Earl of Shaftesbury [Oxford, 1968], p. 682Google Scholar).
22 For Hampden, see “Dr. Burnet's Account …”; Lacey, Douglas R., Dissent and Parliamentary Politics in England, 1661–1689: A Study in the Perpetuation and Tempering of Parliamentarianism (New Brunswick, N.J., 1969), pp. 215, 401–2Google Scholar. For Charlton, see Goldie, Mark, “The Roots of True Whiggism, 1688–94,” History of Political Thought 1 (1980): 202Google Scholar; Haley, pp. 669, 682; CSPD, July 1 to September 30,1683, pp. 249, 250, 303; CSPD, October 1683–April 1684, p. 95. For Speke, see Dictionary of National Biography (DNB), s.v. “Hugh Speke”; CSPD, July 1 to September 30, 1683, pp. 109, 212, 304; and deBeer, E. S., ed., Diary of John Evelyn, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1955), 4:367, n. 1Google Scholar.
23 Russell's wife and family preserved his juvenilia and every scrap of paper from the period of his imprisonment. Only the odd personal letter from the years when he was a political leader has survived.
24 See, e.g., Grey 2:227, 393; 3:40–41; 5:224; 7:460–61; 8:53, 281. As a member (briefly) of the Privy Council in 1679, Russell opposed so vehemently the king's prerogative to summon and dismiss Parliament at will that he won Charles's enmity and contempt (see Luttrell [n. 9 above], 1:33; HMC, Manuscripts of the Marquess of Ormonde [n. 8 above], 5:270,271,274)Google Scholar.
25 See Behrens, B., “The Whig Theory of the Constitution in the Reign of Charles II,” Cambridge Historical Journal 1 (1941): 42–71Google Scholar; and Furley, O. W., “The Whig Ex clusionists: Pamphlet Literature in the Exclusion Campaign, 1679–81,“ Cambridge Historical Journal 13 (1957): 19–36Google Scholar.
26 Grey, 7:147–48.
27 French Huguenots settled in large numbers at the rear of Bedford's estate in Thorney, where the parish church, which was under Bedford's jurisdiction, performed services alternately in French and in English and kept its records in both French and English (see Thomson, Gladys S., Family Background [London, 1949], pp. 177–79Google Scholar; and also British Library [BL], Additional [Add.] MS 37,728, fols. 166–68; notes by Berry to the same point). Moreover, Thomas Manton, one of Cromwell's chaplains and an eminent nonconformist, received the living of Covent Garden from the fifth earl (see BOL, Russell MSS, box 8, vol. 3, fol. 7).
28 For his denial, see Grey, 7:147.
29 Henning, ed., 3:366.
30 William Bates to William, Lord Russell, 1680, Chatsworth, Russell Papers Unsorted, box 1. Bates, a Presbyterian minister, had worked for comprehension and/or toleration during the Restoration (see DNB, s.v. “William Bates”). The title of the book dedicated to Russell was Vitae Selectorum Aliquot Virorum Qui Doctrina, Dignitate, aut Pietate Inclaruere (London, 1681)Google Scholar.
31 The original with signatures is in PRO (PRO 30/24/6 B. 420).
32 Brown, Louise F., The First Earl of Shaftesbury (New York, 1933), p. 271Google Scholar. Thomas Pilkington, the radical London sheriff, proposed the same measure (see Ogg, David, England in the Reign of Charles II, 2 vols. [Oxford, 1962], 2:588–89Google Scholar).
33 Christie, W. D., A Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper, first earl of Shaftesbury, 2 vols. (London, 1871), 2:371Google Scholar.
34 Henning, ed., 3:368.
35 Grey, 8:13.
36 For what follows, see Ogg, 2:606–56; Western, J. R., Monarchy and Revolution: The English State in the 1680s (London, 1972), esp. chaps. 2, 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
37 Haley (n. 21 above), pp. 705–25.
38 William Howard, third Baron Howard of Escrick, who had turned state's evidence, made the charge at William Russell's trial (see Cobbett, ed. [n. 9 above], 9:609, 612, 614).
39 Sprat, Thomas, bishop of Rochester, A true Account and Declaration of the Horrid Conspiracy against the late King, his present Majesty, and the Government… (London, 1685), p. 17Google Scholar; Bodleian Library (Bodl.), Carte MS 219, fols. 472–73.
40 Burnet (n. 11 above), 2:365.
41 Ibid., p. 366. North, Roger, Examen: or an Enquiry into the Credit and Veracity of a Pretended Complete History (London, 1740), pp. 380–81Google Scholar. The official account of Russell's interrogation by the Privy Council does not seem to have survived.
42 The appearance of his wife was proposed by Russell's “friends” as a way of ”helping” him (see BOL, Russell MSS, box 36). For the trial, see Cobbett, ed., 9:579–636.
43 Brief popular studies are Armitage, H., Russell and the Rye House (Letchworth, 1949)Google Scholar; and Salmon, J. H. M., “Algernon Sidney and the Rye House Plot,” History Today 4 (1954): 698–705Google Scholar. See also Milne, Doreen J., “The Results of the Rye House Plot and Their Influence upon the Revolution of 1688,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 1 (1951): 91–108Google Scholar. The best account is Haley, pp. 707–24.
44 The following articles contain material pertinent to the view that Russell received a fair trial: Baker, J. H., “Criminal Courts and Procedure at Common Law, 1550–1800,” in Crime in England, 1550–1800, ed. Cockburn, J. S. (Princeton, N.J., 1977), pp. 15–48Google Scholar; Havighurst, A. F., “The Judiciary and Politics in the Reign of Charles II,” Law Quarterly Review 66 (1950): 229–52Google Scholar; Hill, L. M., “The Two-Witness Rule in English Treason Trials,” American Journal of Legal History 12 (1968): 96–111Google Scholar; Phifer, James R., “Law, Politics, and Violence: The Treason Trials Act of 1696,” Albion 12 (1980): 235–56Google Scholar. I expect to study the trial at another time.
45 HMC, Seventh Report (n. 9 above), pt. 1, app., p. 374Google ScholarPubMed; Luttrell (n. 9 above), 1:271. Charles II commuted the barbarous sentence for treason to simple beheading. The original warrant, dated July 19, 1683, is in the Kent Archives, U 471/025/15. See Ogg, 2:649, for the undocumented statement that some persons in the crowd dipped their handkerchiefs in Russell's blood.
46 Letters of Lady Rachel Russell (n. 19 above), p. 6.
47 See, e.g., HMC, Third Report (London, 1872), p. 270aGoogle Scholar; Bond, Maurice F., ed., The Diaries and Papers of Sir Edward Dering, Second Baronet, 1644–1684, House of Lords Record Office Occasional Publications, no. 1 (London, 1976), p. 145Google Scholar. Dering reported that his son had pledged his loyalty to the king, “which many other gentlemen had done.”
48 Among the books were ones by George Buchanan, Hobbes, the Reverend Samuel Johnson, and Richard Baxter.
49 Burnet, 2:382; Ashcraft, Richard, “Revolutionary Politics and Locke's Two Treatises of Government: Radicalism and Lockean Political Theory,“ Political Theory 8 (1980): 467CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It was common practice for the condemned to attempt to exculpate themselves in a scaffold speech, which was later printed.
50 Burnet, 2:382; Letters of Lady Rachel Russell, p. 5.
51 The speech in William's hand in PRO is marked “the original.” It is presumably the text William handed to the sheriff on the scaffold. (PRO, SP 29/429, pt. 1, pp. 144–49.) Another “original” is in BOL (”Lord William Russell's Papers”) together with a note in Rachel's hand that William had given it to her, with orders to print it.
52 Goldie (n. 22 above), p. 199. Also n. 51 above.
53 Ashcraft, pp. 469–75. Tillotson became archbishop of Canterbury after the Revolution.
54 Other “Whiggisms” appeared, such as the “true interest of the nation,” meaning the Protestant, parliamentary interest, as defined by the Whig party (see Bodl., North MS 6.1, no. 24).
55 LordRussell, William, The Speech Of the Late Lord Russel [sic], To the Sheriffs: Together with the Paper deliver'd by him to them, at the Place of Execution, on July 21, 1683 (London, 1683)Google Scholar; all quotations are from pp. 2, 3, 4.
56 William's friends had presented “their thoughts” about the proceedings (see CSPD, July 1 to September 30, 1683, p. 127). And after William's conviction, they proposed that, if the government would spare Russell's life, they would forgo all criticism of it (see BOL, Russell MSS, box 36, no. 22).
57 Dunton, John, The Life and Errors of John Dunton … (1705), ed. Nichols, J. B., 2 vols. (London, 1818), 1:244Google Scholar.
58 BL, Add. MS 37,526, fol. 18.
59 deBeer, ed. (n. 22 above), 4:332, n. 5.
60 Berry (n. 15 above), p. liii. But an anonymous author (Elkanah Settle in the Folger Library catalog) wrote that “the Zealous Lady Russel [sic] … set [the Speech] to Printing a day before the Lord died” (Animadversions on the Last Speech and Confession of the late William Lord Russel [London, 1683], p. 4Google Scholar).
61 HMC, Fifteenth Report, Appendix, Part VIII: The Manuscripts of His Grace the Duke of Buccleuch and Queensbury, K.G., K.T., Preserved at Drumlanrig Castle (London, 1897), p. 194Google Scholar.
62 Luttrell (n. 9 above), 1:271; deBeer, ed., 4:332; Bodl., Carte MS 216, fol. 315.
63 In 1683, The Last Speech and Behaviour of William late Lord Russell … was printed in London by J. C. and F. C. for Thomas Fox and reprinted in Dublin; The last Speech and carriage of the Lord Russel appeared first in London and was reprinted in Edinburgh; and The Speech and Confession of William Lord Russell who was executed for high-Treason was also printed in London for R. V.
64 PRO, SP 29/429, pt. 2, p. 231; CSPD, July 1 to September 30, 1683, p. 190.
65 HMC, Seventh Report (n. 9 above), pt. 1, app., p. 365bGoogle ScholarPubMed; Bodl., Carte MS 168, fols. 152–53; CSPD, July 1 to September 30, 1683, p. 197; cf. PRO, SP 29/429, pt. 2, p. 247, where the words describing Russell read “a brave Protestant,” not “a born Protestant,“ as in the Calendar.
66 A conservative estimate. Darby alone admitted to printing 20,000 copies (see CSPD, July 1 to September 30, 1683, p. 432), and it is likely, given the public interest, that more than the average number of 1,000 copies per edition were printed.
67 HMC, Fifteenth Report…, p. 194Google Scholar, and Seventh Report, pt. 1, app., p. 263a.
68 CSPD, July 1 to September 30, 1683, pp. 187, 190,432; Luttrell, 1:271. Darby was later fined twenty marks and warned not to print anything against the government again (see BOL, Russell MSS, boxes 41, 41 A).
69 Burnet (n. 11 above), 2:389; Foxcroft (n. 9 above), 1:395. Burnet was so alarmed by the displeasure of the court that he went to the Continent for a while.
70 See DNB, s.v. “Sir Samuel Barnardiston”; and Cobbett, ed. (n. 9 above), 9:1334–72, esp. 1354, for Jeffreys's remark. Barnardiston paid £6,000 and gave his bond for the rest of the fine; he was released from prison in June 1688.
71 His Majesties Declaration to All His Loving Subjects, Concerning the Treasonable Conspiracy Against His Sacred Person and Government, Lately Discovered (London, 1683)Google Scholar (reprinted under slightly different title in 1684). CSPD, July 1 to September 30, 1683, p. 216.
72 Bodl., Carte MS 216, fol. 317. Twelve sermons delivered on September 9 are in the Folger collection; see, e.g., Cave, John, King David's deliverance and thanksgiving. Applied to the case of our King and nation (London, 1683)Google Scholar; and Foreness, E., A Sermon preached at Manchester upon the 9th of September, being the day of thanksgiving for our deliverance from the late conspiracy (London, 1683)Google Scholar.
73 A List of all the Conspirators That have been Seiz'd, (and where Committed) since the Discovery of the Horrid and Bloody Plot (n.p., n.d.) (internal evidence establishes the date as between late July and early December 1683); A History of the New Plot: Or, A Prospect of Conspirators, their Designs Damnable, Ends Miserable, Deaths Exemplary (London, 1683)Google Scholar.
74 In Lord, George deF., gen. ed., Poems on Affairs of State: Augustan Satirical Verse, 1660–1714, vol. 3, 1682–1685, ed. Schless, Howard H. (New Haven, Conn., 1968), between pp. 462 and 463Google Scholar. The story of the battle between frogs and mice, attributed to Homer, was well known in England. It was printed in Greek in 1535, 1537, 1542, and 1587; in Latin in 1537, 1580, and 1629; in Italian in 1512 (described as an imitation), 1573, and 1642; and in English in 1603, 1616, 1624, and 1633. For the use of the term “frog “ in political propaganda, see Adler, Doris, “Imaginary Toads in the Real Gardens,“ English Literary Renaissance 11 (1981): 235–60Google Scholar.
75 [P., C.],A Congratulatory pindarick poem, for his Majesties safe deliverance from this hellish and true plot (London, 1683)Google Scholar; The Whigs Lamentation, or the Tears of a True-Blue Protestant … (London, 1683)Google Scholar.
76 L'Estrange, Roger Sir, Considerations upon a printed sheet entituled the Speech of the late Lord Russell to the Sheriffs (London, 1683), pp. 11–13 (misnumbered for p. 12)Google Scholar; Some Succinct Remarks on the Speech of the Late Lord Russell, To the Sheriffs (London, 1683), p. 2Google Scholar. Even John Ketch, the public executioner, published a tract to deny that he deliberately took three strokes to behead Russell. He blamed William for the butcherly job he had performed! (The Apologie of John Ketch, Esq. The executioner of London in Vindication of Himself as to the Execution of the Late Lord Russell [London, 1683].Google Scholar)
77 A Vindication of the Lord Russell's Speech and Paper, etc., from the foul imputation of falsehood (London, 1683)Google Scholar.
78 A Most Excellent Eloquent Speech … (London, 1683)Google Scholar.
79 Bodl., North MS 6.1; BL, Add. MS 32,518, fols. 121–24v (unsigned but identified as North's).
80 Atkyns, Robert Sir, The Lord Russell's Innocency Further defended… (London, licensed April 9, 1689), pp. 7, 11Google Scholar, identifies Shower as the author of An Antidote Against Poison (London, 1683)Google Scholar. BL assigns it to Heneage Finch. (See Berry [n. 15 above], p. 78.)
81 L'Estrange's Considerations upon a printed sheet … had four editions in 1683. Other pamphlets analyzing the speech include Animadversions on the Last Speech and Confession of the late William Lord Russel (n. 60 above), assigned to Elkanah Settle; Animadversions upon a paper entituled, The Speech of the late Lord Russell (London, 1683)Google Scholar, assigned to John Nalson; and Some Succinct Remarks….
82 L'Estrange, pp. 13, 16–17, 27, 28; An Antidote Against Poison, p. 1.
83 “Every line's a snare,“ complained L'Estrange (p. 8).
84 An Antidote Against Poison, p. 3.
85 Ibid., p. 2.
86 L'Estrange, pp. 26, 33.
87 Bodl., Don. MS C. 55, fols. 16v–18. Dated July 21, 1683, the poem opened with ”Hush! And the dismal tydings shall be told.”
88 Berry, pp. 77–78. Portions of A Defence of the Late Lord Russet's Innocency … (London, 1689)Google Scholar (advertised in the London Gazette, February 28–March 4, 1689) were Atkyns's response.
89 CSPD, July 1 to September 30, 1683, p. 127.
90 Ibid., pp. 215–16; PRO, SP 29/429, pt. 3, p. 199.
91 CSPD, October 1, 1683–April 30,1684, p. 11; HMC, Seventh Report (n. 9 above), pt. 1, app., pp. 341b, 342aGoogle ScholarPubMed; CSPD, May 1,1684–February 5,1685, p. 188. It was reported that, in order to embarrass the government, unidentified Whigs were advising a woman, whose husband had been killed by the brother of the earl of Thanet in a melee the morning Russell was beheaded, to press charges (see “F. Letter to Devonshire,” August 28, 1683, Chatsworth, Devonshire Coll., group 1).
92 It is worth noting, although it may be no more than coincidence, that John Foxe's book on martyrs had a 9th ed. in 1684.
93 The Last Legacy, Or Affectionate and Pious Exhortations and Admonitions Of the Late William Lord Russell, to his Vertuous Lady, and dear Children … (London, 1683) (a 2d ed., without pictures, appeared in 1683)Google ScholarPubMed.
94 [L., A.], An impartial and full account of the life and death of the late unhappy William lord Russell… (London, 1684)Google Scholar. A picture of the execution enlivened The Whole Tryal and Defence of William Lord Russel, Who Dyed a Martyr to the Romish Fury, in the Year 1683 … (London, 1683)Google Scholar.
95 HMC, Seventh Report, pt. 1, app., p. 263aGoogle ScholarPubMed.
96 The Declaration of James Duke of Monmouth, & The Noblemen, Gentlemen & others (n.p., n.d.).
97 Schwoerer, Lois G., The Declaration of Rights, 1689 (Baltimore, 1981), pp. 94–96Google Scholar.
98 HMC, Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part VI: The Manuscripts of the House of Lords, 1689–1690 (London, 1889), p. 40Google Scholar. A Justification of the late Act of Parliament for Reversing the Judgment against the Lord Russel (London, 1689)Google Scholar (the date is fixed by the fact that the tract is mentioned in Atkyns, , The Lord Russell's Innocency Further defended … [n. 80 above], p. 11Google Scholar).
99 HMC, Twelfth Report …, pp. 283, 286, 287, 289, 297, 309Google Scholar.
100 SirShower, Bartholomew, The Magistracy and Government of England Vindicated (London, 1689), p. 1Google Scholar, noted that “the pillars and posts” in London were “daubed with” pamphlets.
101 Henry Booth, Baron Delamere to William, Earl Russell, March 16, 1686/7, Chatsworth, Russell Papers Unsorted, box 1.
102 See Atkyns, A Defence of the Late Lord Russel's Innocency … (n. 88 above), and The Lord Russell's Innocency Further defended …; SirHawles, John, A reply to a sheet of paper intituled The Magistracy and Government of England Vindicated (London, 1689)Google Scholar, and Remarks on the Tryals of Edward Fitzharris, Stephen College, Count Coningsmark, the Lord Rusel, Collonel Sidney, Henry Cornish and Charles Bateman (London, 1689), pp. 56–75Google Scholar, for Russell's trial; Booth, Henry, Delamere, Baron, The late Lord Russel's Case with Observations upon it (London, 1689)Google Scholar (advertised in the London Gazette, March 11–14, 1689).
103 The Dying Speeches of Several Excellent Persons, Who Suffered for their Zeal against Popery, and Arbitrary Government (London, 1689), pp. 10–17Google Scholar. A single sheet, Brief Heads of the last Speech of. Lord Russell, with some seasonable notes thereupon, was printed without place or date, but the reference to the annulment of William's attainder places it in 1689, not 1683, as shown in the BL catalog.
104 See An Alphabetical Table of the Names of all those Jury-men that serv'd with the Cities of London and Westminster, upon the Lives, Liberties and Estates of several Patriots, etc., in the late Reigns (a broadside) (n.p., n.d.); for the judges, see The Ashes of the Just Smell Sweet, and Blossom in the Dust (a broadside) (n.p., n.d.).
105 Shower wrote The Magistracy and Government of England Vindicated in three parts.
106 See BaronessBunsen, Frances, A Memoir of Baron Bunsen (London, 1868), 1:532–33Google Scholar. For the story of the spruce tree, I am indebted to Marie Draper, who found it in the papers of the eighth duke of Bedford in BOL.
107 The Life and Death of the Honourable William Lord Russel (London, 1708), p. 2Google Scholar.
108 The earliest history of the Glorious Revolution supplied some ingredients. For example, it referred to “sham plots” contrived to “ensnare and ruin the soberest part of the nation” and to the packing of juries to assure a guilty verdict, as in the case of Russell (History of the Late Revolution in England [London, 1689], pp. 32, 34Google Scholar; see also Kennett, White, A Complete History of England …, 3 vols. [London, 1706], 3:409–12Google Scholar; Echard, Laurence, The History of England, 3 vols. [London, 1707–1718], 3:689–94Google Scholar; De Thoyras, Paul Rapin, The History of England, trans. 28 vols. [London, 1726–1747], 2:729Google Scholar; Ralph, James, The History of England …, 2 vols. [London, 1744–1746], pp. 743–59)Google Scholar.
109 Echard, 3:694.
110 North (n. 41 above), pp. 402, 503.
111 Hume, David, The History of Great Britain …, 2 vols. (London, 1754–1757), 2:353, 358–62Google Scholar.
112 Grey (n. 9 above), 5:209n.
113 SirDalrymple, John, Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, 2 vols. (London and Edinburgh, 1771–1773), 2:ixGoogle Scholar. Volume 2 appeared February 24, 1773 (see Lewis, W. S., Cronin, Grover Jr., and Bennett, Charles H., eds., Horace Walpole's Correspondence with William Mason, 2 vols. [New Haven, Conn., 1955], 1:66, n. 2)Google Scholar.
114 The appearance in 1775 of another history by James McPherson, no admirer of Russell, did not help (see A History of Great Britain from the Restoration to the Accession of the House of Hannover, 2 vols. [London]Google Scholar).
115 Lewis et al., eds., 1:85.
116 The collected letters attracted admirers; in 1751, Horace Walpole wrote that he wanted “to persuade the Duke of Bedford” to print them (Lewis, W. S., Smith, Warren H., and Lam, G. L., eds., Horace Walpole's Correspondence with Sir Horace Mann, 11 vols. [New Haven, Conn., 1960], 4:283)Google Scholar.
117 Horace Walpole expressed surprise in 1773 that the duchess of Bedford should have allowed the publication. He noted that her late husband (the fourth duke) had regarded William Russell as “a very silly fellow” (Lewis, Cronin, Jr., and Bennett, eds., 1:85).
118 Towers, Joseph, An Examination into the Nature and Evidence of the Charges brought against Lord W. Russell, and A. Sydney, by Sir J. Dalrymple Bart, in his Memoirs of Great Britain (London, 1773)Google Scholar. Another answer to Dalrymple was Observations on a Late Publication Entitled, ‘Memoirs of Great Britain, by Sir John Dalrymple’ … (London, 1773)Google Scholar; it provoked a sharp rejoinder in the Monthly Review 48 (1773): 505–6Google Scholar (see Lewis, Cronin, Jr., and Bennett, eds., 1:85, n. 11).
119 Wright, ed. (n. 4 above), p. 768.
120 Hayley, William, Plays of Three Acts: Written for a Private Theater (London, 1784), pp. 272, 275, 276, 280, 303, 310Google Scholar.
121 Stratford, Reverend Thomas, Lord Russell: A Tragedy (London, [1784]) (date in the Folger Library catalog), pp. 21, 24, 46, 50, 66, 81, 88Google Scholar.
122 Berry, p. xxiii.
123 See Berry. The biographical sketch appeared in 1844 in Berry, Mary, England and France: A Comparative View of the Social Condition of Both Countries, 2 vols. (London, 1844)Google Scholar.
124 Francis, L. M. (afterward Child), The Biographies of Lady Russell and Madame Guyon (London, 1832)Google Scholar. See also The Life of Lady Russell, Religious Tract Society publication (n.p., n.d.). An inscription on the flyleaf of the copy of The Life of Lady Russell at BOL has led Marie Draper to speculate that the book was written by Lord Wriothesley Russell, son of the sixth duke of Bedford and rector of Chenies, and published in 1857. However, an anonymous The Life of Lady Russell appears in the BL catalog with the date 1847 in brackets; this book was destroyed during World War II. No book of such title and date is at the Library of Congress.
125 Letters of Lady Rachel Russell (London, 1820), preface, pp. ix, xii, xviiGoogle Scholar.
126 John Playfair to Lord John Russell, April 4, 1819, The Early Correspondence of Lord John Russell, 1805–40, ed. Russell, Rollo (London, 1913), 1:198Google Scholar; Playfair was Russell's former professor at the University of Edinburgh. It is a point of interest that Mary Berry refused to cooperate in this project. I am indebted to Paul Scherer for this information.
127 Johnson, Spencer, Some Remarks on Lord John Russell's Life of William Lord Russell (London, 1820), advertisement and pp. 35, 47, 59Google Scholar.
128 See n. 13 above.
129 Printed in Landseer, John, A Brief Memorial, intended to accompany Mr. John Bromley's Engraving of William Lord Russell, from the celebrated picture painted by George Hayter (London, 1828), pp. 26–27, p. 27Google Scholar.
130 Wiffen, Jeremiah H., Historical Memoirs of the house of Russell; from the time of the Norman Conquest (London, 1833), 2:222, 278, 282Google Scholar.
131 Russell; or, The Rye-House Plot. A Tragedy (London, 1839), p. 94Google ScholarPubMed.
132 Landseer, pp. 9, 18.
133 Guizot, François, The Married Life of Rachel, Lady Russell, trans. Martin, John (London, 1855), p. 32nGoogle Scholar.
134 Lodge, Edmund, ed., Portraits of Illustrious Personages of Great Britain …, 12 vols. (London, 1835), 9:1–10Google Scholar.
135 Martin, John, An Enquiry into the Authority for Echard's Statement in his History of England … (London, 1852)Google Scholar.
136 Letters of Rachel Lady Russell, ed. LordRussell, John, 2 vols. (London, 1853), preface, p. viiGoogle Scholar. Volume 2 carried an advertisement for The Life of William Lord Russell.
137 François Guizot to the duke of Bedford, August 27, 1854, BOL, Russell MSS, boxes 41, 41 A; see also Guizot, pp. 18, 24, 25, 77, 78.
138 A French Catholic published a hostile rejoinder in 1864 (see Brachelet, A., Critique d'un livre intitule: L'Amour dans le mariage … de M. Guizot … par un Catholique [Paris]Google Scholar). Guizot's book appeared in English in New York in 1864 under the title Love in Marriage and in London in 1883 as The devoted life of Rachel Lady Russell.
139 See BOL, letter probably to Gladys S. Thomson, archivist, Bedford estate, from G. H. Gater, clerk of the London County Council, October 9, 1934, for details about the exact location of the scaffold with respect to the tablet.
140 Manners, Catherine Pollock, LadyStepney, Manners, Memoirs of Lady Russell and Lady Herbert (London, 1898); pp. 1–208 deal with Lady Russell, pp. 209–44 with Lady HerbertGoogle Scholar.
141 I am indebted to Marie Draper for this information.
142 See Epigrams Both Pleasant and Serious, Written by that All-Worthy Knight, Sir John Harrington [sic]: and neuer before Printed (London, 1615)Google Scholar (a modern edition is The Letters and Epigrams of Sir John Harington, ed. McClure, Norman E. [Philadelphia, 1930], p. 255)Google Scholar.